Search results for: Charter of the Fundamental Rights

Authors: Dilip Gogoi

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This paper attempts to explore the notion of sovereign state system, its emergence and legitimization by the treaty of Westphalia, 1648 in Europe and examines how the very notion of sovereign state is subject to changes in the later part of the 20th century both politically and economically in the wake of globalisation. The paper firstly traces the tradition of Westphalian sovereign state system which influenced the dominant understanding about sovereign state system till mid 20th century. Secondly, it explores how the notion of sovereign nation state is subjected to change in the post World War II specially in the context of universal acceptance of human rights and right to intervene in internal affairs of a sovereign state to protect the same, the decolonization and legitimization of the principle of self determination and through the experience of European Integration. Thirdly, it analyses how globalisation drives certain fundamental changes and poses challenges to the sovereign state system. The concluding part of the paper argues that sovereign state system is relevant and will continue to be relevant although it needs to redefine its role in the changing global environment.

Keywords: Westphalia, sovereignty, nation-state system, intervention, globalisation

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Authors: Silvia Miele, Patrice Rusconi, Harriet Tenenbaum

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An increasingly multi-ethnic Europe has been pushing citizens’ boundaries on who should be entitled and to what extent to practise their own diversity. Indeed, according to a Standard Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2017, immigration is seen by Europeans as the most serious issue facing the EU, and a third of respondents reported they do not feel comfortable interacting with migrants from outside the EU. Many of these come from Muslim countries, accounting for 4.9% of Europe population in 2016. However, the figure is projected to rise up to 14% by 2050. Additionally, political debates have increasingly focused on Muslim immigrants, who are frequently portrayed as difficult to integrate, while nationalist parties across Europe have fostered the idea of insuperable cultural differences, creating an atmosphere of hostility. Using a 3 X 3 X 2 between-subjects design, it was investigated how people reason about endorsing religious and non-religious rights to minorities. An online survey has been administered to university students of three different countries (Italy, Spain and the UK) via Qualtrics, presenting hypothetical scenarios through a vignette methodology. Each respondent has been randomly allocated to one of the three following conditions: Christian, Muslim or non-religious (vegan) target. Each condition entailed three questions about children self-determination rights to exercise some control over their own lives and 3 questions about children nurturance rights of care and protection. Moreover, participants have been required to further elaborate on their answers via free-text entries and have been asked about their contact and quality of contact with the three targets, and to self-report religious, national and ethnic identification. Answers have been recorded on a Likert scale of 1-5, 1 being "not at all", 5 being "very much". A two-way ANCOVA will be used to analyse answers to closed-ended questions, while free-text answers will be coded and data will be dichotomised based on Social Cognitive Domain Theory for four categories: moral, social conventional and psychological reasons, and analysed via ANCOVAs. This study’s findings aim to contribute to the implementation of educational interventions and speak to the introduction of governmental policies on human rights.

Keywords: children's rights, Europe, migration, minority

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Authors: Beata Anna Bronowicka

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to improve effectiveness of mediation in family matters regarding child protection in Australia and Poland. Design/methodology/approach the methodological approach is phenomenology. Two phenomenological methods of data collection were used in this research 1/ a doctrinal research 2/an interview. The doctrinal research forms the basis for obtaining information on mediation, the date of introduction of this alternative dispute resolution method to the Australian and Polish legal systems. No less important were the analysis of the legislation and legal doctrine in the field of mediation in family matters, especially child protection. In the second method, the data was collected by semi-structured interview. The collected data was translated from Polish to English and analysed using software program. Findings- The rights of children in the context of mediation in Australia and Poland differ from the recommendations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, which require that children be included in all matters that concern them. It is the room for improvement in the mediation process by increasing child rights in mediation between parents in matters related to children. Children should have the right to express their opinion similarly to the case in the court process. The challenge with mediation is also better understanding the role of professionals in mediation as lawyers, mediators. Originality/value-The research is anticipated to be of particular benefit to parents, society as whole, and professionals working in mediation. These results may also be helpful during further legislative initiatives in this area.

Keywords: mediation, family law, children's rights, australian and polish family law

