Search results for: concurrent election

Authors: Ahmet Ekinci

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The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term.

Keywords: hyper-presidentialism, Turkish presidentialism, presidential decree, concurrent election, Erdogan’s term limit, Turkish government system

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Authors: Abubakar Sulaiman

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The paper examines how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Over the years, election observation continues to play critical role in the electoral process specifically in Nigeria and Africa at large. Election observation keeps an eye on the electoral process and all the stakeholders during elections, to ensure that the process is fair to all contestants. While literature abound on this role of election observation on electoral process in Nigeria, scanty scholarly efforts have been made to appraise how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Also, while election observation may play a role in ensuring that the electoral process is credible, specifically, its role in prvoking and eliciting various electoral reforms in the country has not been explored. The paper adopts the explanatory research design using secondary data and document analysis. Preliminary findings show that election observation has influenced electoral reforms in Nigeria in no small measure. The paper concludes that election observation is critical for result oriented electoral reforms in Nigeria, albeit, such reforms have to be implemented to the latter.

Keywords: electoral reforms, election observation, electoral process, developing country

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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The majority of Korean female members of parliament(MPs) had been elected from the proportional representation till the 19th assemblies but in the 20th general election women MPs of the district representation is slightly more than women MPs of the proportional representation. The chance of women candidates to win is not as low as we assume. Therefore this study aims to reveal which factors influence the election of women candidates, other factors except the political party, because the effect of political party is already well known. Gangnam Eul is selected because female candidate was elected in spite of the low percentage of vote won by her political party. According to the survey, the female candidate was elected thanks to her policies and election pledges. Therefore, women candidates can be elected when they are nominated as candidates by their party in a safe constituency but also they can be elected with their good policies and election pledges in an unsafe constituency. And also the degree of the education, the age and the profession of voters influenced the support of female candidate.

Keywords: women candidates, 20th general election, winning in the district representation, policies and election pledges

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Authors: Ismail Sualman, Mohd Khairuddin Othman

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General Election has been the backbone of democracy that permits people to choose their representatives as they deem fit. The support preferences of the voter differ from one to another, particularly in a plural society like Malaysia. The turning up of high numbers of young voters during the Malaysia 14th General Election has been said to have been caused by social media including Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube and Telegram, WeChat and SMS/MMs. It has been observed that, besides using social media as an interaction tool among social friends, it is also an important source of information to know about issues, politics and politicians. This paper exhibits the role of social media in providing political information to young voters, before an election and during the election campaign. This study examines how this information is being translated into election support. A total of 799 Malay young respondents in Selangor have been surveyed and interviewed. This study revealed that social media has become the source of political information among Malay young voters. This research suggested that social media had a significant effect on the support during the election. Social media plays an important role in carrying information such as current issues, voting trends, candidate imagery and matters that may influence the view of young voters. The information obtained from social media has been translated into a voting decision.

Keywords: social media, political behaviour, voters’ choice, election.

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Authors: Md. Awal Hossain Mollah

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The aim of this study was to evaluate the relation between the free, fair and credible election in ensuring democratic governance in Bangladesh. The paper is a case (Bangladesh) study and qualitative in nature and based on secondary sources of materials. For doing this study, conceptual clarification has been done first and identified few elements of free, fair and credible elections. Then, how far these elements have been ensured in Bangladeshi elections has been evaluated by analyzing all the national elections held since independence. Apart from these, major factors and challenges of holding a free, fair and credible election in Bangladesh have been examined through using the following research questions: 1. Does role of election commission matter for free, fair and credible elections to form a democratic government? 2. Does role of political parties matter for democratic governance? 3. Do role of government matter for conducting the free, fair and credible election in ensuring democratic governance? 4. Does non-party caretaker government matter for conducting a free, fair and credible election? 5. Does democratic governance depend on multi-dimensional factors and actors? Major findings of this study are: Since the independence of Bangladesh, 10 national elections held in various regimes. 4 out of 10 national elections have been found free, fair and credible which have been conducted by the non-party caretaker government. Rests of the elections are not out of controversy and full of manipulation held under elected government. However, the caretaker government has already been abolished by the AL government through 15th amendment of the constitution. The present AL government is elected by the 10th parliamentary election under incumbent (AL) government, but a major opposition allies (20 parties) lead by BNP boycotted this election and 154 of the total 300 seats being uncontested. As a result, AL again came to the power without a competitive election and most of the national and International election observers including media world consider this election as unfair and the government is suffering from lack of legitimacy. Therefore, the governance of present Bangladesh is not democratic at all and it is to be considered as one party (14 parties’ allies lead by AL) authoritarian governance in the shade of parliamentary governance. Both the position and opposition of the parliament is belonging in 14 parties’ alliances lead by AL.

