Search results for: colonial legacies

Authors: Sunaina Sunaina

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The emergence of Thailand as a modern nation was amalgamation of several minority groups. Eventually, the nation tried to mitigate these diversities in the name of nationalism in the backdrop of colonial powers presence in neighboring nations. However, the continued imposition of modern nation building processes (which is a western concept) in the post-colonial era deepen the feelings of alienation among the minority groups and leads to separatist conflicts. It is significant that whatever form these conflicts take, will impact the security of nation as well as the region of Southeast Asia. This paper tries to explore the possible factors behind the state policies adopted by the government of Thailand to manage the insurgency in Southern provinces in the south. The protracted insurgency in the South has historical roots as Pattani kingdom had glorious period whether it was trade or commerce or education and its assimilation was never accepted by the leaders of these areas. But after assimilation of southern provinces in the state, it has been the state policy as an important factor in promoting or mitigating the insurgency. Initial protests from the elite class of southern provinces inflated into a more organized and violent uprising after Second World War. It was only the decade of 1990s that a relative peace could prevail for some time. The violence reemerged in 2004 with more intensity and till today this area is suffering with violence. Period of different Prime Ministers dealt this insurgency in different ways sometimes very hard line approach had been adopted especially under Primeminstership of Thaksin Shinawatra. Recently, the peace talks which were started during the period of Yinglunck Shinawatra and were carried forward by Junta government also halted. And again, the region stays in a very volatile state. Violence in these provinces not only questions the capability of government to provide political solution to the problem, but also emerges as a major threat to the internal security of the state. The current era where global terrorism is spreading fast, such vulnerable areas may work as a new ground for its proliferation in Southeast Asia. The paper attempts to understand how Thailand’s historical experience of security determines a different approach to national unity which limits the prospects for autonomy in the South. In conjunction with this experience it is nature of national politics and leadership that influences the nature of policies on the ground in Southern Thailand. The paper also tries to bring out conflict between state sovereignty and self-determination as demanded by many in the southern provinces.

Keywords: insurgency, southern Thailand, security, nation building

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Authors: Aimee Carrillo Rowe

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Drawing on theories of plurinationalism and Indigenous sovereignty, this essay argues for a “landbody” method of culture critique. This method analyzes the relationship between land and bodies in queer Xicana performances. The study finds that queer Xicana performances navigate complex relationships between settler and Indigenous positionalities. By shifting the focus in the field of U.S. intercultural communication from political struggles for inclusion within the settler nation-state to an interrogation of the land politics upon that underwrite sovereignty, the paper develops a decolonial, hemispheric approach to the field of intercultural communication.

Keywords: indigenous studies, settler colonial studies, critical ethnic studies, landbody, decolonization, Chicana feminism, queer Xicana performance

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Authors: Radwa Saad

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The Sahara is normatively treated as a barrier separating “two Africas"; one to the North with closer affinity to the Arab world, and one to the South that encompasses a diverse range of racial, ethnic and religious groups, commonly referred to as "Sub-Saharan Africa". This dichotomy however was challenged by many anticolonial leaders and intellectuals seeking to advance counter-hegemonic narratives that treat the Sahara as a bridge facilitating a long history of exchange, collaboration, and fusion between different civilizations on the continent. This paper reexamines the discourses governing the geographic distinction between North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that demarcating the African continent along the lines of the Sahara is part-and-parcel of a Euro-centric spatial imaginary that has served to enshrine a racialized global hierarchy of power. By drawing on Edward Said’s concept of ‘imagined geography’ and Charles Mill’s notion of “the racial contract”, it demonstrates how spatial boundaries often coincide with racial epistemologies to reinforce certain geopolitical imaginaries, whilst silencing others. It further draws on the works of two notable post-colonial figures - Gamal Abdel Nasser and Leopold Senghor - to explore alternative spatial imaginaries while highlighting some of the tensions embedded in advancing a trans-Saharan political project. Firstly, it deconstructs some of the normative claims used to justify the distinction between North and “sub-Saharan” Africa across political, literary and disciplinary boundaries. Secondly, it draws parallels between Said’s and Mills’ work to demonstrate how geographical boundaries and demarcations have been constructed to create racialized subjects and reinforce a hierarchy of color that favors European standpoints and epistemologies. Third, it draw on Leopard Senghor’s The Foundations of Africanité and Gamal Abdel Nasser’s The Philosophy of the Egyptian Revolution to examine some of the competing strands of unity that emerged out of the Saharan discourse. In these texts, one can identify a number of convergences and divergences in how post-colonial African elites attempts to reclaim and rearticulate the function of the Sahara along different epistemic, political and cultural premises. It concludes with reflections on some of the policy challenges that emerge from reinforcing the Saharan divide, particularly in the realm of peace and security.

Keywords: regional integration, politics of knowledge production, arab-african relations, african solutions to african problems

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Authors: Ali Musbah Mohamed Elwahishi

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Democracy is demand for the majority of people in the whole world, Specifically in the regions that are still outside the democratic life such as Libya and other Arab countries. Although democracy has spread across the world through three waves of democratization, Libya is still outside the democratic process, even recently its regime has changed. The challenges of democracy in Libya are not new, they represent accumulations over time that impeded to achieve this goal. This paper concludes that the absence of democracy in Libya because of set of factors that include: colonial legacy, oil wealth, the lack of institutions, the lack of political parties, tribal factor and recently the spread of the armed groups. These factors prevented Libya to be democratic state whether during King Idris’, Qaddafi’s or even after Qaddafi rule.

