Search results for: British parliament

Authors: Barna Arnold Keserű

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In the last few years (what is called by many scholars the big data era) artificial intelligence (hereinafter AI) get more and more attention from the public and from the different branches of sciences as well. What previously was a mere science-fiction, now starts to become reality. AI and robotics often walk hand in hand, what changes not only the business and industrial life, but also has a serious impact on the legal system. The main research of the author focuses on these impacts in the field of private law, with special regards to liability and intellectual property issues. Many questions arise in these areas connecting to AI and robotics, where the boundaries are not sufficiently clear, and different needs are articulated by the different stakeholders. Recognizing the urgent need of thinking the Committee on Legal Affairs of the European Parliament adopted a Motion for a European Parliament Resolution A8-0005/2017 (of January 27th, 2017) in order to take some recommendations to the Commission on civil law rules on robotics and AI. This document defines some crucial usage of AI and/or robotics, e.g. the field of autonomous vehicles, the human job replacement in the industry or smart applications and machines. It aims to give recommendations to the safe and beneficial use of AI and robotics. However – as the document says – there are no legal provisions that specifically apply to robotics or AI in IP law, but that existing legal regimes and doctrines can be readily applied to robotics, although some aspects appear to call for specific consideration, calls on the Commission to support a horizontal and technologically neutral approach to intellectual property applicable to the various sectors in which robotics could be employed. AI can generate some content what worth copyright protection, but the question came up: who is the author, and the owner of copyright? The AI itself can’t be deemed author because it would mean that it is legally equal with the human persons. But there is the programmer who created the basic code of the AI, or the undertaking who sells the AI as a product, or the user who gives the inputs to the AI in order to create something new. Or AI generated contents are so far from humans, that there isn’t any human author, so these contents belong to public domain. The same questions could be asked connecting to patents. The research aims to answer these questions within the current legal framework and tries to enlighten future possibilities to adapt these frames to the socio-economical needs. In this part, the proper license agreements in the multilevel-chain from the programmer to the end-user become very important, because AI is an intellectual property in itself what creates further intellectual property. This could collide with data-protection and property rules as well. The problems are similar in the field of liability. We can use different existing forms of liability in the case when AI or AI led robotics cause damages, but it is unsure that the result complies with economical and developmental interests.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, intellectual property, liability, robotics

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Authors: Murari Prasad

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This paper is motivated by the implications of indentured migration depicted in Amitav Ghosh’s critically acclaimed novel, Sea of Poppies (2008). Ghosh’s perspective on the experiences of North Indian indentured labourers moving from their homeland to a distant and unknown location across the seas suggests a radical attitudinal change among the migrants on board the Ibis, a schooner chartered to carry the recruits from Calcutta to Mauritius in the late 1830s. The novel unfolds the life-altering trauma of the bonded servants, including their efforts to maintain a sense of self while negotiating significant social and cultural transformations during the voyage which leads to the breakdown of familiar life-worlds. Equally, the migrants are introduced to an alternative network of relationships to ensure their survival away from land. They relinquish their entrenched beliefs and prejudices and commit themselves to a new brotherhood formed by ‘ship siblings.’ With the official abolition of direct slavery in 1833, the supply of cheap labour to the sugar plantation in British colonies as far-flung as Mauritius and Fiji to East Africa and the Caribbean sharply declined. Around the same time, China’s attempt to prohibit the illegal importation of opium from British India into China threatened the lucrative opium trade. To run the ever-profitable plantation colonies with cheap labour, Indian peasants, wrenched from their village economies, were indentured to plantations as girmitiyas (vernacularized from ‘agreement’) by the colonial government using the ploy of an optional form of recruitment. After the British conquest of the Isle of France in 1810, Mauritius became Britain’s premier sugar colony bringing waves of Indian immigrants to the island. In the articulations of their subjectivities one notices how the recruits cope with the alienating drudgery of indenture, mitigate the hardships of the voyage and forge new ties with pragmatic acts of cultural syncretism in a forward-looking autonomous community of ‘ship-siblings’ following the fracture of traditional identities. This paper tests the hypothesis that Ghosh envisions a kind of futuristic/utopian political collectivity in a hierarchically rigid, racially segregated and identity-obsessed world. In order to ground the claim and frame the complex representations of alliance and love across the boundaries of caste, religion, gender and nation, the essential methodology here is a close textual analysis of the novel. This methodology will be geared to explicate the utopian futurity that the novel gestures towards by underlining new regulations of life during voyage and dissolution of multiple differences among the indentured migrants on board the Ibis.