Keywords: democracy, governance, free, fair and credible elections, Bangladesh

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Authors: Alieu B. Sanneh

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In a country where there are minimal economic opportunities, with a declining living condition of the people, do electorates in Africa’s newest democracy reevaluate their support for a candidate based on issues or ethnicity. In the 2016 presidential election in The Gambia, the opposition coalition party had successfully managed to overthrow an authoritarian government, which has ruled the country for 22 years. The results of the election are not only surprising but also presented an interesting theoretical puzzle that raises important this paper is going to address. An important fact is that dictator had organized an election which he lost, and this paper will assess the voting decisions of Gambian electorates to determine whether they were more concerned with issues such as status of the economy, human rights abuses by the Jammeh administration or the ethnicities of the contestants who took part in the election. This study uses field survey data, conducted six months after this historic vote, to evaluate the opinion of the electorates. Contrary to the notion of the prevalence of ethnic voting in African elections, an argument made by many scholars, this study concluded that Gambian voters were more concerned with issues such as the economy and human rights under the Jammeh administration than they were for the ethnicities of the candidates. The election was issue-based, and that Jammeh lost the polls due to the concern the electorate had on human rights abuses by his government.

Keywords: election, issue, ethnicity, regime change

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Clara Stella Anugerah

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This study actually is a reflection of the general election in 2014. The researcher was interested in this case as the assessment of several phenomenons that happened recently. One of them is the use of social media for the campaign. By this modern era, social media becomes closer with society. It gains the communication process, and by the time being communicating others also becomes easier than before. Furthermore, social media can minimize the cost of communication with many people as a far distance that often comes to be an obstacle of communication does not become a big problem anymore. In Indonesia, the advantages of social media were used by a political party, Gerindra, to face the election that was held on 2014. Actually Gerindra is a newly formed political party that was established in 2008. In spite of Gerindra is the new comer in the election, according to the General Election Committee’s data in Indonesia, Gerindra has the biggest budget than others to cost campaign in social media. Because of that, this research wants to look “how is the pattern of Gerindra party’s campaign to face the general election in 2014? To ask that question, the theory used for this research is campaign method based on ICT (Information Communication Technology) by Rummele. According to the rummele, Gerindra was a party that used a product of social media massively, mainly facebook and twitter. According to that observation, this research focus on campaign that had been done by Gerindra in both of those social media by the time window given by KPU (General Election Committee) on Maret 16th until April 5th, 2014. The conclusion was derived by content analysis method that was used in the methodology. In this context, that method was used while interpreting the content uploaded by Gerindra to facebook or twitter, such as picture and writing. Finally, by that method and reflecting the rummele theory, this research inferred that the patern used for Gerindra’s campaign in social media tends to be top-down. It means: Gerindra showed uncommunicative tendency in social media and only want to catch much mass without mentioned a mission and vision clearly.