Keywords: the failure of democracy, political transition, the lack of institutions, Libya, Arab countries

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Authors: Nikolaos Mavropoulos

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Imperialism and colonialism had and still have a predominantly negative nuisance. In many ways the two terms are synonyms of racist behavior, exploitation, and oppression, imposed by the supposedly civilized West at Africa’s and Asia’s expense. Paradoxically enough, imperialism was not thoroughly negative for some Marxist scholars. For them, in reality, it served a historical necessity as the only mean to liberate the backward societies from their millennial stagnation and to introduce them to industrialization and progress. To Marx as immoral and cruel the imposition of imperial rule and the eradication of traditional structures may have been, the process is still a progressive step towards the formation of class consciousness, global revolution and socialism in a world scale. Overlooking the fact that imperialism could actually delay and put an end to capitalist development, some Marxists proponents considered it as a positive development for the colonized peoples.

Keywords: Colonialism, , Marxist theory, Modern history, , 19th century Imperialism,

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Authors: Ahmad Khoirul Umam, Iin Mayasari

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Indonesia is blessed with rich natural resources and frequently dubbed as the 6th richest country in the world in terms of mining resources, including minerals and coal. Mining can contribute to the socio-economic development by generating state revenue for development, elevating poverty through employment, opening and developing remote areas, putting in basic infrastructure and creating new centres of developments. However, favouritism and rent-seeking behaviour committed by government officials, politicians, and business players in licensing and permit giving in mining and forestry sectors have resisted reforms. Even though Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) successfully targeted untouchable actors, public criticism continues to focus on questions of why corruption apparently remains systemic in mining industry in the country? This paper revealed that structural anomalies, as well as legacies of the Soeharto era’s power inequities, have severely inhibited Indonesia’s bureaucratic arrangements that continue to influence adversely the elements of transparency and accountability in mining industry governance. In the more liberalized and decentralized political system, the deficiencies have gradually assisted vested interest groups to band together, thus creating a coalition that can challenge, resist, and contain anti-graft actions. Therefore, Indonesia needs much more serious anti-corruption actions that would require eliminating the monopoly over power, enhancing competition, limiting discretion, and clarifying the rules of business and political competition in the mining sector in the country.

Keywords: anti-corruption, public integrity, private integrity, mining industry, democratization

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Authors: Surajo Ladan

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English has been in existence in Nigeria since colonial period. The advent of English in Nigeria has caused a lot of linguistic changes in Nigerian languages especially among the educated elites and to some extent, even the ordinary people were not spared from this phenomenon. This scenario has generated a linguistic situation which culminated into the creation of Nigerian Pidgin that are conglomeration of English and other Nigerian languages. English has infiltrated the Nigerian languages to a point that a typical Nigerian can hardly talk without code-switching or using one English word or the other. The existence of English loanwords in Nigerian languages has taken another dimension in this scientific and technological age. Most of scientific and technological inventions are products of English language which are virtually adopted into the languages with phonological, morphological, and sometimes semantic variations. This paper is of the view that there should be a re-think and agitation from Nigerians to protect their languages from the linguistic genocide of English which are invariably facing extinction.

Keywords: linguistic change, loanword, phenomenon, pidgin

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Authors: Gurjeet Singh, Harinder Singh

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In this paper, we present "The Language of Science in Higher Education: Related Questions and Discussions". Linguists have written and researched in depth the role of language in science. On this basis, it is clear that language is not just a medium or vehicle for communicating knowledge and ideas. Nor are there mere signs of language knowledge and conversion of ideas into code. In the process of reading and writing, everyone thinks deeply and struggles to understand concepts and make sense. Linguistics play an important role in achieving concepts. In the context of such linguistic diversity, there is no straightforward and simple answer to the question of which language should be the language of advanced science and technology. Many important topics related to this issue are as follows: Involvement in practical or Deep theoretical issues. Languages for the study of science and other subjects. Language issues of science to be considered separate from the development of science, capitalism, colonial history, the worldview of the common man. The democratization of science and technology education in India is possible only by providing maximum reading/resource material in regional languages. The scientific research should be increase to chances of understanding the subject. Multilingual instead or monolingual. As far as deepening the understanding of the subject is concerned, we can shed light on it based on two or three experiences. An attempt was made to make the famous sociological journal Economic and Political Weekly Hindi almost three decades ago. There were many obstacles in this work. The original articles written in Hindi were not found, and the papers and articles of the English Journal were translated into Hindi, and a journal called Sancha was taken out. Equally important is the democratization of knowledge and the deepening of understanding of the subject. However, the question is that if higher education in science is in Hindi or other languages, then it would be a problem to get job. In fact, since independence, English has been dominant in almost every field except literature. There are historical reasons for this, which cannot be reversed. As mentioned above, due to colonial rule, even before independence, English was established as a language of communication, the language of power/status, the language of higher education, the language of administration, and the language of scholarly discourse. After independence, attempts to make Hindi or Hindustani the national language in India were unsuccessful. Given this history and current reality, higher education should be multilingual or at least bilingual. Translation limits should also be increased for those who choose the material for translation. Writing in regional languages on science, making knowledge of various international languages available in Indian languages, etc., is equally important for all to have opportunities to learn English.