Keywords: indenture, colonial, opium, sugar plantation

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Authors: Nourah Almulhim

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This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Shahzad Ali

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This article expounds the coverage of Pak-US relations in the context of Osama Bin Laden killing in four selected leading newspapers of UK and the US viz The Telegraph, The Guardian, The New York Times and The Washington Post during the specific time period of three months, i.e., April-June, 2011. The study is scrutinized on the basis of Operation Neptune Spear. The research study is theoretically linked with the propaganda model of Herman and Chomsky and the Shoemaker and Reeve‘s theory of content effect, specifically the impact of foreign policy as a driving instrument influencing the nature and treatment of the coverage of Pak-US relations. The relations between Pakistan and USA are of great importance in the context of Bin Laden. The Pak-US relations were less aggravated and hostile in pre OBL period but post OBL period worsened these relations. It is also interesting to mention that the policies of these newspapers were dependent on the foreign policy of their countries. It was explored that the news coverage was found favorable as and when the relations Pakistan and the US or UK were cordial and smooth. And it turned into negative and unfavorable when the relations were in strain and deteriorating and endorsed various studies that the Western mainstream media tried to be more nationalistic in projecting official stance while covering foreign coverage instead of adhering to universal cannon of journalism, i.e., objectivity, fairness, and neutrality, etc. Overall 219 news items of these four selected newspapers regarding Pak-US relations in the context of pre and post OBL’s killing operation were undertaken for analysis. The ratio of negative slants was found higher as compared to the positive and neutral slants. Besides, the ratio of news items with unfavorable frames was found higher in post OBL operation in comparison of pre-era of the coverage related to Pak-US relations in the leading British and American newspapers.

Keywords: Osama Bin Laden, Pakistan, USA, UK, relations, Guardian, Washington Post, Telegraph, New York Times, Operation Neptune Spear

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Authors: Michael Scott Evans, Andrew Smith

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The feeling of fatigue at work could potentially have devastating consequences. The aim of this study was to investigate whether the well-established objective indicator of fatigue – the Fatigue Risk Index (FRI) calculator used by the rail industry is an effective indicator to the number of safety incidents, in which fatigue could have been a contributing factor. The study received ethics approval from Cardiff University’s Ethics Committee (EC.16.06.14.4547). A total of 901 safety incidents were recorded from a single British rail franchise between 1st June 2010 – 31st December 2016, into the Safety Management Information System (SMIS). The safety incident types identified that fatigue could have been a contributing factor were: Signal Passed at Danger (SPAD), Train Protection & Warning System (TPWS) activation, Automatic Warning System (AWS) slow to cancel, failed to call, and station overrun. From the 901 recorded safety incidents, the scheduling system CrewPlan was used to extract the Fatigue Index (FI) score and Risk Index (RI) score of all train drivers on the day of the safety incident. Only the working rosters of 64.2% (N = 578) (550 men and 28 female) ranging in age from 24 – 65 years old (M = 47.13, SD = 7.30) were accessible for analyses. Analysis from all 578 train drivers who were involved in safety incidents revealed that 99.8% (N = 577) of Fatigue Index (FI) scores fell within or below the identified guideline threshold of 45 as well as 97.9% (N = 566) of Risk Index (RI) scores falling below the 1.6 threshold range. Their scores represent good practice within the rail industry. These findings seem to indicate that the current objective indicator, i.e. the FRI calculator used in this study by the British rail franchise was not an effective predictor of train driver’s FI scores and RI scores, as safety incidents in which fatigue could have been a contributing factor represented only 0.2% of FI scores and 2.1% of RI scores. Further research is needed to determine whether there are other contributing factors that could provide a better indication as to why there is such a significantly large proportion of train drivers who are involved in safety incidents, in which fatigue could have been a contributing factor have such low FI and RI scores.

Keywords: fatigue risk index calculator, objective indicator of fatigue, rail industry, safety incident

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Authors: Eman Alatawi

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The world is currently experiencing an upsurge in the number of international migrants, which has reached 281 million worldwide; in particular, both the UK and Saudi Arabia have recently been faced with an unprecedented number of immigrants. As a result, the media in these two countries is constantly posting news about the issue, and newspapers, in particular, play a vital role in shaping the public’s view of immigration issues. Because the media is an influential tool in society, it has the ability to construct a specific image of migrants and influence public opinion concerning immigrant groups. However, most of the existing studies have addressed the plight of migrants in the UK, Europe, and the US, and few have considered the Middle East; specifically, there is a pressing need for studies that focus on the press in Saudi Arabia, which is one of the main countries that is experiencing immigration at a tremendous rate. This paper employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the depiction of migrants in the British and Saudi Arabian media in order to explore the involvement of three linguistic features in the media’s representation of migrant-related topics. These linguistic features are the names, metaphors, and collocations that the press in the UK and in Saudi Arabia uses to describe migrants; the impact of these depictions is also considered. This comparative study could create a better understanding of how the Saudi Arabian press presents the topic of migrants and immigration, which will assist in extending the understanding of migration discourses beyond an Anglo-centric viewpoint. The main finding of this study was that both British and Saudi Arabian newspapers tended to represent migrants’ issues by painting migrants in a negative light through the use of negative references or names, metaphors, and collocations; furthermore, the media’s negative stereotyping of migrants was found to be consistent, which could have an influence on the public’s opinion of these minority groups. Such observations show that the issue is not as simple as individuals, press systems, or political affiliations.