Keywords: Gerindra party, political party, social media, campaign, general election on 2014

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman

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The Nigerian political system has witnessed rising occurrences of election malpractice in the last decade. This has been due to election rigging and other forms of electoral fraud. In order to find a sustainable solution to this malpractice, the introduction of electronic voting (e-voting) has been suggested. This paper reviews the challenges, benefits, and issues associated with e-voting as a panacea for election malpractice in Nigeria. The review of existing literature revealed that e-voting can reduce the cost of conducting elections and reduce the opportunity for electoral fraud. The review suggests that the introduction of e-voting in the Nigerian political system would require adequate cybersecurity measures, trust-building initiatives, and proper legal frameworks to ensure its successful implementation. It is recommended that there should be an effective policy that would ensure the security of the system as well as the credibility of the results. Furthermore, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be conducted to ensure that voters understand the process and are comfortable using the system. In conclusion, e-voting has the potential to reduce the occurrence of election malpractice in the Nigerian political system. However, the successful implementation of e-voting will require effective policy interventions and trust-building initiatives. Additionally, the costs of acquiring the necessary infrastructure and equipment and implementing proper legal frameworks need to be considered.

Keywords: electronic voting, general election, candidate, INEC, cyberattack

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Authors: Nathen A. Spitz, Dennis Martin Kivlighan III, Arwa Aburizik

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Background and Purpose: Presently, there is a paucity of naturalistic studies that directly compare the effectiveness of psychotherapy versus concurrent psychotherapy and psychiatric care for the treatment of depression and anxiety in cancer patients. Informed by previous clinical trials examining the efficacy of concurrent approaches, this study sought to test the hypothesis that a combined approach would result in the greatest reduction of depression and anxiety symptoms. Methods: Data for this study consisted of 433 adult cancer patients, with 252 receiving only psychotherapy and 181 receiving concurrent psychotherapy and psychiatric care at the University of Iowa Hospitals and Clinics. Longitudinal PHQ9 and GAD7 data were analyzed between both groups using latent growth curve analyses. Results: After controlling for treatment length and provider effects, results indicated that concurrent care was more effective than psychotherapy alone for depressive symptoms (γ₁₂ = -0.12, p = .037). Specifically, the simple slope for concurrent care was -0.25 (p = .022), and the simple slope for psychotherapy alone was -0.13 (p = .006), suggesting that patients receiving concurrent care experienced a greater reduction in depressive symptoms compared to patients receiving psychotherapy alone. In contrast, there were no significant differences between psychotherapy alone and concurrent psychotherapy and psychiatric care in the reduction of anxious symptoms. Conclusions: Overall, as both psychotherapy and psychiatric care may address unique aspects of mental health conditions, in addition to potentially providing synergetic support to each other, a combinatorial approach to mental healthcare for cancer patients may improve outcomes.

Keywords: psychiatry, psychology, psycho-oncology, combined care, psychotherapy, behavioral psychology

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Sijuade A. A., Oguntoye J. P., Awodoye O. O., Adedapo O. A., Wahab W. B., Okediran O. O., Omidiora E. O., Olabiyisi S. O.

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Electronic voting systems have been introduced to improve the efficiency, accuracy, and transparency of the election process in many countries around the world, including Nigeria. However, concerns have been raised about the security and integrity of these systems. One way to address these concerns is through the implementation of electronic forensic election audit systems. This study aims to evaluate voters' intention to the adoption of electronic forensic election audit systems using the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model. In the study, the UTAUT model which is a widely used model in the field of information systems to explain the factors that influence individuals' intention to use a technology by integrating performance expectancy, effort expectancy, social influence, facilitating conditions, cost factor and privacy factor to voters’ behavioural intention was proposed. A total of 294 sample data were collected from a selected population of electorates who had at one time or the other participated in at least an electioneering process in Nigeria. The data was then analyzed statistically using Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The results obtained show that all variables have a significant effect on the electorates’ behavioral intention to adopt the development and implementation of an electronic forensic election audit system in Nigeria.