Keywords: language, linguistics, literature, culture, ethnography, punjabi, gurmukhi, higher education

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Authors: Babatunde Joel Todowede

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The challenges of nation building and sustainable development have continued to feature prominently in the general reckoning of problems of underdevelopment in the developing countries of the world. Thus, since the attainment of political independence from the British colonial administration in 1960, one of the critical thrusts of central governance in Nigeria has been the particular policy attention of the educational sector. Of course, education is perceived as the logical bridge between the two contrasting worlds of underdevelopment and development, hence, its fundamental importance. The various public policies and practices associated with the Nigerian educational sector are specifically elaborated and critically assessed in this paper. In the final analysis, it is concluded that the educational sector should be better configured and managed in ways that the wider challenges of nation-building and sustainable development are effectively tractable.

Keywords: Nigeria education, educational need, educational plans and policies, educational challenges, corrective measures, emerging economy

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Authors: John Bosco Ngendakurio

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The key question this paper asks is, ‘how does the refugee encampment policy undermine refugees’ potentials and fail local economy in East African countries?’ It is important to develop a full understanding of the legacies of the encampment policy for refugees’ performances economically, socially, and politically. The negative impacts of the encampment policy include the lack of participation or access to opportunities outside the refugee camps such as employment, education, and local integration, unfair imprisonments and constant alienation of refugees, mental and physical health issues, just to name a few. Evidence suggests that refugee camps in East Africa have progressively become open detention centres due to their designs, their locations, and movement restrictions imposed on refugees. Such restrictions in a region that hosts millions of refugees do not only undermine refugees’ potentials, but it also hurts the local economy- host countries miss out in many ways. Outlining the negative impacts of the encampment policy will enable governments and relevant non-governmental actors, including policymakers, to re-consider this policy with the aim to improve refugees’ participation and contributions in the broader society, promote socially cohesive practices, and help millions of refugees gain independence and reach their potentials financially, socially and politically, finally and truly giving the voice to the voiceless. The encampment policy undermines the general human security in East Africa, and it is one of the migration practices showcasing East African governments’ lack of will to protect human rights, especially within the most vulnerable population groups such as refugees.

Keywords: migration policy, immigration, refugees, encampment, migration, integration, social cohesion

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Authors: Foluke Dada

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Prisons all over the world are set up by law to provide restraint and custody for individuals accused or convicted of crimes by the state. The Nigerian prison dates back to the colonial era and is modelled after the British system. It is a system that lays emphasis on punishment and deterrence. It emphasises retribution rather than reformation. These, it can be argued, results in the inhuman conditions of Nigerian prisons and the conscienceless treatment of convicts and awaiting trial inmates in Nigerian prisons. This paper attempts an examination of the challenges currently beguiling Nigerian prisons, the need for reforms in the prison systems and the imperative of these reforms to an efficient criminal justice delivery system in the country. This paper further postulates that rehabilitation should be favoured as against retribution f the development of the Nigerian criminal justice system in line with the shift towards reform.

Keywords: criminal justice, human rights, prison reforms, rehabilitation and retribution

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Ghulam Nabi Naz

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After independence, the popular belief that Gandhian will not indulge in corruption got a setback, post-independence setup paved the way for heavy corruption. The menace which would have dealt with strong legal provisions has become a way of life of Indian society. Corruption is recognized as the single biggest problem facing the country today. It undermines democracy and rule of law, violates human rights, distorts market and corrodes the moral fibre of people. The paper discusses the causes and possible remedial measures of corruption and response of people in Indian society. It emphasizes the factors which provide fertile ground for growth of corruption like, degradation of moral values, absence of a strong anti-corruption law and its effective enforcement, accountability, consistency and a defective system of fighting elections. The paper also highlights the reforms necessary for fighting corruption in India.

Keywords: embezzlement, colonial, licence Raj, good governance, misappropriation, Sangh ideologue, Anna movement

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Tanima Bhattacharya, Joy Sen

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To transform a space into a better livable and sustainable zone, United Nations Summit in New York 2015, has decided upon 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) that approach directly to achieve inclusive, people-centric, sustainable developments. Though sustainability has been majorly constructed by four pillars, namely, Ecological, Economic, Social and Cultural, but it is essentially reduced to economic and ecological consideration in the context of developing countries. Therefore, in most cases planning has reduced its ambit to concentrate around the tangible infrastructure, ignoring the fundamentals of socio-cultural heritage. With the accentuating hype of infrastructural augmentation, lack of emphasis of traditional concerns like ethnicity and social connection have further diluted the situation, disintegrating cultural continuity. As cultural continuity lacks its cohesion, it’s growing absence increasingly acts as a catalyst to degrade the heritage structures, spaces around and linking these structures, and the ability of stakeholders in identifying themselves rooted in that particular space. Hence, this paper will argue that sustainability depends on the people and their interaction with their surroundings, their culture and livelihood. The interaction between people and their surroundings strengthen community building and social interaction that abides by stakeholders reverting back to their roots. To assess the socio-cultural sustainability of the city of Kolkata, two study areas are selected, namely, an old settlement from the northern part of the city of Kolkata (KMA), imbued with social connection, age-old cultural and ethnic bonding and, another cluster of new high-rises coming up in the Newtown area having portions of planned city extension on the eastern side of the city itself. Whereas, Newtown prioritizes the surging post-industrial trends of economic aspiration and ecological aspects of urban sustainability; the former settlements of northern Kolkata still continue to represent the earliest community settlement of the British-colonial-cum native era and even the pre-colonial era, permeated with socio-cultural reciprocation. Thus, to compare and assess the inlayed organizational structure of both the spaces in the two cases, selected areas have been surveyed to portray their current imageability. The argument of this paper is structured in 5parts. First, an introduction of the idea has been forwarded, Secondly, a literature review has been conducted to ground the proposed ideas, Thirdly, methodology has been discussed and appropriate case study areas have been selected, Fourthly, surveys and analyses has been forwarded and lastly, the paper has arrived at a set of conclusions by suggesting a threefold development to create happy, healthy and sustainable community.

