Search results for: political leaders

Authors: Riikka Elina Kallio

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“The walls have ears” phrase is defining the era of dictatorship in Portugal (1926–1974) and political unrest decades in Finland (1917–1948). The phrase is referring to the policing of the political, secret police, PIDE (Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado 1933–1969) in Portugal and VALPO (Valtiollinen Poliisi 1939–1948) in Finland. Free speech at any public space and even in private events could be fatal. The members of the PIDE/VALPO or informers/collaborators could be listening. Strict censorship under the Salazar´s regime was controlling media for example newspapers, music, and the film industry. Similarly, the politically affected censorship influenced the media in Finland in those unrest decades. This article examines the similarities and the differences in the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, by analyzing Finnish and Portuguese films from the nineteen-thirties to nineteensixties. The text addresses two main research questions: what are the common and different features in the representations of the Finnish and Portuguese political police in films between the 1930s and 1960s, and how did the national censorship affect these representations? This study approach is interdisciplinary, and it combines film studies and criminology. Close reading is a practical qualitative method for analyzing films and in this study, close reading emphasizes the features of the police officer. Criminology provides the methodological tools for analysis of the police universal features and European common policies. The characterization of the police in this study is based on Robert Reiner´s 1980s and Timo Korander´s 2010s definitions of the police officer. The research material consisted of the Portuguese films from online film archives and Finnish films from Movie Making Finland -project´s metadata which offered suitable material by data mining the keywords such as poliisi, poliisipäällikkö and konstaapeli (police, police chief, police constable). The findings of this study suggest that even though there are common features of the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, there are still national and cultural differences in the representations of the political police and policing.

Keywords: censorship, film studies, images, PIDE, political police, VALPO

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Authors: A. Nawaz

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The present study uses Halliday’s transitivity model to analyze and interpret ideological stance in PM Nawaz Sharif’s political discourse. His famous speech at the 71st UN assembly was analyzed qualitatively using clausal analysis approach to investigate the communicative functions of the linguistic choices made in the address. The study discovers that among the six process types under the transitivity model, material, relational and mental processes appear most frequently in the speech, making up almost 86% of the whole. Verbal processes rank 4th, whereas existential and behavioral are the least occurring processes covering only 2 and 1 percent respectively. The dominant use of material processes suggests that Nawaz Sharif and his government are the main actors working on several concrete projects to produce a sense of developmental progression and continuity. Using relational and mental processes the PM, along with establishing proximity with masses and especially Kashmiri, gives guarantees and promises. The linguistic analysis concludes Kashmir dispute as being the central theme of the address, since it covers more than half of the discourse. The address calls for a strong action instead of formal assurances and wishful thoughts. The study establishes that language structures can yield certain connotations and ideologies which are not overt for readers. This is in affirmation to the supposition that language form performs a communicative function and is not merely fortuitous.

Keywords: Hallidian perspective on language, implicit meanings, Nawaz Sharif, political ideologies, political speeches, transitivity, UN Assembly

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Fayomi Oluyemi, Ajayi Lady

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This article raises the question of political leadership in the context of womens' roles and responsibilities in Nigeria. The leadership question in Nigeria is disquieting to both academics and policy actors. In a democratic society like Nigeria, the parameters for a well-deserved leadership position is characterised by variables of equity, competence, transparency, accountability, selflessness, and commitment to the tenets of democracy, but the failure of leadership is pervasive in all spheres of socio-political sectors in Nigeria. The paper appraises the activities of Nigerian women in the socio-political arena in Nigeria. It traces their leadership roles from pre-colonial through post-colonial eras with emphasis on 1914 till date. It is argued in the paper that gender imbalance in leadership is a bane to peaceful co-existence and development in Nigeria. It is a truism that gender-blind and gender biased political agendas can distort leadership activities. The extent of their contributions of the few outstanding women’s relative tranquility is highlighted in the theoretical discourse. The methodology adopted for this study is an exploratory study employing the extended case method (ECM). The study was carried out among some selected Nigerian women politicians and academics. Because of ECM's robustness as a qualitative research design, it has helped this study in identifying the challenges of these women thematically and also in constructing valid and reliable measures of the constructs. The study made use of ethnography and triangulation, the latter of which is used by qualitative researchers to check and establish validity in their studies by analyzing a research question from multiple perspectives, specifically Investigator triangulation which involves using several different investigators in the analysis process. Typically, this manifests as the evaluation team consisting of colleagues within a field of study wherein each investigator examines the question of political leadership with the same qualitative method (interview, observation, case study, or focus groups). In addition, data was collated through documentary sources like journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and internet materials. The arguments of this paper center on gender equity of both sexes in socio-political representation and effective participation. The paper concludes with the need to effectively maintain gender balance in leadership in order to enhance lasting peace and unity in Nigeria.