Keywords: election Audi, voters, UTAUT, performance expectancy, effort expectancy, social influence, facilitating condition social influence, facilitating conditions, cost factor, privacy factor, behavioural intention

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Authors: Ryan Brading

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The results of Taiwan’s presidential election, which took place on 11 January 2020, were alarming for the Kuomintang (KMT). A party that was once the pillar of Taiwan’s institutional apparatus is now losing its direction. Since 2016, the inability of KMT to construct a winning presidential election campaign strategy has made its Chinese ancestry an obstacle in Taiwan’s vibrant and transparent democracy. The appearance of the little-known legislator Han Kuo-yu as the leadership alternative opened the possibility of reigniting the party. Han’s victory in the Kaohsiung mayoral election in November 2018 provided hope that Han could also win the presidency. Wrongly described as a populist, Han, however, was defeated in the January 2020 presidential race. This article analyses why Han is not a populist, his triumph in Kaohsiung, humiliation in running for the presidency and suffering a complete ‘loss of face’ when Kaohsiungers democratically ousted him from the mayoral post on 6 June 2020.

Keywords: populism, 1992 consensus, youth vote, Taiwan, recall

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Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: Tsegyu Santas

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The aim of this study was to examine the utilization of social media for political communication during the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria. The research design adopted for the study was survey; 294 copies of questionnaire were distributed to students of mass communication in three selected universities in North Central Nigeria. Simple random sampling technique was used to select the respondents for the study. The results of the descriptive statistics show that majority of the respondents choice of presidential candidates during the 2011 presidential election was influenced by the use of social media as indicated by high value of mean (1.5805). Similarly, a large number of respondents were of the opinion that the two selected presidential candidates were popular because they used social media in their political campaign (mean value of 1.5575). In addition, the respondents affirmed that their voting pattern during the 2011 presidential elections was influenced by social media usage. This was validated by a high mean value of (1.6667). Similarly, the result of the test of hypothesis indicated that voters’ choice of political candidates was influenced by political communication on social media. In view of the findings of this study, the study, therefore, concludes that social media have redefined the landscape of political communication in Nigeria. Based on the findings of the study, it was recommended that social media should be fully integrated in Nigeria political communication system.

Keywords: communication, election, politics, social media

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Carl van Walraven, Meltem Tuna

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Background: Network meta-analysis (NMA) quantifies the relative efficacy of 3 or more interventions from studies containing a subgroup of interventions. This study applied the analytical approach of NMA to quantify the relative accuracy of prediction models with distinct inclusion criteria that are evaluated on a common population (‘concurrent external validation’). Methods: We simulated binary events in 5000 patients using a known risk function. We biased the risk function and modified its precision by pre-specified amounts to create 15 prediction models with varying accuracy and distinct patient applicability. Prediction model accuracy was measured using the Scaled Brier Score (SBS). Overall prediction model accuracy was measured using fixed-effects methods that accounted for model applicability patterns. Prediction model accuracy was summarized as the Network Relative Model Accuracy (NeRMA) Score which ranges from -∞ through 0 (accuracy of random guessing) to 1 (accuracy of most accurate model in concurrent external validation). Results: The unbiased prediction model had the highest SBS. The NeRMA score correctly ranked all simulated prediction models by the extent of bias from the known risk function. A SAS macro and R-function was created to implement the NeRMA Score. Conclusions: The NeRMA Score makes it possible to quantify the accuracy of binomial prediction models having distinct inclusion criteria in a concurrent external validation.