Keywords: art innovation, current scenario assessment, heritage, imageability, socio-cultural sustainability

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Authors: Hyuk-Jin Lee

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Even though 23 years have passed in the 21st century, nation-state and nationality-centered cultural identities are still the sentiments and ideologies that dominate the world. Nevertheless, as seen in many cases in Europe, a new perspective is needed to recognize mutual exchanges and influences and to view them as natural cultural exchanges between countries. The situation in East Asia is completely different from Europe. This is presumed to be from the long tradition of having an ethnocentric state concept for at least hundreds of years, quite different from Europe, where the concept of a nation-state was established relatively recently. In other words, unlike Europe, where active exchanges took place, the problem stems from the unique characteristics of East Asia, which has a strong tradition of finding its identity in 'difference'. Thus, it would not be hard to find cultural studies or news of the three East Asian countries emphasizing differences among one another. This applies to all cultural areas, including traditional architecture. For example, in the Korean traditional architecture field, buildings with effects from neighboring countries tend to be ignored, even if they are traditional Korean architecture. In addition to this, in the case of Korea, there seems to be one more cultural harmful aftereffect caused by the 36 years of Japanese colonial rule in the early 20th century; the obsessive filtering concept of 'it must be different from Japan'. In other words, the implicit ideological coercion that the definition of 'Korean cultural heritage' should not be influenced by exchanges with Japan may be found throughout Korean studies. The architectural and cultural aspects of the vast period of time, from the Three Kingdoms era to the beginning of Joseon, which was a period in which cultural influence exchanges with neighboring countries were relatively strong compared to the late Joseon Dynasty, also reflect the 'distorted filtering' caused by finding a repulsive identity against the Japanese colonial period. It is important to look the cultural heritage and traditions as they are inductively, not deductively. If not, we may often ignore or limit our own precious cultural heritage. Conversely, If Baekje, the ancient Korean Kingdom, helped Japan in construction and craftsmen played a big role in building the ancient temple, it would be a healthier perspective to view it as a cultural exchange rather than proudly seeing it as a cultural owner's perspective because this point of view is a proper reconstruction of our ancient and medieval Asian culture (strictly speaking, the color common to East Asia at the time). In particular, this study will examine this topic by giving specific examples from each field of Korean cultural studies. In the search for cultural identity, it would be more helpful for healthy relations between countries and collaborative research in the sensitive part of the interpretation of historical facts as well as cultural circles to minimize excessive meanings on originality and difference.

Keywords: cultural heritage identity, cultural ideology, East Asia, Korea

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Authors: Malkit Singh

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This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the problem of migration from Punjab to the West while analyzing the history and patterns of generations of migration of Punjabis to the West. A special emphasis is given to link the present socio-economic and political crisis with the historical pattern of Punjabis’ migration to the West from colonial India to Independent Bharat, along with the stories of the success and failures of Western aspirants’ youth from Punjab. The roots of the migration from Punjab to the West have been traced from the invasion of the British in Punjab, resulting in the socio-economic and political dismantling of the Punjabi society, which resulted in the migration of the Punjabis to the other colonies of the British Empire. The grim position at home despite of all the efforts and hard work by the majority of the Punjabis, particularly from the farmer community and the shining lifestyle of some families of the village or vicinity who have some relatives in the West have encouraged the large number of Punjabis to change their fortune by working in West. However, the Visa and Work Permit regime has closed the doors of the West for those who are unskilled, semi-skilled and not qualified for the visa and work permit norms, but their inspiration to change their fortune by working abroad at any cost has resulted into the development of big business fraud of immigration agent and firms in Punjab that resulted into the loss of the thousands lives, imprisonment in the foreign and selling of the properties of the Punjabis. The greed for the greener pastures in the West and, the plight of the deserted wives of NRIs and the illegal routes adopted by the Punjabi youth due to the non-availability of visas and work permits are dealt in a comprehensive method. The rise and fall of Punjab as a land of the breadbasket of Bharat and the marginalization of the farmers with middle and small holdings due to the capital-intensive techniques are linked with the forced migration of the Punjabis. The failure of the government to address and respond to the rampant corruption, agriculture failure and the resulting problems of law and order before and after the troubled period of militancy in Punjab and the resulting migration to the West are comprehensively covered. The new trend of the Student Visa and Study abroad, particularly in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, despite of the availability of quality education at very low cost in India. The early success of some students in getting study visas from Australia, Canada, New Zealand etc. and getting permanent immigration to these countries have encouraged the majority of Punjabi youth to leave their motherland for better opportunities in the prosperous lands, that is, again, failed as these countries are flooded with the Punjabi students. Moreover, the total failure of the political leadership of Punjab to address the basic needs of society, like law and order and stop the drug menace issues in the post-militancy Punjab is also done to understand the problem.