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Authors: Ani Eda Njwe

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Cameroon is a bilingual and bijural country in West and Central Africa. The current president has been in power since 1982, which makes him the longest-serving president in the world. The length of his presidency is one of the major causes of the ongoing political instability in the country. The preamble of the Cameroonian constitution commits Cameroon to respect international law and human rights. It provides that these laws should be translated into national laws, and respected by all spheres of government and public service. Cameroon is a signatory of several international human rights laws and conventions. In theory, the citizens of Cameroon have adequate legal protection against the violation of their human rights for political reasons. The ongoing political crisis in Cameroon erupted after the Anglophone lawyers and teachers launched a protest against the hiring of Francophone judges in Anglophone courts; and the hiring of Francophone teachers in Anglophone schools. In retaliation, the government launched a military crackdown on protesters and civilians, conducted arbitrary arrests on Anglophones, raped and maimed civilians, and declared a state of emergency in the Anglophone provinces. This infuriated the Anglophone public, causing them to create a secessionist movement, requesting the Independence of Anglophone Cameroon and demanding a separate country called Ambazonia. The Ambazonian armed rebel forces have ever since launched guerrilla attacks on government troops. This fighting has deteriorated into a war between the Ambazonians and the Cameroon government. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonments have continued, causing the closure of Anglophone schools since November 2016. In October 2018, Cameroon held presidential elections. Before the electoral commission announced the results, the opposition leader, a Francophone, declared himself winner, following a leak of the polling information. This led to his imprisonment. This research has the objective of finding out whether the government’s reactions to protesters and opposition is lawful, under national and international laws. This research will also verify if the prison conditions of political prisoners meet human rights standards. Furthermore, this research seeks detailed information obtained from current political prisoners and detainees on their experiences. This research also aims to highlight the effort being made internationally, towards bringing awareness and finding a resolution to the war in Cameroon. Finally, this research seeks to elucidate on the efforts which human rights organisations have made, towards overseeing the respect of human rights in Cameroon. This research adopts qualitative methods, whereby data were collected using semi-structured interviews of political detainees, and questionnaires. Also, data was collected from secondary sources such as; scholarly articles, newspaper articles, web sources, and human rights reports. From the data collected, the findings were analysed using the content analysis research technique. From the deductions, recommendations have been made, which human rights organisations, activists, and international bodies can implement, to cause the Cameroonian government to stop unlawful arrests and reinstate the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Cameroon.

Keywords: arbitrary arrests, Cameroon, human rights, political

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Authors: Danielle G. Saique

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Introduction: Promoting Gender Equality, Equity and Empowerment of Women (GEE&EW) can be attained by practicing thereby exercising Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). Gender Inequality is manifested thru Violence Against Women (VAW). Objectives: This study presents causes, prevalence, effects of Gender Inequality for not practicing and violating SRHR. This proposes Action Plan by promoting, integrating SRHR in the “holistic approach” of Social Work education, practice and service-delivery in any work-set-ups. Limitations: VAW cases showed victim and violator are known, related and living together. Cases transpired at home, reported, investigated in the police and filed in the legal court of law for the year 2013. Methods: Data from blotters, reports, filed cases, case studies gathered by the Social Worker (SWr). Qualitative analysis identified cause, prevalence of VAW related in violating SRHR. SWr serves innovative interventions in any work settings by applying SRHR background, skills in educating, counseling client-victims. Results: 65 VAW cases on non-negotiation or refusal of practicing SRHR. Non-acceptance of Family Planning yielded unwanted, unplanned pregnancies, abandoned children, battered women. Neglected pre-post natal maternal care caused complications or death. Rape, incest led trauma or death. Unsafe, unprotected sex transmitted STDs. Conclusions: Non-availing SRHR from health facilities, from Medical Health SWr concluded to non-practicing or violating rights to life, health care, protection, rights to information, education, rights to plan family, rights from torture, ill-treatment. VAW brings undesirable effects to the well-being, wellness and humaneness of the victim. Recommendations: The innovative intervention services on SRHR of a SWr and the findings, results in violating SRHR are recommendations in Action Planning by adding “The SRHR Concepts” in Social Work thereby preventing VAW; empowering women’s rights to development, gender equality, equity liberty, security, freedom; resilience and involvement in promoting, practicing, exercising SRHR at home. Recommended therefore to duplicate this innovative practice and experience on SRHR as implemented by the SWr in any work setting.

Keywords: women development, promoting gender equality, equity, empowerment of women

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Authors: Hasanzadeh Mehran

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The Cyrus Cylinder, which is a baked clay tablet, was written in 539 BC by order of the Achaemenid king Cyrus. This clay tablet contains orders and is considered a historical document of the humanitarian behaviour of the victorious army during the conquest of Babylon. Some believe that these laws are the first declaration of human rights in the ancient world. After the conquest of Babylon, Cyrus created laws that had never been seen anywhere in history. For this reason, in this article it has been tried to mention the human aspects and the reasons and grounds for the formation of such laws at that time. The origin of the creation of these progressive and humanitarian laws in the Cyrus cylinder should be sought in the cultural roots of civilization and his social and individual teachings.

Keywords: Iran, cyrus, cyrus cylinder, human rights

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Authors: Sunil Tirkey

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The colonial court records between 1800 to 1939 in India show the existence of excessive dower, which were usually paid at the dissolution of marriage to discourage divorce. Supporting this view of excessive dower as a useful device, Mitra Sharafi (legal historian of modern South Asia) argues that inflated dower and divorce law protected Muslim women against instant divorce, making it too expensive for husbands to use it. Further, according to her, British judges enhanced women’s rights to dower and divorce by pronouncing rulings in favour of a high amount of dower to protect the women against the one-sided authority of men to divorce. Contrary to the view of Sharafi, this paper will argue that inflated dower did not protect the rights of women against instant divorce and undesirable marriage, and British judges did not really work to better the lives of Muslim women. To prove so, we shall firstly argue from the court cases that it was challenging for women to prove divorce on the husbands’ denial of divorce in order to avoid the payment of dower. Secondly, it was almost impossible for women to get rid of their undesirable marriage, as divorce was impartially dependent on their husbands. Thirdly, Muslim women were often deprived of their unpaid prompt dower due to the rigorous application of colonial law of limitation by British judges. Furthermore, the abolition of the office of Muslim legal experts from the colonial courts in 1864 deprived Muslim women not only to avail the interpretation of Islamic law but to benefit from the diversity and flexibility of Islamic law in obtaining their right to dower and divorce.