Keywords: representation, migrants, the UK press, Saudi Arabia press, cross-linguistic, discourse analysis

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Authors: S. Sunaina, Neha Saini

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Children are considered as future of a country. In order to have a better future, better laws are required in the present, especially for the children. Their development primarily revolves around physical, mental, psychological, emotional and financial facets. Hence the holistic development of a child in the contemporary society is a must in order to secure a better future. The present paper is an endeavour to analyse the development of children in India vis-a-vis The Child Development Bill 2016 and Child Labour (Abolition) Bill 2016 pending before the Indian Parliament. The findings of the study will attempt to highlight the flaws of the Bills and their probable repercussions, supporting the same with Constitutional provisions, judicial precedents, and the international perspective. Finally, the paper will conclude with concrete suggestions to overcome the flaws of the Bills so that the Bills, when passed, can be sincerely implemented.

Keywords: bill, children, development, repercussion

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Authors: S. M. Tavakoli Sani, M. Sabbet Moghadam, Y. Khorram Farhadi, Iraj Rezayi Nejad

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The concept of national security in Iran is a permanently effective factor in acceptance or rejection of many international obligations. These obligations had been defined according to the type of legislation of Iran in many aspects. Therefore, there are several treaties at international level which requires Iran’s security to come in contact with obligations in these treaties in a way that an obstacle to join to them and their passage in parliament. This issue is a typical category which every country pays attention to be accepted in treaties or to include their national security in that treaties and also they can see the related treaties from this perspective, but this issue that 'what is the concept of Iran’s national security', and 'To what extent it is changed in recent years, especially after Islamic Revolution' are important issues that can be criticized. Thus, this study is trying to assess singed treaties from the perspective of Iran’s national security according of the true meaning of treaty and to investigate how the international treaties may be in conflict with Iran’s national security.

Keywords: treaties, national security, Iran, Islamic Revolution

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Authors: Munaza Mubeen

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The colonial Urdu literature has played a significant role in uplifting the overall status of the Indians. Taking example of the Bhopal State, the contribution of the Royal ladies holds no match in the contemporary age. Similarly, the efforts of the Begamat-e-Bhopal in the field of education had been acknowledged across the Sub-continent. It had been noticed that with the downfall of the Mughal Empire at the hands of the British Raj, the local culture in the Indian sub-continent in general and in Bhopal State in proper got deteriorated. This led to uncertainty, chaos and an anti-British sentiment which created hatred against them in the entire sub-continent. Likely, in Bhopal State, the role of women in field of education also vanished. However, this change was felt by the ladies in the Royal Household where they struggled for restoration of the status quo with their personal efforts. The prominent contributors from the Royal household included Qudseya Begum, Nawab Sikander Begum, Nawab Shah Jahan Begum and Nawab Sultan Johan-they are known as Begamat-i-Bhopal. They established schools, colleges and universities to impart formal and non-formal education respectively. Their systematic approach and continued efforts constituted a dynamic aspect of women’ empowerment. Focused on the female education, however, one of the by-products of their efforts was an introduction of socio-cultural and politico-religious awareness among the middle class womenfolk. Unfortunately, the role of these Bagamat-i-Bhopal has been left untouched or ignored by the academic scholars. This study critically analyzed the role of Beghamat-i-Bhopal regarding female education in Hindustan in general and in Bhopal in particular. Similarly, the contribution of the contemporary writers in development of female education in Bhopal has also been discussed in this paper. This paper is based on the 'historico-textual' approach following structural reason which has established a justifiable argument. The researcher, therefore, has taken into consideration all the chronological nuances in order to accord greater visibility to the contents. The data has been described, analyzed and interpreted inclusively and in generalized manner.