Keywords: Punjab, migration, West, agriculture

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Authors: Chupicai Manuel

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The purpose of this article is to examine the political economy and history of internal displacement, migration and human security in Zimbabwe from 1800 to present day. The article gives a timeline of major internal displacement, migration trends that took place in Zimbabwe before colonialism, through the colonial period up to the present day and examines the human security context of such periods. In view of the above, a political economy analysis will be employed to examine the different factors that promoted internal displacement and human movements from 1800 to the present day and explore the architecture of human security in Zimbabwe. The ultimate goal of this literature review is to provide a longitudinal analysis of internal displacement, migration and human security regimes that existed in Zimbabwe with the view of promoting social cohesion and nation building.

Keywords: human security, internal displacement, migration, political economy

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Authors: Bassey Igri Okon, Gloria Mayen Umukoro

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The United Nations faces the formidable challenge of ensuring sustainable food provision for the world's burgeoning population, as outlined in Sustainable Development Goals 1 and 2. Predominantly, underdeveloped nations bear the brunt of hunger and poverty, lacking sustainable means of self-sustenance. A critical factor contributing to this dire situation is the underperformance of their agricultural sectors, ostensibly necessitating intervention from developed nations. This paper posits that the provision of Agricultural Aid has become a modern instrument of colonization. It unveils how developed countries, under the pretext of aid, perpetuate a neo-colonial dominance over underdeveloped nations. It is argued that unless these nations revert to indigenous farming methodologies and implement effective governance to enable sustainable agriculture, they are likely to remain entrapped in a relentless cycle of hunger, poverty, and economic subservience.

Keywords: aid autonomy, self-sufficiency, rethinking, neocolonialism, underdeveloped, indigenous farming

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Authors: Inalegwu Stephany Akipu

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Before the advent of Colonialists on the shores of Nigeria between the 16th and 17th Centuries, there existed the traditional systems of governance which was successful with Women as active participants. However, the current state of politics in Nigeria reveals an obvious absence of women in the Country’s governance. Being that the economy rests on the quality of leaders and their constructive contribution to the plight of the masses, it becomes pertinent to exhaust all the avenues that may be open to good governance-women inclusive. It is against this backdrop that this paper attempts to compare the machinery that were in place in pre-colonial Nigerian governance that aided the womenfolk to successfully reign or assist in leadership with the seeming lack of interest by women in present times. Factors that militate against the women will also be highlighted. Furthermore, suggestions are made on how to revive these successful traditional systems of governance. The paper concludes by emphasising the role of women as the needed catalysts for this aforementioned rehabilitation of traditional systems and the impact of media in achieving this feat.

Keywords: catalysts, governance, media, rehabilitation

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Authors: Lolade Siyonbola

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Nigerians are often celebrated as being the most educated cultural group in America. The cultural values and history that have led to this reality are particular to a generation that came of age post colonialism. Many of these cultural values have been passed down from post-colonial parent to millennial child, but most have not. This study, based on interviews and surveys of Nigerian millennials and their parents in the United States, explores the degree to which identity has been eroded in the millennial generation due to a lack of imparted cultural values and knowledge from the previous generation. Most of the subjects do not speak their native language or identify with their cultural heritage sufficiently to build ties with their native land. Most are experiencing some degree of identity crisis, and therefore limited self-actualization, with little to no support; as there are few successful tools available to this population. If governmental programs to reverse these trends are not implemented within this generation, the implications to the individual, family and home nation (Nigeria), will be felt for generations to come.

Keywords: identity, culture, self-actualization, social identity theory, migration, transnationalism, value systems

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Authors: Gideon Abagna Azunre

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Informal urbanism is perhaps the most ubiquitous urban phenomenon in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Ghana specifically. Estimates suggest that about two-fifths of urban dwellers (37.9%) in Ghana live in informal settlements, while two-thirds of the working labour force are within the informal economy. This makes Ghana invariably an ‘informal country.’ Informal urbanism involves economic and housing activities that are – in law or in practice – not covered (or insufficiently covered) by formal regulations. Many urban folks rely on informal urbanism as a survival strategy due to limited formal waged employment opportunities or rising home prices in the open market. In an era of globalizing neoliberalism, this struggle to survive in cities resonates with several people globally. For years now, there have been intense debates on the utility of informal urbanism – both its economic and housing dimensions – in developing sustainable cities. While some scholars believe that informal urbanism is beneficial to the sustainable city development agenda, others argue that it generates unbearable negative consequences and it symbolizes lawlessness and squalor. Consequently, the main aim of this research was to dig below the surface of the narratives to locate the role of informal urbanism in the quest for sustainable cities. The research geographically focused on Ghana and its burgeoning informal sector. Also, both primary and secondary data were utilized for the analysis; Secondary data entailed a synthesis of the fragmented literature on informal urbanism in Ghana, while primary data entailed interviews with informal stakeholders (such as informal settlement dwellers), city authorities, and planners. These two data sets were weaved together to discover the nexus between informal urbanism and the tripartite dimensions of sustainable cities – economic, social, and environmental. The results from the research showed a two-pronged relationship between informal urbanism and the three dimensions of sustainable city development. In other words, informal urbanism was identified to both positively and negatively affect the drive for sustainable cities. On the one hand, it provides employment (particularly to women), supplies households’ basic needs (shelter, health, water, and waste management), and enhances civic engagement. However, on the other hand, it perpetuates social and gender inequalities, insecurity, congestion, and pollution. The research revealed that a ‘black and white’ interpretation and policy approach is incapable of capturing the complexities of informal urbanism. Therefore, trying to eradicate or remove it from the urbanscape because it exhibits some negative consequences means cities will lose their positive contributions. The inverse also holds true. A careful balancing act is necessary to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs. Overall, the research presented a de-colonial theorization of informal urbanism and thus followed post-colonial scholars’ clarion call to African cities to embrace the paradox of informality and find ways to integrate it into the city-building process.