Keywords: courts, divorce, inflated dower, Islamic law, women’s rights

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Rika van Zyl

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It was ruled that an inter vivos trust must be amended according to the rules of the stipulatio alteri, or ‘contract in favour of a third party’, that South African adopted from its Roman-Dutch common law. The application of the principles of the stipulatio alteri on the inter vivos trust has developed in case law to imply that once the beneficiary has accepted benefits, he becomes a party to the contract. This consequently means that he must consent to any amendments that the trustees want to make. This poses practical difficulties such as finding all the beneficiaries that have accepted to sign the amendment that the trustees would want to circumvent in administering the trust. One of the questions relating to this issue is, however, whether the principles of the stipulatio alteri are correctly interpreted and consequently applied to the inter vivos trust to mean that the beneficiaries who accepted must consent to any amendment. The subsequent question relates to the rights the beneficiary receives upon acceptance. There seems to be a different view of what a vested right or a contingent right of the beneficiary means in relation to the inter vivos trust. These rights also have an impact on the amendment of a trust deed. Such an investigation and refining of the interpretation of the stipulatio alteri’s application on the inter vivos trust may result in solutions to circumvent the adverse effects of getting the beneficiary’s consent for amendments.

Keywords: inter vivos trust, stipulatio alteri, amendment, beneficiary rights

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Authors: Mohammad Mozammel Haque

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That feminism is nothing but the name of a belief that women should have the same rights as men needs no telling. The history of modern western feminism is divided into three waves and each is described as dealing with different aspects of the same feminist issues. The first wave refers to the movement of the 19th through early 20th centuries, which dealt mainly with suffrage, working conditions and educational rights for women. The second wave (1960s-1980s) dealt with the inequality of laws and the role of women in society. The third wave (late 1980s-early 2000s) is seen as both a continuation of the second wave and a response to the perceived failures. Mary Wollstonecraft struggled for the emancipation and freedom of the women of Europe, Begum Rokeya brought about revolution for the women of the East and West Bengal, Jeremy Bentham wrote for the independence of women in England. But if feminism refers to the movement of giving women what they deserve, then it won’t be an overstatement to state that Mohammad is the precursor of what we call feminism. This paper investigates the background of official starting of feminism, and also the backdrop of the women of Muhammad’s time. The article, besides showing that this great prophet and philosopher firstly brought about a movement for the education and rights of women and took them out of grave where they were buried alive, also delineates Mohammedan endeavours he attempted to give the women what they ought to have.

Keywords: education, equality, feminism, precursor

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Authors: María Elena Menéndez Ibáñez

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After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, new measures were adopted by powerful countries and regions like the United States and the European Union in order to safeguard their security. In 2002, the US created the Department of Homeland Security with one sole objective; to protect American soil and people. The US adopted new policies that made every immigrant a potential terrorist and a threat to their national security. Stronger border control became one of the key elements of the fight against organized crime and terrorism. The main objective of this paper is to compare some of the most important and radical measures adopted by the US, even those that resulted in systematic violations of human rights, with some of the European measures adopted after the 2015 Paris attacks of 2015, such as unlawful detainment of prisoners and other measures against foreigners. Through the Schengen agreement, the European Union has tried to eliminate tariffs and border controls, in order to guarantee successful economic growth. Terrorists have taken advantage of this and have made the region vulnerable to attacks. Authorities need to strengthen their surveillance methods in order to safeguard the region and its stability. Through qualitative methods applied to social sciences, this research will also try to explain why some of the mechanisms proven to be useful in the US would not be so in Europe, especially because they would result in human rights violations. Finally, solutions will be offered that would not put the whole Schengen Agreement at risk. Europe cannot reinstate border control, without making individuals vulnerable to human rights violations.