Keywords: prediction model accuracy, scaled brier score, fixed effects methods, concurrent external validation

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Authors: Nafe Moradkhani, Frederick Benaben, Benoit Montreuil, Ali Vatankhah Barenji, Dima Nazzal

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In the context of the global pandemic, the practical management of the 2020 presidential election in the USA was a strong concern. To anticipate and prepare for this election accurately, one of the main challenges was to confront (i) forecasts of voter turnout, (ii) capacities of the facilities and, (iii) potential configuration options of resources. The approach chosen to conduct this anticipative study consists of collecting data about forecasts and using simulation models to work simultaneously on resource allocation and facility configuration of polling places in Fulton County, Georgia’s largest county. A polling place is a dedicated facility where voters cast their ballots in elections using different devices. This article presents the results of the simulations of such places facing pre-identified potential risks. These results are oriented towards the efficiency of these places according to different criteria (health, trust, comfort). Then a dynamic framework is introduced to describe risks as physical forces perturbing the efficiency of the observed system. Finally, the main benefits and contributions resulting from this simulation campaign are presented.

Keywords: performance, decision support, simulation, artificial intelligence, risk management, election, pandemics, information system

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Authors: Anand Ankush, Wani Mohammed Farooq

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A procedure based on digraph and matrix method is developed for modelling and evaluation of sustainability of Mechanical System in a concurrent engineering environment.The sustainability parameters of a Mechanical System are identified and are called sustainability attributes. Consideration of attributes and their interrelations is rudiment in modeling and evaluation of sustainability index. Sustainability attributes of a Mechanical System are modelled in termsof sustainability digraph. The graph is represented by a one-to-one matrix for sustainability expression which is based on sustainability attributes. A variable sustainability relationship permanent matrix is defined to develop sustainability expression(VPF-t) which is also useful in comparing two systems in a concurrent environment. The sustainability index of Mechanical System is obtained from permanent of matrix by substituting the numerical values of attributes and their interrelations. A higher value of index implies better sustainability of system.The ideal value of index is obtained from matrix expression which is useful in assessing relative sustainability of a Mechanical System in a concurrent engineering environment. The procedure is not only useful for evaluation of sustainability of a Mechanical System at conceptual design stage but can also be used for design and development of systems at system design stage. A step-by-step procedure for evaluation of sustainability index is also suggested and is illustrated by means of an example.

Keywords: digraph, matrix method, mechanical system, sustainability

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Authors: Noraini Idris, Imelda Albert Gisip

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Women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all level of decisionmaking process are essential in order to achieve sustainable development goals by 2030. This paper discusses how women in Malaysia generally still find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Leaders from various political parties in Malaysia were all on the same page in their commitment to achieve the target of fielding 30 percent women candidates in election which in turn will increase female representation in the country’s legislative bodies. However, despite their pledge on making equal opportunities to women in decision making process, the 30 percent target has yet to be achieved be it in the federal election nor respective state elections in thirteen states conducted throughout the country until now. Sabah’s political landscape with regards to women leaders’ representation in politic mirrors that at the federal level. During the 15th Parliamentary General Election which was conducted in November 2022, despite Sabah Women’s significant numbers as voters in the electoral rolls which recorded 49.36 percent (833,847 women voters); only 17.6 percent or 21 women candidates out of 119 candidates in Sabah were fielded by the political parties contesting in the election. Sabah has 25 parliamentary seats. Out of 31 women members of Parliament who won the 15th General Election, only 3 women members of Parliament are from Sabah. Even in the 2020 Sabah State Election only nine (9) percent of the candidates or 43 women out of the 447 total candidates were fielded. The current Sabah State legislative Assembly saw only eight (8) percent or 7 women Assemblymen out of 79 Assemblymen in the legislative body. The number of female leaders in the legislative body in Malaysia has never exceeded 15 percent with the highest being 14.86 percent in the Lower House (Dewan Rakyat), 14.42 percent in the Upper House (Dewan Senat) and merely 8 percent in the Sabah State legislative Assembly. Thus, this paper will further discuss the strategies to tackle women leaders underrepresentation in politics particularly in Sabah, Malaysia and to provide suggestions to overcome this issue.

Keywords: women, leaders, politic, Sabah, Malaysia

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Authors: Ridho Al-Hamdi, Sakir, Tanto Lailam

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During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted a closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed open-list proportional representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the application of CLPR in Indonesia and, in turn, analyze its compatibility in contemporary parliamentary election system. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a case study approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly focus group discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews with political parties, electoral management bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.