Keywords: informal urbanism, sustainable city development, economic sustainability, social sustainability, environmental sustainability, Ghana

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Authors: P. C. Kutschera, Elena C. Tesoro, Mary Grace Talamera-Sandico, Jose Maria G. Pelayo III

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Second generation military Filipino Amerasians comprise a formidable contemporary segment of the estimated 250,000-plus biracial Amerasians in the Philippines today. Overall, they are a stigmatized and socioeconomically marginalized diaspora, historically; they were abandoned or estranged by U.S. military personnel fathers assigned during the century-long Colonial, Post-World War II and Cold War Era of permanent military basing (1898-1992). Indeed, U.S. military personnel remain stationed in smaller numbers in the Philippines today. This inquiry is an outgrowth of two recent small sample studies. The first surfaced the impact of the U.S. military prostitution system on formation of the ‘Derivative Amerasian Family Construct’ on first generation Amerasians; a second, qualitative case study suggested the continued effect of the prostitution systems' destructive impetuous on second generation Amerasians. The intent of this current qualitative, multiple-case study was to actively seek out second generation sex industry toilers. The purpose was to focus further on this human phenomenon in the post-basing and post-military prostitution system eras. As background, the former military prostitution apparatus has transformed into a modern dynamic of rampant sex tourism and prostitution nationwide. This is characterized by hotel and resorts offering unrestricted carnal access, urban and provincial brothels (casas), discos, bars and pickup clubs, massage parlors, local barrio karaoke bars and street prostitution. A small case study sample (N = 4) of female and male second generation Amerasians were selected. Sample formation employed a non-probability ‘snowball’ technique drawing respondents from the notorious Angeles, Metro Manila, Olongapo City ‘AMO Amerasian Triangle’ where most former U.S. military installations were sited and modern sex tourism thrives. A six-month study and analysis of in-depth interviews of female and male sex laborers, their families and peers revealed a litany of disturbing, and troublesome experiences. Results showed profiles of debilitating human poverty, history of family disorganization, stigmatization, social marginalization and the ghost of the military prostitution system and its harmful legacy on Amerasian family units. Emerging were testimonials of wayward young people ensnared in a maelstrom of deep economic deprivation, familial dysfunction, psychological desperation and societal indifference. The paper recommends that more study is needed and implications of unstudied psychosocial and socioeconomic experiences of distressed younger generations of military Amerasians require specific research. Heretofore apathetic or disengaged U.S. institutions need to confront the issue and formulate activist and solution-oriented social welfare, human services and immigration easement policies and alternatives. These institutions specifically include academic and social science research agencies, corporate foundations, the U.S. Congress, and Departments of State, Defense and Health and Human Services, and Homeland Security (i.e. Citizen and Immigration Services) It is them who continue to endorse a laissez-faire policy of non-involvement over the entire Filipino Amerasian question. Such apathy, the paper concludes, relegates this consequential but neglected blood progeny to the status of humiliating destitution and exploitation. Amerasians; thus, remain entrapped in their former colonial, and neo-colonial habitat. Ironically, they are unwitting victims of a U.S. American homeland that fancies itself geo-politically as a strong and strategic military treaty ally of the Philippines in the Western Pacific.

Keywords: Asian Americans, diaspora, Filipino Amerasians, military prostitution, stigmatization

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Authors: Murari Prasad

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This paper is motivated by the implications of indentured migration depicted in Amitav Ghosh’s critically acclaimed novel, Sea of Poppies (2008). Ghosh’s perspective on the experiences of North Indian indentured labourers moving from their homeland to a distant and unknown location across the seas suggests a radical attitudinal change among the migrants on board the Ibis, a schooner chartered to carry the recruits from Calcutta to Mauritius in the late 1830s. The novel unfolds the life-altering trauma of the bonded servants, including their efforts to maintain a sense of self while negotiating significant social and cultural transformations during the voyage which leads to the breakdown of familiar life-worlds. Equally, the migrants are introduced to an alternative network of relationships to ensure their survival away from land. They relinquish their entrenched beliefs and prejudices and commit themselves to a new brotherhood formed by ‘ship siblings.’ With the official abolition of direct slavery in 1833, the supply of cheap labour to the sugar plantation in British colonies as far-flung as Mauritius and Fiji to East Africa and the Caribbean sharply declined. Around the same time, China’s attempt to prohibit the illegal importation of opium from British India into China threatened the lucrative opium trade. To run the ever-profitable plantation colonies with cheap labour, Indian peasants, wrenched from their village economies, were indentured to plantations as girmitiyas (vernacularized from ‘agreement’) by the colonial government using the ploy of an optional form of recruitment. After the British conquest of the Isle of France in 1810, Mauritius became Britain’s premier sugar colony bringing waves of Indian immigrants to the island. In the articulations of their subjectivities one notices how the recruits cope with the alienating drudgery of indenture, mitigate the hardships of the voyage and forge new ties with pragmatic acts of cultural syncretism in a forward-looking autonomous community of ‘ship-siblings’ following the fracture of traditional identities. This paper tests the hypothesis that Ghosh envisions a kind of futuristic/utopian political collectivity in a hierarchically rigid, racially segregated and identity-obsessed world. In order to ground the claim and frame the complex representations of alliance and love across the boundaries of caste, religion, gender and nation, the essential methodology here is a close textual analysis of the novel. This methodology will be geared to explicate the utopian futurity that the novel gestures towards by underlining new regulations of life during voyage and dissolution of multiple differences among the indentured migrants on board the Ibis.