Keywords: border control, immigration, international cooperation, national security

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Authors: Tomas Macsotay

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If monument removal and monument effacement may call to mind a Nietzschean proposal for vitalist disregard of conventional morality, it remains the case that it is often only by a willingness to go “beyond good and evil” in inherited monument politics that truthful, be it unexpected aspects of our co-existence with monuments can finally start to rise into fuller consciousness. A series of urgent questions press themselves in the panorama created by the affirmative idea that we can, as a community, make crucial decisions with regard to monumental preservation or discontinuation. Memorials are not the core concern for decolonial and racial dignity movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM), which have repeatedly shown they regard these actions as a welcome, albeit complementary, part of a reckoning with a past of racial violence and injustice, slavery, and colonial subaltern existence. As such, the iconoclastic issue of “rights and prohibitions of images” only tangentially touches on a cultural movement that seems rather question dominant ideas of history, pertinence, and the long life of the class, gender, and racial conflict through ossified memorial cultures. In the recent monument insurrection, we face a rare case of a new negotiation of rights of existence for this particular tract of material culture. This engenders a debate on how and why we accord rights to objects in public dominion ― indeed, how such rights impinge upon the rights of subjects who inhabit the public sphere. Incidentally, the possibility of taking away from monuments such imagined or adjoined rights has made it possible to tease open a sphere of emotionality that could not be expressed in patrimonial thinking: the reality of atmospheres as settings, often dependent on pseudo-objects and half-conscious situations, that situate individuals involuntarily in a pathic aesthetics. In this way, the unique moment we now witness ― full of the possibility of going “beyond good and evil” of monument preservation ― starts to look more like a moment of involuntary awaking: an awakening to the encrypted gaze of the monument and the enigma that the same monument or memorial site can carry day-to-day habits of life for some bystanders, while racialized and disenfranchised communities experience discomfort and erosion of subjective life in the same sites.

Keywords: monument, memorial, atmosphere, racial justice, decolonialism

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Authors: Sabrina Ladjama, Aicha Rizi, Azzedine Abbaci

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In this work, we use the crossover model to formulate a comprehensive fundamental equation of state for the thermodynamic properties for several n-alkanes in the critical region that extends to the classical region. This equation of state is constructed on the basis of comparison of selected measurements of pressure-density-temperature data, isochoric and isobaric heat capacity. The model can be applied in a wide range of temperatures and densities around the critical point for n-heptane. It is found that the developed model represents most of the reliable experimental data accurately.

Keywords: crossover model, critical region, fundamental equation, n-heptane

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Authors: Wenfen Bi, Zeng Lin

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As a developing country, China is badly in need of capital and talents to develop the socialist country with Chinese characteristics. However, a large proportion of high income people with know-how technique, wealth and management experience have immigrated or plan to immigrate to other countries. Of course, this phenomenon has attracted the attention from both the government and researchers. One explanation might be that these high-income people lack confidence in China’s social development. Based on the data on W city’s comprehensive social situation surveyed by center for the social survey research of Wuhan university (CSSR) in 2014, this paper employed the structural equation model (SEM) to evaluate whether personal income affects social confidence, via the mediating effect of the sense of social equity (sense of right equity and sense of distributive equity). Bootstrap mediation analysis revealed that after controlling Demographic variables, personal income had a significant negative influence on sense of right equity and in turn, sense of rights equity can significantly positively predict social confidence. While personal income had no significant effect on sense of distributive equity, and sense of distributive equity did not significantly affect macro social confidence. Also, the direct effects of personal income on social confidence became not significant. These findings revealed the inner mechanism of the relationship between the personal income and social confidence in contemporary China, which was caused by mediating effect of sense of rights equity. That is, the higher the personal income, the lower the sense of rights equity, the lower the social confidence. Thus, the boost of the social confidence, especially for the rich, does not only depend on the equitable distribution of material wealth, but also on the right equity and making people feel rights equally in common life.

Keywords: personal income, sense of right equity, sense of social equity, social confidence

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Authors: Mohsen Davarzani, Ehsan Lame, Mohammad Taghi Hassan Zadeh

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Language is considered as a powerful and outstanding feature of ethnicity. However, humiliating and prohibiting using human language is one the most heinous and brutal acts in the form of racism. In other words, racism can be a product of physiological humiliations and discrimination, such as skin color, and can also be resulted from ethnic humiliation and discrimination such as language, customs and so on. Ethnic and racial discrimination is one of the main problems of the world that minorities and occasionally the majority have suffered from. Nowadays, few states can be found in which all individuals and its citizens are of the same race and ethnicity, culture and language. In these countries, referred to as the multinational states, (eg, Iran, Switzerland, India, etc.), there are the communities and groups which have their own linguistic, cultural and historical characteristics. Characteristics of human rights issues, diversity of issues and plurality of meanings indicate that they appear in various aspects. The states are obliged to respect, as per national and international obligations, the rights of all citizens from different angles, especially different groups that require special attention in order of the particular aspects such as ethnicity, religious and political minorities, children, women, workers, unions and in case the states are in breach of any of these items, they are faced with challenges in local, regional or international fields.