Keywords: colonialism, Begamaat e Bhopal, female education, State of Bhopal

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Authors: Dina Maria Smit

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Worldwide, it seems as if women are adequately represented in government and parliament but are almost absent from governing boards of private enterprises. The reasons for this seem to be embedded in perceptions of inadequacy, remnants of patriarchy, glass ceilings and even female choice. Direct or indirect discrimination against females have been found to be one of the reasons that female employees are found in traditionally “softer” roles, whilst the old “Boy’s Club” is still operational to keep women out of senior managerial positions, especially in the private sector. The cultural construct of Indian society, focusing on male preference, patriarchy, divorce laws and low educational levels of females as opposed to men, is indicative of a society wherein high gender inequality still exists. The position in South Africa is similar in that substantive gender equality has not been reached despite a progressive constitution and anti-discrimination laws. There is a strong push to propel women to senior positions in South Africa, but these efforts have not yet translated into females taking up senior positions in private companies. In South Africa, females still earn less than their male counterparts whilst performing doing the same jobs, are overrepresented in parliament, but do not captain the ships in the private sector. The lack of female parity in employment leads to a lack of autonomy and authority in both South Africa and India. The divide between formal and informal work, unpaid work, mainly being done by women, need to be investigated to ensure substantive gender parity. The findings will show that females are still not equal to men in employment, especially in senior private positions; mainly due to the remnants of patriarchy and glass ceilings that still need to be shattered. This article aims to set out the reasons why gender disparity still exists in India and South Africa, seen through a legal lense. Both countries are signatories to the CEDAW Convention and have constitutions that advocate for the right of equality. Although equal rights have been implemented in both countries, equality may not be well implemented. This investigation is comparative in nature and aims to contribute to the growing body of evidence on how to ensure gender parity in all occupational levels and categories. The study is in quantitative in nature. If substantive gender equality, as opposed to formative gender equality, is a key motivator to ensure gender equality, an investigation into the reasons for this disparity is warranted before suggestions can be tendered to effect lasting change. The aim of this comparative study is not to plug the legal system of one country into the other, but to take into account of the autonomy of choice, set against cultural differences and similarities in an effort to shatter the glass ceilings for women who aspire to climb the corporate ladders.

Keywords: gender inequality, glass ceilings, patriarchy, female disparity

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Authors: Umbreen Salim, Anila Noor

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This paper analyses the influences and faces of colonialism in women’s participation in economic activity in postcolonial Pakistan, through postcolonial feminist economic lens. It is an attempt to probe the shifts in gender inequalities that have existed in three stages; pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial times in the Indo-Pak subcontinent. It delves into an inquiry of pre-colonial as it is imperative to understand the situation and context before colonisation in order to assess the deviations associated with its onset. Hence, in order to trace gender inequalities this paper analyses from Mughal Era (1526-1757) that existed before British colonisation, then, the gender inequalities that existed during British colonisation (1857- 1947) and the associated dynamics and changes in women’s vulnerabilities to participate in the economy are examined. Followed by, the postcolonial (1947 onwards) scenario of discriminations and oppressions faced by women. As part of the research methodology, primary and secondary data analysis was done. Analysis of secondary data including literary works and photographs was carried out, followed by primary data collection using ethnographic approaches and participatory tools to understand the presence of coloniality and gender inequalities embedded in the social structure through participant’s real-life stories. The data is analysed using feminist postcolonial analysis. Intersectionality has been a key tool of analysis as the paper delved into the gender inequalities through the class and caste lens briefly touching at religion. It is imperative to mention the significance of the study and very importantly the practical challenges as historical analysis of 18th and 19th century is involved. Most of the available work on history is produced by a) men and b) foreigners and mostly white authors. Since the historical analysis is mostly by men the gender analysis presented misses on many aspects of women’s issues and since the authors have been mostly white European gives it as Mohanty says, ‘under western eyes’ perspective. Whereas the edge of this paper is the authors’ deep attachment, belongingness as lived reality and work with women in Pakistan as postcolonial subjects, a better position to relate with the social reality and understand the phenomenon. The study brought some key results as gender inequalities existed before colonisation when women were hidden wheel of stable economy which was completely invisible. During the British colonisation, the vulnerabilities of women only increased and as compared to men their inferiority status further strengthened. Today, the postcolonial woman lives in deep-rooted effects of coloniality where she is divided in class and position within the class, and she has to face gender inequalities within household and in the market for economic participation. Gender inequalities have existed in pre-colonial, during colonisation and postcolonial times in Pakistan with varying dynamics, degrees and intensities for women whereby social class, caste and religion have been key factors defining the extent of discrimination and oppression. Colonialism may have physically ended but the coloniality remains and has its deep, broad and wide effects in increasing gender inequalities in women’s participation in the economy in Pakistan.

Keywords: colonialism, economic participation, gender inequalities, women

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Mara Simons

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There are many ways to define what 'diaspora' is in a global world as the term has become more and more fluid in the way it is understood and implemented. The main focus of the research has been on the definition of diaspora – arguments against and for the wider and inclusive definition versus the narrower and excluding one. Who can belong and who are supposed to be left out, who is 'ours' and who is 'other' – those struggles have been observed and researched in the content analysis of Latvia’s mass media, audio recordings from the Foreign Affairs Commission of the parliament of Latvia and official letters from the Ministries, deputies and NGO’s. Latvia’s case is interesting from the point of view of cultural studies as it has been a real struggle to define the term 'diaspora' and it's content in Latvia’s Diaspora law. Those in favour of a narrow definition warned of political risks for Latvia (such as voting demographics). The side arguing for a wide definition argued that anyone with a felt ‘connection’ should be eligible. This identity-based debate is still on-going in spite of the inclusive definition of diaspora being integrated into the law.