Keywords: indenture, colonial, opium, sugar plantation

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Authors: Jennifer Zelmer

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The debate regarding the morality, and therefore legality, of abortion has many social, political, and medical ramifications worldwide. In a developing country like Bolivia, carrying a pregnancy to delivery is incredibly risky. Given the very high maternal mortality rate in Bolivia, greater consideration has been given to the (de)criminalization of abortion – a contributing cause of maternal death. In the spring of 2017, the Bolivian government proposed to loosen restrictions on women’s access to receiving a safe abortion, which was met with harsh criticism from 'pro-vida' (pro-life) factions. Although the current Bolivian government Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism) portrays an agenda of decolonization, or to seek a 'traditionally-modern' society, nevertheless, Bolivia still has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the Americas, because of centuries of colonial and patriarchal order. Applying a feminist critique and using the abortion debate as the central point, this paper argues that the 'traditionally-modern' society Bolivia strives towards is a paradox, and in fact only contributes to the reciprocal process of the death of 'mother tongues' and the unnecessary death of women. This claim is supported by a critical analysis of historical texts about Spanish Colonialism in Bolivia; the linguistic reality of reproductive educational strategies, and the philosophical framework which the Bolivian government and its citizens implement. This analysis is demonstrated in the current state of women’s access to reproductive healthcare in Cochabamba, Bolivia based on recent fieldwork which included audits of clinics and hospitals, interviews, and participant observation. This paper has two major findings: 1) the language used by opponents of abortion in Bolivia is not consistent with the claim of being 'pro-life' but more accurately with being 'pro-potential'; 2) when the topic of reproductive health appears in Cochabamba, Bolivia, it is often found written in the Spanish language, and does not cater to the many indigenous communities that inhabit or visit this city. Finally, this paper considers the crucial role of public health documentation to better inform the abortion debate, as well as the necessity of expanding reproductive health information to more than text-based materials in Cochabamba. This may include more culturally appropriate messages and mediums that cater to the oral tradition of the indigenous communities, who historically and currently have some of the highest fertility rates. If the objective of one who opposes abortion is to save human lives, then preventing the death of women should equally be of paramount importance. But rather, the 'pro-life' movement in Bolivia is willing to risk the lives of to-be mothers, by judicial punishment or death, for the chance of a potential baby. Until abortion is fully legal, safe, and accessible, there will always be the vestiges of colonial and patriarchal order in Bolivia which only perpetuates the needless death of women.

Keywords: abortion, feminist theory, Quechua, reproductive health education

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Authors: Joseph Siani

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Over the last decades, dissatisfaction with global indicators of economic performance, such as GDP (Gross Domestic Product) per capita, has shifted the attention to what is now referred to as multidimensional poverty. In this framework, poverty goes beyond income to incorporate aspects of well-being not captured by income measures alone. This paper applies the totally fuzzy approach to estimate the fuzzy index of poverty (FIP) in fourteen Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries using Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data and explores whether pictures created by the standard headcount ratio at $1.90 a day and the fuzzy index of poverty tell a similar story. The results suggest that there is indeed considerable mismatch between poverty headcount and the fuzzy index of multidimensional poverty, meaning that the majority of the most deprived people (as identified by the fuzzy index of multidimensional poverty) would not be identified by the poverty headcount ratio. Moreover, we find that poverty is distributed differently by colonial heritage (language). In particular, the most deprived countries in SSA are French-speaking.

Keywords: fuzzy set approach, multidimensional poverty, poverty headcount, overlap, Sub-Saharan Africa

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Authors: Nithya Devi

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Poverty, hunger and water scarcity are threats to human rights and are assaults on human dignity. The very existence of man is questioned when his basic rights are violated. Addressing this social phenomenon should be a key objective of any human rights discourse. The origins of these problems have various root causes. For Asia, colonisation was an essential factor that caused great inequalities in the distribution of wealth. In the post-colonial era, the colonised states were developing nations grappling with these issues. Today, some of the developing states have progressed to developed nations. However, others remain as economically vulnerable countries. Within states, the widening income gap poses further threat to human rights. Hence ASEAN states have prioritised socio-economic rights, particularly basic needs, in the human rights discourse in this region. To date, poverty and development goals are given primary importance. This paper seeks to show how a human rights approach has dealt with poverty and development goals in this region and evaluates its effectiveness in addressing these concerns.

Keywords: ASEAN, development, human rights, poverty

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Authors: Sharon Lopez

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Much of critical thought dismisses the notion of subaltern women engaging in resistance because of her complex colonial identity. She is seen in postcolonial theory as being "doubly effaced" and removed from exercising control to speak up and taking part in defiance. This line of reasoning suggests a critical area in which engaging with issues unavoidably excludes subaltern women from the emerging resistance discourse. A position like this also suggests a closed-minded view of human experience and a desire to maintain subalternity. The argument here is that subaltern women might be understood as achieving agency when they engage in resistance and speak out about their circumstances, whether aloud or in silence. Using deductions from Mahasweta Devi's literary narratives such as Imaginary Maps and Breast Stories, the study investigates the tactics Devi employs to engage marginalised women into resistance and establishes that the 'body' emerges in her stories not just as a site of oppression but also as an important motif of power and resistance.