Keywords: law, language, minorities, ethnicity

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Authors: Valentina Dotto

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Climate change cases used to take the form of statutory disputes rather than constitutional or common law disputes. This changed in 2015, with the Urgenda Climate case in the Netherlands (Urgenda Foundation v. The State of the Netherlands, C/09/456689/HAZA 13-1396) and, the Juliana case in the U.S. (United States v. U.S. District Court for District of Oregon, 17-71692, 9th Cir.). The two cases represent a new type of climate litigation, the claims brought against the federal government were in fact grounded in constitutional rights. The complaints used the Doctrine of Public Trust as a cornerstone for the lawsuits asserting that government's actions against climate change failed to protect essential public trust resources; thus, violating a generation's constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property. The Public Trust Doctrine –a quintessentially American legal concept-, reserved to the States by virtue of the 9th and 10th amendment of the federal Constitution, gives them considerable jurisdiction over natural resources and has been refined by a number of Supreme Court rulings. The Juliana case exemplifies the Doctrine’s evolutionary nature because it attempts to apply it to the federal government, and establish a right to a climate system capable of sustaining human life as a fundamental right protected by a substantive due process. Furthermore, the flexibility of the Doctrine makes it permissible to be applied to a variety of different legal systems as in the Urgenda case. At the very heart of the lawsuits stands the question of who owns the Earth resources and, to what extent the general public can claim the services that the Earth provides as common property. By employing the widest possible definition of the Doctrine of Public Trust these lawsuits tried to redefine environmental resources as a collective right of all people. By doing case analysis, the paper explores how these cases can contribute to widening the public access to information and broadening the public voice in decision making as well as providing a precedent to equal access in seeking justice and redress from environmental failures.

Keywords: climate change, doctrine of public trust, environmental democracy, Juliana case, Urgenda climate case

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Authors: Joanne Robertson, Awneet Sivia

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Preparing aspiring teachers to become advocates for social justice reflects a fundamental commitment for teacher education programs in Canada to create systemic educational change. The goal is ultimately to address inequities in K-12 education for students from multiple identity groups that have historically been marginalized and oppressed in schools. Social justice is described as an often undertheorized and vague concept in the literature, which increases the risk that teaching for social justice remains a lofty goal. Another concern is that the social justice agenda in teacher education in North America ignores pedagogies related to subject-matter knowledge and discipline-based teaching methods. The question surrounding how teacher education programs can address these issues forms the basis for the research undertaken in this study. The paper focuses on a qualitative research project that examines how an Equity Literature Circles (ELC) framework within a language arts methods course in a Bachelor of Education program may help pre-service teachers better understand the inherent relationship between literacy instructional practices and teaching about and for social justice. Grounded in the Freireian (2018) principle of praxis, this study specifically seeks to understand the impact of Equity Literature Circles on pre-service teachers’ understanding of current social justice issues (reflection), their development of professional competencies in literacy instruction (practice), and their identity as advocates of social justice (action) who address issues related to student diversity, equity, and human rights within the English Language Arts program. In this paper presentation, participants will be provided with an overview of the Equity Literature Circle framework, a summary of key findings and recommendations from the qualitative study, an annotated bibliography of suggested Young Adult novels, and opportunities for questions and dialogue.

Keywords: literacy, language, equity, social justice, diversity, human rights

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Authors: Asma Bentaifa

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This paper investigates the effect of ownership concentration and especially the presence of controlling shareholders on the firm’s payout decisions. Using a sample of 870 French companies during 2007 to 2012, we find that the share of dividends in total payout is negatively correlated with the size of cash flow held by controlling shareholder, and positively related to the divergence between voting rights and cash flow rights of largest shareholders. We also document that controlled firms tend to prefer dividends over repurchases to mitigate conflicts between controlling shareholders and minority shareholders related to the presence of control enhancing devices.

Keywords: ownership, payout policy, dividend, minority expropriation

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Authors: Erinda Bllaca Ndroqi

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The dilemma with which the monitoring professionals are facing in today’s reality is whether to accept that prisons all over the world constitute a place where not all rights are respected (ethical approach), or widen the scope of monitoring by prioritizing the special needs of people deprived of their liberties (human right approach), despite the context and the level of improved prison condition, staff profiling, more services oriented towards rehabilitation instead of punishment. Such dilemma becomes a concern if taking into consideration the fact that prisoners, due to their powerlessness and 'their lives at the hand of the state', are constantly under the threat of abuse of power and neglect, which in the Albanian case, has never been classified as torture. Scientific research in twenty-four (24) Albanian prisons shows that for some rights, prisoners belonging to 'vulnerable groups' such as mental illness, HIV positive status, sexual orientation, and terminal illness remain quite challenged and do not ensure that their basic rights are being met by the current criminal justice system (despite recommendations set forwards to prison authorities by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)). The research orients more discussion about policy and strategic recommendations that would need a thorough assessment of the impact of rehabilitation in special categories of prisoners, including recidivists.