Keywords: closed-list proportional representation, embedded democracy, Indonesia, parliamentary election

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Authors: Reza Karami, Ali Akbar Ebrahimi

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This paper discusses concurrent engineering of robot manipulators, based on the Holistic Concurrent Design (HCD) methodology and by using a hardware-in-the-loop simulation platform. The methodology allows for considering numerous design variables with different natures concurrently. It redefines the ultimate goal of design based on the notion of satisfaction, resulting in the simplification of the multi-objective constrained optimization process. It also formalizes the effect of designer’s subjective attitude in the process. To enhance modeling efficiency for both computation and accuracy, a hardware-in-the-loop simulation platform is used, which involves physical joint modules and the control unit in addition to the software modules. This platform is implemented in the HCD design architecture to reliably evaluate the design attributes and performance super criterion during the design process. The resulting overall architecture is applied to redesigning kinematic, dynamic and control parameters of an industrial robot manipulator.

Keywords: concurrent engineering, hardware-in-the-loop simulation, robot manipulator, multidisciplinary systems, mechatronics

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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This paper examines the influence of identity politics on the development of electoral democracy in Nigeria. The paper was anchored on a theory of African democracy adopted the qualitative methodology and deployed data from secondary sources to evaluate the 2023 presidential election, and found that ethnicity, religion, and regional sentiments played a major role in the election. The practical implications of this paper are that while Nigeria’s democracy is tending towards consolidation, if the unexpected does not happen, e.g., military takeover, religious and ethnic identities can mar the country’s development as competent candidates that have good policies will be voted out based on religious and ethnic sentiments. Thus, there is a need to de-emphasize religion and ethnicity in the Nigerian polity. Candidates and parties that campaign based on racial or religious narratives should be barred from contesting elective positions. The paper concluded that identity politics is inimical to Nigeria’s democratization process as well as efforts aimed at uniting and integrating the country; it, therefore, recommended that to establish a sound electoral democracy and a strong united country, the menace of ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages should be addressed. To achieve this, efforts should be intensified towards providing a set of principles for nation-building which should be included in the constitution. In addition, the paper urges the media to support the formation of an inclusive government, cutting across tribes and religions in the country to reduce the negative impact of ethnicity and religion in the country.

Keywords: cleavages, democracy, ethnicity, election, identity politics, religion

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Authors: Sumanpreet Kaur, Harjit Pal Singh, Vikas Khullar

Abstract:

In Wireless Sensor Network (WSN), the sensor containing motes (nodes) incorporate batteries that can lament at some extent. To upgrade the energy utilization, clustering is one of the prototypical approaches for split sensor motes into a number of clusters where one mote (also called as node) proceeds as a Cluster Head (CH). CH selection is one of the optimization techniques for enlarging stability and network lifespan. Deterministic Stable Election Protocol (DSEP) is an effectual clustering protocol that makes use of three kinds of nodes with dissimilar residual energy for CH election. Fuzzy Logic technology is used to expand energy level of DSEP protocol by using fuzzy inference system. This paper presents protocol DSEP using Fuzzy Logic (DSEP-FL) CH by taking into account four linguistic variables such as energy, concentration, centrality and distance to base station. Simulation results show that our proposed method gives more effective results in term of a lifespan of network and stability as compared to the performance of other clustering protocols.