Keywords: subaltern woman, reproductive docy, breast giver, devi

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Authors: Mikyung Bak

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The dokkaebi, a beloved icon of Korean culture, is represented as an elf, goblin, monster, dwarf, or any similar creature in different media, such as animated shows, comics, soap operas, and movies. It is often described as a mythical creature with a horn or horns and long teeth, wearing tiger-skin pants or a grass skirt, and carrying a magic stick. Many Korean researchers agree on the similarity of the image of the Korean dokkaebi with that of the Japanese oni, a view that is regard as negative from an anti-colonial or nationalistic standpoint. They cite such similarity between the two mythical creatures as evidence that Japanese colonialism persists in Korea. The debate on the originality of dokkaebi’s visual representation is an issue that must be addressed urgently. This research demonstrates through a diagram the plurality of interpretations of dokkaebi’s visual representations in what are considered ‘authentic’ images of dokkaebi in Korean art and culture. This diagram presents the opinions of four major groups in the debate, namely, the scholars of Korean literature and folklore, art historians, authors, and artists. It also shows the creation of new dokkaebi visual representations in popular media, including those influenced by the debate. The diagram further proves that dokkaebi’s representations varied, which include the typical persons or invisible characters found in Korean literature, original Korean folk characters in traditional art, and even universal spirit characters. They are also visually represented by completely new creatures as well as oni-based mythical beings and the actual oni itself. The earlier dokkaebi representations were driven by the creation of a national ideology or national cultural paradigm and, thus, were more uniform and protected. In contrast, the more recent representations are influenced by the Korean industrial strategy of ‘cultural economics,’ which is concerned with the international rather than the domestic market. This recent Korean cultural strategy emphasizes diversity and commonality with the global culture rather than originality and locality. It employs traditional cultural resources to construct a global image. Consequently, dokkaebi’s recent representations have become more common and diverse, thereby incorporating even oni’s characteristics. This argument has rendered the grounds of the debate irrelevant. The dokkaebi has been used recently for tourist marketing purposes, particularly in revitalizing interest in regions considered the cradle of various traditional dokkaebi tales. These campaign strategies include the Jeju-do Dokkaebi Park, Koksung Dokkaebi Land, as well as the Taebaek and Sokri-san Dokkaebi Festivals. Almost dokkaebi characters are identical to the Japanese oni in tourist marketing. However, the pursuit for dokkaebi’s authentic visual representation is less interesting and fruitful than the appreciation of the entire spectrum of dokkaebi images that have been created. Thus, scholars and stakeholders must not exclude the possibilities for a variety of potentials within the visual culture. The same sentiment applies to traditional art and craft. This study aims to contribute to a new visualization of the dokkaebi that embraces the possibilities of both folk craft and art, which continue to be uncovered by diverse and careful researchers in a still-developing field.

Keywords: Dokkaebi, post-colonial period, representation, tourist marketing

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Authors: Jo Anne Rey

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Caring for Country (Ngurrain Dharug language) is core to Aboriginal identity, Law/Lore, practice, and resilience within the continent called ‘Australia’. It is the basis of thousands of years of sustainability. However, when Ngurra is a city known as Sydney, due to 235 years of colonial impact, caring for the Country is limited, being controlled by the State and private ownership of the land title. Recent research indicates that localised Indigenous activism is most successful when community members are geographically proximate to the presences and places of connection, caring, and belonging. This article frames these findings through the cadence that proximity provides. This presentation is centred on the proximate agency that is being exercised by Dharug community through three significant sites within the Sydney basin. Those sites include, firstly, Shaw’s Creek Aboriginal Place, at the foot of the Blue Mountains in far western Sydney. Second inclusion is the site of Blacktown Native Institution, that was the part of the authoritarian colonial governance of British Governor Lachlan Macquarie (after who Macquarie University is named), which saw the beginnings of the removal of children from their families and culture to ‘civilize’ them. The third site is that of the so-called Brown’s Waterhole in the State government administered Lane Cove National Park. Each of these sites is being activated through Dharug and, more broadly, Aboriginalways of knowing, doing, and being. These ways involvethe land, water, wind, and star-based ecologies interwoven with traditional transgenerational storying of the presences (Ancestral and spiritual) creating them. Activations include, but are not limited to, the return of cultural fire for reviving plants, soils, animals, and birds. These fire practices have traditionally been at the basis of sustainable, regenerative biodiversity. These practices involve the literacy of reading Ngurra and the seasonal interactions across the ecologies. Together, they both care for the Country and support humanity, and have done so across thousands of years. However, when the cost of real-estate and rental accommodation prevents community members from being able to live on Dharug Ngurra when bureaucratic governance restricts and/or excludes traditional custodial relationships, and when private treaty land title destroys the presences and places while disconnecting people from their Ancestral practices, it becomes clear that caring for Country is only possible when the community can afford to live nearby. Recognising the cadence of proximityas the agency that underpinscaring for Country-in-the-city, sustainable change opportunities don’t have to only focus on regional and remote areas. Urban-based Aboriginal relationality offers an alternative to the unsustainable practices that underpin human-centric disconnection. Weaving Indigenous cadence offers opportunities for sustainable futures even when facing the extremes of climate changing catastrophes.

Keywords: australian aboriginal, biocultural knowledges, climate change, dharug ngurra, sustainability, resilience

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