Keywords: prisons, rehabilitation, torture, vulnerability

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Authors: King Kumire

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The Outer Space Treaty and the Moon Treaty have been the backbone of space law. However, scientists, engineers, and policymakers have been silent about how human settlement on celestial bodies would change the legal dimensions of space law. Indeed, these legal space regimes should have a prescription on how galactic courts should deal with the aspect of space property ownership. On this planet earth, one can vindicate his own assets. In extraterrestrial environments, this is not the case because space law is fatigued by terrestrial body sovereignty, which must be upheld. However, the recent commercialization of microgravity environments requires property ownership laws to be enacted. Space activities have mutated to the extent that it is almost possible to build communities in space. The discussions on the moon village concept will be mentioned as well to give clarity on the subject to the audience. It should be stated that launchers can now explore the cosmos with space tourists. The world is also busy doing feasibility studies on how to implement space mining projects. These activities indisputably show that the research is important because it will not only expose how the cosmic world is constrained by existing legal frameworks, but it will provide a remedy for how the inevitable dilemma of property rights can be resolved through the formulation of multilateral and all-inclusive policies. The discussion will model various aspects of terrestrial property rights and the associated remedies against what can be applicable and customized for use in extraterrestrial environments. Transfer of ownership in space is also another area of interest as the researcher shall try to distinguish between envisaged personal and real rights in the new frontier vis-a-vis mainland transfer transactions. The writer imagines the extent to which the concepts of servitudes, accession, prescription and commixes, and other property templates can act as a starting point when cosmic probers move forward with the revision of orbital law. The article seeks to reconcile these ownership constraints by working towards the development of a living space common law which is elastic and embroidered by sustainable recommendations. A balance between transplanting terrestrial laws to the galactic arena and the need to enact new ones which will complement the existing space treaties will be meticulously pivoted.

Keywords: rights, commercialisation, ownership, sovereignty

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Authors: Nicole Cervenka

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On the question of norms in international politics, scholars are divided over whether norms are a tool for power politics or a genuine reflection of an emergent international society. The line is drawn between rationalism and idealism, but this dialectical relationship needs to be broken down if we hope to come to a comprehensive understanding of how norms play out in international society. The concept of an elusive international society is a simplification of a more pluralistic, cosmopolitan, and diverse collection of international societies. The English School effectively overcomes realist-idealist dichotomies and provides a pluralistic, comprehensive explanation and description of international societies through its application to two distinct areas: human rights as well as security and war. We argue that international norms have always been present in human rights, war, and international security, forming international societies that can be complimentary or oppositional, beneficial or problematic. Power politics are present, but they can only be regarded as partially explanatory of the role of norms in international politics, which must also include history, international law, the media, NGOs, and others to fully represent the normative influences in international societies. A side-by-side comparison of international norms of war/security and human rights show how much international societies converge. World War II was a turning point in terms of international law, these forces of international society have deeper historical roots. Norms of human rights and war/security are often norms of restraint, guiding appropriate treatment of individuals. This can at times give primacy to the individual over the sovereign state. However, state power politics and hegemony are still intact. It cannot be said that there is an emergent international society—international societies are part of broader historical backdrops. Furthermore, states and, more generally, power politics, are important components in international societies, but international norms are far from mere tools of power politics. They define a more diverse, complicated, and ever-present conception of international societies.

Keywords: English school, international societies, norms, pluralism

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Authors: M. Shukry

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According to the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, every human being is entitled to rights in life that should be respected by others and protected by the state and community. Such rights are inherent regardless of colour, ethnicity, gender, religion or otherwise, and it is expected that all humans alike have the right to live without discrimination of any sort. However, that has not been the case with Aborigines in Australia. Over a long period of time, the governments of the State and the Territories and the Australian Commonwealth denied the Aboriginal and Indigenous inhabitants of the Torres Strait Islands such rights. Past Australian governments set policies and laws that enabled them to forcefully remove Indigenous children from their parents, which resulted in creating lost generations living the trauma of the loss of cultural identity, alienation and even their own selfhood. Intending to reduce that population of natives and their Aboriginal culture while, on the other hand, assimilate them into mainstream society, they gave themselves the right to remove them from their families with no hope of return. That practice has led to tragic consequences due to the trauma that has affected those children, an experience that is depicted by Jane Harrison in her play Stolen. The drama is the outcome of a six-year project on lost children and which was first performed in 1997 in Melbourne. Five actors only appear on the stage, playing the role of all the different characters, whether the main protagonists or the remaining cast, present or non-present ones as voices. The play outlines the life of five children who have been taken from their parents at an early age, entailing a disastrous negative impact that differs from one to the other. Unknown to each other, what connects between them is being put in a children’s home. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the play’s text in light of the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights, using it as a lens that reflects the atrocities practiced against the Aborigines. It highlights how such practices formed an outrageous violation of those natives’ rights as human beings. Harrison’s dramatic technique in conveying the children’s experiences is through a non-linear structure, fluctuating between past and present that are linked together within each of the five characters, reflecting their suffering and pain to create an emotional link between them and the audience. Her dramatic handling of the issue by fusing tragedy with humour as well as symbolism is a successful technique in revealing the traumatic memory of those children and their present life. The play has made a difference in commencing to address the problem of the right of all children to be with their families, which renders the real meaning of having a home and an identity as people.