Keywords: belonging, cultural studies, diaspora, Latvia

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Authors: Shomaila Sadaf, Margarethe Olbertz-Siitonen

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This study looks at identity and othering in discourses around sensitive issues in social media. More specifically, the study explores the multimodal resources and narratives through which the other is formed, and identities are ascribed in online spaces. As an integral part of social life, media spaces have become an important site for negotiating and ascribing identities. In line with recent research, identity is seen hereas constructions of belonging which go hand in hand with processes of in- and out-group formations that in some cases may lead to othering. Previous findings underline that identities are neither fixed nor limited but rather contextual, intersectional, and interactively achieved. The goal of this study is to explore and develop an understanding of how people co-construct the ‘other’ and ascribe certain identities in social media using multiple modes. In the beginning of the year 2018, the British government decided to include relationships, sexual orientation, and sex education into the curriculum of state funded primary schools. However, the addition of information related to LGBTQ+in the curriculum has been met with resistance, particularly from religious parents.For example, the British Muslim community has voiced their concerns and protested against the actions taken by the British government. YouTube has been used by news companies to air video stories covering the protest and narratives of the protestors along with the position ofschool officials. The analysis centers on a YouTube video dealing with the protest ofa local group of parents against the addition of information about LGBTQ+ in the curriculum in the UK. The video was posted in 2019. By the time of this study, the videos had approximately 169,000 views andaround 6000 comments. In deference to multimodal nature of YouTube videos, this study utilizes multimodal discourse analysis as a method of choice. The study is still ongoing and therefore has not yet yielded any final results. However, the initial analysis indicates a hierarchy of ascribing identities in the data. Drawing on multimodal resources, the media works with social categorizations throughout the documentary, presenting and classifying involved conflicting parties in the light of their own visible and audible identifications. The protesters can be seen to construct a strong group identity as Muslim parents (e.g., clothing and reference to shared values). While the video appears to be designed as a documentary that puts forward facts, the media does not seem to succeed in taking a neutral position consistently throughout the video. At times, the use of images, soundsand language contributes to the formation of “us” vs. “them”, where the audience is implicitly encouraged to pick a side. Only towards the end of the documentary this problematic opposition is addressed and critically reflected through an expert interview that is – interestingly – visually located outside the previously presented ‘battlefield’. This study contributes to the growing understanding of the discursive construction of the ‘other’ in social media. Videos available online are a rich source for examining how the different social actors ascribe multiple identities and form the other.

Keywords: identity, multimodal discourse analysis, othering, youtube

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Authors: Ali Elhatmi, Mustafa Elshbo, Hussin Alosta

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In this study the coper tube witch used in medical applications was brazed by Copper, Zink and Silver alloys, using BCuP2, RBCuZnAl and BAg2 filler metals. The sample of the medical tubes was chemically analyzed and the result matches the British standard. Tensile and hardness tests were carried out for brazed joints, and the tensile test results show that the BCuP2 has the hardest and the filler metal RBCuZnAl has the highest tensile strength.

Keywords: welding, Brazing, Copper tubes, Joints

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Authors: Mina Kalantarzadeh, Claire Lockie-Williams, Caroline Howard

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DNA barcoding is increasingly used for identification of medicinal plants worldwide. In the last decade, a large number of DNA barcodes have been generated, and their application in species identification explored. The success of DNA barcoding process relies on the accuracy of the results from polymerase chain reaction (PCR) amplification step which could be negatively affected due to a presence of inhibitors or degraded DNA in herbal samples. An established DNA reference material can be used to support molecular characterisation protocols and prove system suitability, for fast and accurate identification of plant species. The present study describes the use of a novel reference material, the trnH-psbA British Pharmacopoeia Nucleic Acid Reference Material (trnH-psbA BPNARM), which was produced to aid in the identification of Ocimum tenuiflorum L., a widely used herb. During DNA barcoding of O. tenuiflorum, PCR amplifications of isolated DNA produced inconsistent results, suggesting an issue with either the method or DNA quality of the tested samples. The trnH-psbA BPNARM was produced and tested to check for the issues caused during PCR amplification. It was added to the plant material as control DNA before extraction and was co-extracted and amplified by PCR. PCR analyses revealed that the amplification was not as successful as expected which suggested that the amplification is affected by presence of inhibitors co-extracted from plant materials. Various potential issues were assessed during DNA extraction and optimisations were made accordingly. A DNA barcoding protocol for O. tenuiflorum was published in the British Pharmacopoeia 2016, which included the reference sequence. The trnH-psbA BPNARM accelerated degradation test which investigates the stability of the reference material over time demonstrated that it has been stable when stored at 56 °C for a year. Using this protocol and trnH-psbA reference material provides a fast and accurate method for identification of O. tenuiflorum. The optimisations of the DNA extraction using the trnH-psbA BPNARM provided a signposting method which can assist in overcoming common problems encountered when using molecular methods with medicinal plants.