Keywords: DSEP, fuzzy logic, energy model, WSN

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Authors: D. A. Dakul, T. M. Akindigh, B. J. Dogonyaro, O. J. Abba, K. T. Tangtur, N. Sambo, J. A. E. Okopi, J. A. Yohanna, G. E. Imade, G. S. Mwansat, S. Oguche

Abstract:

Malaria and urinary Schistosomaisis are both endemic in Nigeria and pose a serious health challenge in rural areas where co-infections are common. This descriptive cross sectional study was carried out to determine the prevalence of co-infection and the impact of concurrent infection on haemoglobin concentration, Eosinophil and CD4+ T-lymphocyte counts. Plasmodium falciparum and Schistosoma haematobium infection were determined by Malaria Rapid Diagnostic Test (MRDT) kits and the presence of visible haematuria respectively and confirmed by conventional Polymerase Chain Reaction (cPCR). P values < 0.05 were considered statistically significant. Of the 110 children examined, 13 (11.8%) had concurrent infection with Schistosoma haematobium falciparum, 46(41.8%) had Plasmodium falciparum infection while 16(14.5%) had Schistosoma haematobium infection. A strong association between co-infection and the ages of 10-15 years with a 36.4% prevalence of anaemia was observed. Malaria was significantly associated with anaemia than with concurrent infections or schistomiasis alone. Co-infection with both pathogens and a high prevalence of anaemia was observed in Jinduut community. Although the causes of anaemia are multi-factorial, further investigation into the extent to which malaria and urinary schistosomiasis contribute to anaemia is needed. Also, integrated control efforts must be strengthened to mitigate the impact of concurrent infection in this group of vulnerable members in the community. The results can be applied to other communities during control.

Keywords: co-Infection, plasmodium falciparum and scistosoma haematobium, Jinduut, Nigeria

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Authors: Hiroaki Fukuda

Abstract:

This paper shows a concurrent development process for modern web application, called Rich Internet Application (RIA), and describes its effect using a non-trivial application development. In the last years, RIAs such as Ajax and Flex have become popular based mainly on high-speed network. RIA provides sophisticated interfaces and user experiences, therefore, the development of RIA requires two kinds of engineer: a developer who implements business logic, and a designer who designs interface and experiences. Although collaborative works are becoming important for the development of RIAs, shared resources such as source code make it difficult. For example, if a design of interface is modified after developers have finished business logic implementations, they need to repeat the same implementations, and also tests to verify application’s behavior. MVC architecture and Object-oriented programming (OOP) enables to dividing an application into modules such as interfaces and logic, however, developers and/or designers have to write pieces of code (e.g., event handlers) that make these modules work as an application. On the other hand, Aspect-oriented programming (AOP) is ex- pected to solve complexity of application software development nowadays. AOP provides methods to separate crosscutting concerns that are scattered pieces of code from primary concerns. In this paper, we provide a concurrent development process for RIAs by introducing AOP concept. This process makes it possible to reduce shared resources between developers and designers, therefore they can perform their tasks concurrently. In addition, we describe experiences of development for a practical application using our proposed development process to show its availability.

Keywords: aspect-oriented programming, concurrent, development process, rich internet application

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Authors: Thanny Noeem Taiwo

Abstract:

The study is an attempt to gauge the way political parties advertised their candidates and parties during the 2015 presidential election. It examined the prominence given to political advertisement by newspapers and their patrons. It also looked at the campaign issues that the candidates emphasized in their campaign and also the appeals used in the advertisements. This research work is examined against the backdrop of the Framing Theory. The agenda setting and framing effects theories are media effects theories that explain how the media affects the people, events and situations in the society. Samples comprising of three daily newspapers were selected to represent the newspapers in the Nigeria. The Punch Newspaper, the Nation and the Vanguard will be used for population of this study. These newspapers were chosen because they are widely read national dailies and also because of its affiliation with some political parties. The study revealed that low prominence was given to political messages because most of the advertisements were in the inside pages of the newspapers. The media or the print medium could be a partner in a political setting as the fourth estate of the realm. While the press was trying hard to be professional, its operations were considerably inhibited by the political adventures of the patrons of the media. There is the need for strict professionalism to the ethics of journalism in the commercialization of political messages that would eventually rub off positively on the way the media is perceived.

Keywords: aAdvertisement, election, framing, newspaper

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