Keywords: aboriginal, audience, Australia, children, culture, drama, home, human rights, identity, Indigenous, Jane Harrison, memory, scenic effects, setting, stage, stage directions, Stolen, trauma

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Authors: Lenshie, Nsemba Edward

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This paper examines political sexuality as an identity construct, which imparts on democratic practices globally. The manifestation of political sexuality reflect on the dynamics of social, economic, cultural and political relations among different gender affecting a number of issues, such as the questions of citizenship, poverty alleviation, property rights, ownership and inheritance, rights to sexual consent, polygamous marriage, governance and representation among other issues. This paper is concerned with the aspect of political participation among different genders in Nigeria. This paper posit that political sexuality is an outcome of ‘sexuality differences’, which seeks to glorify and gratify the superiority of a particular sexuality over another. Political sexuality, therefore, motivate and exacerbate socio-cultural, economic, and political struggles among different sexualities. The paper asserts further that majority of women have been discriminated, sexually harassed, and are often denied certain rights and privileges in Nigeria. A few number of women who have found themselves at the corridors of government have used the Beijing protocol on Women to demand for ‘affirmative action’ to expand their political space. It contends that the ‘affirmative action’ in Nigeria is far from achieving it throughout the country. The paper conclude that women require more than just a ‘self-rediscovery’ to assertively demand for a more and proper inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic process.

Keywords: gender democracy, identity, politics, political sexuality

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Authors: Md. Kabir Azaharul Islam

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Background: The purpose of this interventions was to describe the source and extent to increase health seeking rights and uptake of quality integrated maternal health, family planning and HIV information, clinical-non clinical services, and commodities amongst young people age 10-24 among brothel based Female Sex Worker’s in Bangladesh. Such Knowledge will equip with information to develop more appropriate and effective interventions that address the problem of HIV/AIDS and SRHR within the brothel based female sex worker’s community. Methods: Before start the intervention we observed situation in brothel and identify lack of knowledge about health issues, modern health facility, sexual harassment and violence & health rights. To enable access to the intervention obtained permission from a series of stakeholders within the brothel system. This intervention to the most vulnerable young key people during January 2014 to December, 2015, it designed an intervention that focuses on using peer education and sensitization meeting with self help group leader’s, pimbs, swardarni, house owner, local leaders, law enforcement agencies and target young key people (YKPs) through peer educator’s distributed BCC materials and conducted one to one and group session issues of HIV/AIDS, life skill education, maternal health, sexual reproductive health & rights, gender based violence, STD/STI and drug users in the community. Set up community based satellite clinic to provided clinical-non clinical services and commodities for SRH, FP and HIV including general health among brothel based FSWs. Peer educator frequently move and informed target beneficiaries’ age 10-24 YKPs about satellite clinic as well as time & date in the community. Results: This intervention highly promotes of brothel based FSW utilization of local facility based health providers private and public health facilities.2400 FSWs age 10-24 received information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as existing health facilities, most of FSWs to received service from traditional healer before intervention. More than 1080 FSWs received clinical-non clinical services and commodities from satellite clinic including 12 ANC, 12 PNC and 25 MR. Most of young FSW age 10-24 are treated bonded girls under swardarni, house owner and pimbs, they have no rights to free movement as per need. As a result, they have no rights for free movement. However the brothel self help group (SHG) has become sensitized flowing this intervention. Conclusions: The majority of female sex workers well being regarding information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as local health facilities now they feel free to go outside facilities for better health service. not only increased FSWs’ vulnerability to HIV infection and sexual reproductive health rights but also had huge implications for their human rights. This means that even when some clients impinged FSW’s rights (for example avoiding payment for services under the pretext of dissatisfaction), they might not be able to seek redress for fear of being ejected from the brothel. They raise voice national & local level different forum.

Keywords: ANC, HIV, PNC, SRHR

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Authors: Rai Friedman

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The recent migrant crisis has revealed an unmet demand for increased international protection and promotion of migrant rights. Europe has found itself at the centre of the migration crisis, being the recipient to the largest number of asylum-seekers since the conclusion of the second World War. Rather than impart a unified humanitarian lens of offering legal protections, the Schengen territory is devising new, preventative measures to confront the influx of asylum-seekers. This paper will focus on the refugee crisis in Europe as it relates to the Central Mediterranean route. To do so, it will outline the increased need for international protection for migrant rights through analyzing historic human rights treaties and conventions; the formation of the current composition of the Schengen area; the evolutionary changes in policies and legal landscapes throughout Europe and the Central Mediterranean route; the vernacular transformation surrounding refugees, migrants, and asylum-seekers; and expose the gaps in international protection. It will also discuss Europe’s critical position, both geographically and conceptually, critiquing the notion of European victimization. Lastly, it will discuss the increased harm of preventative border measures and argue for tangible sustainability solutions through economic programming models in highly vulnerable countries. To do so, this paper will observe a case study in Algeria that has conceded to an economic programming model for forced migrants. In 2017 amid worker shortages, Algeria announced it would grant African migrants’ legal status to become agriculturalists and construction workers. Algeria is one of the few countries along the Central Mediterranean route that has adopted a law to govern foreign nationals’ conditions of entry, stay and circulation. Thereafter, it will provide recommendations for solutions for forced migration along the Central Mediterranean route and advocate for strengthened protections under international law.