Keywords: degradation, DNA extraction, nucleic acid reference material, trnH-psbA

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Authors: Volker Mittendorf, Andre Schmale

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In this case study, we want to explore the Twitter-use of candidates during the state parliamentary elections-year 2018 in Bavaria, Germany. This paper focusses on the seven parties that probably entered the parliament. Against this background, the paper classifies the use of language as populism which itself is considered as a political communication style. First, we determine the election campaigns which started in the years 2017 on Twitter, after that we categorize the posting times of the different direct candidates in order to derive ideal types from our empirical data. Second, we have done the exploration based on the dictionary of concerned citizens which contains German political language of the right and the far right. According to that, we are analyzing the corpus with methods of text mining and social network analysis, and afterwards we display the results in a network of words of concerned citizen communication style (CCCS).

Keywords: populism, communication style, election, text mining, social media

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Authors: Amrisha Pandey

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Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

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Authors: Achinthya Bandara

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The Portuguese were the first known European Nation to colonize Ceylon during the early 16th century. When the Portuguese set sail in the late 15th century towards the East and West, they first landed in Pondicherry (Pondicherry), an eastern coastal location of early India and established their trade in the Indian Oceanic regions. Sri Lanka (Ceylon until 1972) made its first contact with the Portuguese just a few years after they anchored in India, the Luso-Sri Lankan contact was initiated and became prominent across the time, even during the later colonial rules, i.e., Dutch and British. Such connections created a Luso-Asian hybrid culture in Ceylon that shared both Sri Lankan and European identities. Portuguese Creole communities were prominent among them as an ethnic group with Portuguese descent interwoven with local traditions and customs, yet outcast by the mainstream Portuguese colonials. Hugh Nevil, a British Civil Servant who served Ceylon in the early 1800s, had collected a considerable amount of such Luso-Asian Literature belonging to Sri Lankan Portuguese creole communities, including 180 Portuguese creole verses sung by the creole communities in Eastern Sri Lanka. Though the collection was studied to uncover literature traits, few or no known studies focused on the anti-colonial subaltern discourse appearing in the shades of this work. It is evident that these verses contain local anti-colonial ideologies that create a platform to place them as elements of Luso-Asian subaltern literature. This research explores how the language and content of these verses contradict the mainstream colonial ideologies we intend to position within a regional anti-colonial subaltern context. As this is part of a long-term research project that translates the whole collection into Sinhalese and Tamil, this study will show evidence from early 1800s verses to suggest how Luso-Asian communities create a unique subaltern linguistic and literary discourse.

Keywords: Luso Asian creoles, Luso Asian subalterns, anti-colonial ideologies, Sri Lanka Portuguese creole

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Authors: Mohammad Arifur Rahman

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The research study aims to bring to light the contribution of sir Sayeed Ahmed in the realm of education and literature. Sir Sayeed Ahmed Khan (1817 –1898), commonly known as Sir Sayeed, was an Indian Muslim leader, Islamic modernist, philosopher and social reformer of the nineteenth century. He earned a reputation as a distinguished scholar while working as a jurist for British India. During the Indian Rebellion of 1857, he remained loyal to the British Empire and was noted for his actions in saving European lives. Believing that the future of Muslims was threatened by the rigidity of their orthodox outlook, Sir Sayeed began promoting Western–style scientific education by founding modern schools and journals and organizing Muslim entrepreneurs. He was one of the founders of the Aligarh Movement and Aligarh Muslim University. He began focusing on writing, from his early life, on various subjects, mainly educational issues. He launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for the regeneration of the Indian Muslims. Sayeed Ahmed Khan found time for literary and scholarly pursuits. The range of his literary and scholarly interests was very wide, comprising all the major areas: education, law, philosophy, history, politics, archeology, journalism, Muslim modernism, literature, science and culture, mainly based on his comprehensive religious ideas should be well measured in view to making out him and his contribution to the context. The books written by himself and the books composed by him by some of the great writers like Altaf Hussein Hali, Hafee z Malick, Nasim Rashid, and Christian W. Troll were studied to understand him and his contribution. The readers of this paper would benefit from dispelling the hazy ideas about this great man of India who made an immense contribution. Further research should be undertaken to know more about the different sides of his thought and personality. The qualitative and the historical methods are adopted for the accomplishment of the work.

Keywords: thinker, reformer, educator and Philosopher, modernist

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Authors: Ahmet Ekinci

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The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term.