Keywords: refugees, migrants, human rights, middle east, Africa, mediterranean, international humanitarian law, policy

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Authors: Alejandra Cardenas, Ona Flores, Fabiola Gretzinger

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Since the 1990s, legal strategies for the promotion and protection of maternal health rights have achieved significant gains. Successful litigation in courts around the world have shown that these rights can be judicially enforceable. Governments and international organizations have acknowledged the importance of a human rights-based approach to maternal mortality and morbidity, and obstetric violence has been recognized as a human rights issue. Despite the progress made, maternal mortality has worsened in some regions of the world, while progress has stagnated elsewhere, and mistreatment in maternal care is reported almost universally. In this context, issues of maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery as a critical barrier to access quality maternal health have been largely overlooked. Indeed, despite the principles of autonomy and informed consent in medical interventions being well-established in international and regional norms, how they are applied particularly during childbirth and pregnancy remains underdeveloped. National and global legal standards and decisions related to maternal health were reviewed and analyzed to determine how maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery have been protected (or not) by international and national courts. The results of this legal research and analysis lead to the conclusion that a few standards have been set by courts regarding pregnant people’s rights to make choices during pregnancy and birth; however, most undermine the agency of pregnant people. These decisions recognize obstetric violence and gender-based discrimination, but fail to protect pregnant people’s autonomy, privacy, and their right to informed consent. As current human rights standards stand today, maternal health is the only field in medicine and law in which informed consent can be overridden, and patients can be forced to submit to treatments against their will. Unconsented treatment and loss of agency during pregnancy and childbirth can have long-term physical and mental impacts, reduce satisfaction and trust in health systems, and may deter future health-seeking behaviors. This research proposes a path forward that focuses on the pregnant person as an independent agent, relying on the doctrine of self-determination during pregnancy and childbirth, which includes access to the necessary conditions to enable autonomy and choice throughout pregnancy and childbirth as a critical step towards our approaches to reduce maternal mortality, morbidity, and mistreatment, and realize the promise of access to quality maternal health as a human right.

Keywords: autonomy in childbirth and pregnancy, choice, informed consent, jurisprudential analysis

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Authors: Mirjana Dokmanovic

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In recent years, the disadvantaged and marginalised position of rural women in the Republic of Serbia has been recognised in a number of national strategies and policy papers. A number of measures have been adopted by the government aimed at economic empowerment of rural women and eliminating barriers to accessing decision making and economic and social opportunities. However, their implementation pace is still slow. The aim of the paper is to indicate the necessity of a comprehensive policy approach to eliminating discrimination against rural women that would include policy and financial commitments for enhancing agricultural and rural development as a whole, instead of taking fragmented measures targeting consequences instead of causes. The paper introduces main findings of the study of challenges, constraints, and opportunities of rural women in Serbia to enjoy their economic and social rights. The research methodology included the desk research and the qualitative analysis of the available data, statistics, policy papers, studies, and reports produced by the government, ministries and other governmental bodies, independent human rights bodies, and civil society organizations (CSOs). The findings of the study reveal that rural women are at great risk of poverty, particularly in remote areas, and when getting old or widowed. Young rural women working in agriculture are also in unfavorable position, as they do not have opportunities to enjoy their rights during pregnancy and maternity leave, childcare leave and leave due to the special care of a child. The study indicates that the main causes of their unfavorable position are related to the prevalent patriarchal surrounding and economic and social underdevelopment of rural areas in Serbia. Gender inequalities have been particularly present in accessing land and property rights, inheritance, education, social protection, healthcare, and decision making. Women living in the rural areas are exposed at high risk of discrimination in all spheres of public and private life that undermine their enjoyment of basic economic, social and cultural rights. The vulnerability of rural women to discrimination increases in cases of the intersectionality of other grounds of discrimination, such as disability, ethnicity, age, health condition and sexual discrimination. If they are victims of domestic violence, their experience lack of access to shelters and protection services. Despite the State’s recognition of the marginalized position of rural women, there is still a lack of a comprehensive policy approach to improving the economic and social position of rural women.

Keywords: agricultural and rural development, care economy, discrimination against women, economic and social rights, feminization of poverty, Republic of Serbia, rural women

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Mohsen Nouraei, M. Amouei

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Islamic studies are considered in both the Quran and Hadith. Hadith is defined as a set of reports that narrated the words, and behaviors, of infallible persons such as the holy Prophet (pbuh) or the Infallible Imams (as). The issue of biodiversity which is the one of the most important environmental aspects is considered in the field of Hadith. The present paper has investigated biodiversity on the basis of descriptive-analytical methods and with the approach of library-documentary. The household of the Prophet (as) have referred biodiversity that were included diversity of animals, plants, climate etc. In addition to, they also have emphasized on the human need to keep diversity and no damage. It should be noted that they have expressed the rights of the animals and plants for correct using of human, so that human can use these rights in conservation of diversity and their generation.

Keywords: biodiversity, conservation of biodiversity, degradation of biodiversity, extinction of biodiversity

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