Keywords: hyper-presidentialism, Turkish presidentialism, presidential decree, concurrent election, Erdogan’s term limit, Turkish government system

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Authors: Emmy Kipsoi

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Kenya legalized the Sexual offence bill (2001), after vigorous campaigning and lobbying by feminist both in and out of parliament to ensure that the bill passed with minimal amendments. The sexual offense act provides for a good description on what constitutes sexual offences and the penalties that follow. It is from this context that the paper explores and interrogated the lived experiences of women living and working in Kenyan urban towns, who had experienced some form of sexual harassment. The study employed phenomenology to interpret the experiences of twenty (20) women in an urban town between the ages of 20 to 65 years women who had received at least some formal education and where engaged in some formal form of employment. The findings indicated that various forms of sexual harassment were experienced in the Kenyan town. Secondly, the knowledge about the contents of the bill wanting most of the women interviews were not aware of the protection accorded by law. The number of reported cases of sexual harassment shed light on the isolation, frustration and fear that women live despite a progressive law in print

Keywords: Kenya, phenomenology, sexual harassment, women

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Abiodun Odusote

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This paper gives content to the Provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it offers new perspectives on the nature of fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and the duties of citizens. It makes inquiries into the justiciability of these rights and examines the reasoning of the Nigerian courts in the interpretation and enforcement of the rights. The paper examines the emerging jurisprudence in India and South Africa and lessons are drawn from their respective models of enforcement of similar rights. The paper concludes by proposing more creative and novel alternatives to the enforcement and enjoyments of these rights, including: enforcement through Acts of Parliament, enforcement through other Constitutional provisions, indirect enforcement, enforcement through regional and international courts, enforcement by constructive engagement, and enforcement through electoral process. Overall, it is shown that there are available a variety of practical and effective ways of improving the realization and enjoyment of the provisions of Chapter II of the CFRN.

Keywords: constructive-engagement, indirect enforcement, judicial activism, justiciability, social rights

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Authors: Tatiana Ivushkina

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The paper is aimed at studying the use of literary words of foreign origin in modern fiction from a sociolinguistic point of view, which presupposes establishing correlation between this category of words in a speech portrayal or narrative and a social status of the speaker, verifying that it bears social implications and serves as a social marker or index of socially privileged identity in the British literature of the 21-st century. To this end, there were selected literary words of foreign origin in context (60 contexts) and subjected to careful examination. The study is carried out on two novels by Jeffrey Archer – Not a Penny More, Not a Penny Less and A Prisoner of Birth – who, being a graduate from Oxford, represents socially privileged classes himself and gives a wide depiction of characters with different social backgrounds and statuses. The analysis of the novels enabled us to categorize the selected words into four relevant groups. The first represented by terms (commodity, debenture, recuperation, syringe, luminescence, umpire, etc.) serves to unambiguously indicate education, occupation, a field of knowledge in which a character is involved or a situation of communication. The second group is formed of words used in conjunction with their Germanic counterparts (perspiration – sweat, padre – priest, convivial – friendly) to contrast social position of the characters: literary words serving as social indices of upper class speakers whereas their synonyms of Germanic origin characterize middle or lower class speech portrayals. The third class of words comprises socially marked words (verbs, nouns, and adjectives), or U-words (the term first coined by Allan Ross and Nancy Mitford), the status acquired in the course of social history development (elegant, excellent, sophistication, authoritative, preposterous, etc.). The fourth includes words used in a humorous or ironic meaning to convey the narrator’s attitude to the characters or situation itself (ministrations, histrionic, etc.). Words of this group are perceived as 'alien', stylistically distant as they create incongruity between style and subject matter. Social implication of the selected words is enhanced by French words and phrases often accompanying them.

Keywords: British literature of the XXI century, literary words of foreign origin, social context, social meaning

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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The majority of Korean female members of parliament(MPs) had been elected from the proportional representation till the 19th assemblies but in the 20th general election women MPs of the district representation is slightly more than women MPs of the proportional representation. The chance of women candidates to win is not as low as we assume. Therefore this study aims to reveal which factors influence the election of women candidates, other factors except the political party, because the effect of political party is already well known. Gangnam Eul is selected because female candidate was elected in spite of the low percentage of vote won by her political party. According to the survey, the female candidate was elected thanks to her policies and election pledges. Therefore, women candidates can be elected when they are nominated as candidates by their party in a safe constituency but also they can be elected with their good policies and election pledges in an unsafe constituency. And also the degree of the education, the age and the profession of voters influenced the support of female candidate.

Keywords: women candidates, 20th general election, winning in the district representation, policies and election pledges

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Perizat Balkhimbekova

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Evolutionary changes in cognitive world view taking place in the last decades are followed by changes in perception of the key concepts which are related to the certain lingua-cultural sphere. Also, such concepts reflect the person’s attitude to essential processes in the sphere of concepts, e.g. the opposite operations like creation and destruction. These changes in people’s life and thinking are displayed in a language world view. In order to open the maintenance of mental structures and concepts we should use language means as observable results of people’s cognitive activity. Semantics of words, free phrases and idioms should be considered as an authoritative source of information concerning concepts. The regularized set of concepts in people consciousness forms the sphere of concepts. Cognitive linguistics widely discusses the sphere of concepts as its crucial category defining it as the field of knowledge which is made of concepts. It is considered that a sphere of concepts comprises the various types of association and forms conceptual fields. As a material for the given research, the data from Russian National Corpus and British National Corpus were used. In is necessary to point out that data provided by computational studies, are intrinsic and verifiable; so that we have used them in order to get the reliable results. The procedure of study was based on such techniques as extracting of the context containing concepts of creation|destruction from the Russian National Corpus (RNC), and British National Corpus (BNC); analyzing and interpreting of those context on the basis of cognitive approach; finding of correspondence between the given concepts in the Russian and English world view. The key problem of our study is to find the correspondence between the elements of world view represented by opposite concepts such as creation and destruction. Findings: The concept of "destruction" indicates a process which leads to full or partial destruction of an object. In other words, it is a loss of the object primary essence: structures, properties, distinctive signs and its initial integrity. The concept of "creation", on the contrary, comprises positive characteristics, represents the activity aimed at improvement of the certain object, at the creation of ideal models of the world. On the other hand, destruction is represented much more widely in RNC than creation (1254 cases of the first concept by comparison to 192 cases for the second one). Our hypothesis consists in the antinomy represented by the aforementioned concepts. Being opposite both in respect of semantics and pragmatics, and from the point of view of axiology, they are at the same time complementary and interrelated concepts.

Keywords: creation, destruction, concept, world view

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Authors: Evelyn Marie Richmond, Andrew McBride, Chris Johnston, John Marley

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Background: Good quality patient information resources for orthognathic treatment help to reinforce information delivered during the initial consultation and help patients make informed decisions about their care. The Consultant Orthodontists and a Dental Core Trainee noted limited patient engagement with the British Orthodontic Society (BOS) 'Your Jaw Surgery' online resources and that the existing BOS patient information leaflet (PIL) could be customised and developed to meet local requirements. Aim: The quality improvement project (QIP) aimed to improve patients' understanding of orthognathic treatment by ensuring at least 90% of patients had read the new in-house patient information leaflet (PIL) and a minimum of 50% of patients had accessed the British Orthodontic Society (BOS) 'Your Jaw Surgery' online resources before attending the joint orthognathic multidisciplinary clinic by June 2023. Methods: The QIP was undertaken in the orthodontic department of the School of Dentistry, Belfast. Data was collected prospectively during a 6-month period from January 2023 to June 2023 over 3 Plan, Do, Study, Act (PDSA) cycles. Suitable patients were identified at consultant orthodontic new patient clinics. Following initial consultation for orthognathic treatment, patients were contacted to complete a patient questionnaire. Design: The change ideas were a poster with a QR code directing patients to the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website in consultation areas and a new in-house PIL with a QR code directing patients to the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website. Results: In PDSA cycle 1, 86.7% of patients were verbally directed to the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website, and 53.3% accessed the online resources after their initial consultation. Although 100% of patients reported reading the existing PIL, only 64.3% felt it discussed the risks of orthognathic treatment in sufficient detail. By PDSA cycle 3, 100% of patients reported being directed to the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website, however, only 58.3% engaged with the website. 100% of patients who read the new PIL felt that it discussed the risks of orthognathic treatment in sufficient detail. Conclusion: The slight improvement in access to the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website shows that patients do not necessarily choose to access information online despite its availability. The uptake of the new PIL was greater than reported patient engagement with the BOS 'Your Jaw Surgery' website, which indicates patients still value written information despite the availability of online resources.

Keywords: orthognathic surgery, patient information resources, quality improvement project, risks

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Authors: Luisa Carrer, Lorenzo De Masi

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In this paper, we exploit the massive amount of information from Facebook to build a measure of gender attitudes in Italy at a previously impossible resolution—the municipal level. We construct our index via a machine learning method to replicate a benchmark region-level measure. Interestingly, we find that most of the variation in our Gender Norms Index (GNI) is across towns within narrowly defined geographical areas rather than across regions or provinces. In a second step, we show how this local variation in norms can be leveraged for identification purposes. In particular, we use our index to investigate whether these differences in norms carry over to the policy activity of politicians elected in the Italian Parliament. We document that females are more likely to sit in parliamentary committees focused on gender-sensitive matters, labor, and social issues, but not if they come from a relatively conservative town. These effects are robust to conditioning the legislative term and electoral district, suggesting the importance of social norms in shaping legislators’ policy activity.

Keywords: gender equality, gender norms index, Facebook, machine learning, politics

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