Keywords: gender, politics, leadership, women

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Authors: Joe Dorbor Wuokolo

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Thousands of smallholder farmers in Todee District, Montserrado county, are currently vulnerable to the negative impact of climate change. The district, which is the agricultural hot spot for the county, is faced with unfavorable changes in the daily temperature due to climate change. Farmers in the district have observed a dramatic change in the ratio of rainfall to sunshine, which has caused a chilling effect on their crop yields. However, there is a lack of documentation regarding how farmers perceive and respond to these changes and challenges. A study was conducted in the region to examine the perceptions of smallholder farmers regarding the negative impact of climate change, the adaptation strategies practice, and the barriers that hinder the process of advancing adaptation strategy. On purpose, a sample of 41 respondents from five towns was selected, including five town chiefs, five youth leaders, five women leaders, and sixteen community members. Women and youth leaders were specifically chosen to provide gender balance and enhance the quality of the investigation. Additionally, to validate the barriers farmers face during adaptation to climate change, this study interviewed eight experts from local and international organizations and government ministries and agencies involved in climate change and agricultural programs on what they perceived as the major barrier in both local and national level that impede farmers adaptation to climate change impact. SPSS was used to code the data, and descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data. The weighted average index (WAI) was used to rank adaptation strategies and the perceived importance of adaptation practices among farmers. On a scale from 0 to 3, 0 indicates the least important technique, and 3 indicates the most effective technique. In addition, the Problem Confrontation Index (PCI) was used to rank the barriers that prevented farmers from implementing adaptation measures. According to the findings, approximately 60% of all respondents considered the use of irrigation systems to be the most effective adaptation strategy, with drought-resistant varieties making up 30% of the total. Additionally, 80% of respondents placed a high value on drought-resistant varieties, while 63% percent placed it on irrigation practices. In addition, 78% of farmers ranked and indicated that unpredictability of the weather is the most significant barrier to their adaptation strategies, followed by the high cost of farm inputs and lack of access to financing facilities. 80% of respondents believe that the long-term changes in precipitation (rainfall) and temperature (hotness) are accelerating. This suggests that decision-makers should adopt policies and increase the capacity of smallholder farmers to adapt to the negative impact of climate change in order to ensure sustainable food production.

Keywords: adaptation strategies, climate change, farmers’ perception, smallholder farmers

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Authors: I. Tiahi

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The aim of the current paper is to explore educational practices in contemporary Algeria. Researches explain such practices bear traditional approach and the overlooks modern teaching methods such as mobile learning. That is why the research output of examining student engagement in respect of mobile learning was obtained from the following objectives: (1) To evaluate the current practice of English language teaching within Algerian higher education institutions, (2) To explore how social constructivism theory and m-learning help students’ engagement in the classroom and (3) To explore the feasibility and acceptability of m-learning amongst institutional leaders. The methodology underpins a case study and action research. For the case study, the researcher engaged with 6 teachers, 4 institutional leaders, and 30 students subjected for semi-structured interviews and classroom observations to explore the current teaching methods for English as a foreign language. For the action research, the researcher applied an intervention course to investigate the possibility and implications for future implementation of mobile learning in higher education institutions. The results were deployed using thematic analysis. The research outcome showed that the disengagement of students in English language learning has many aspects. As seen from the interviews from the teachers, the researcher found that they do not have enough resources except for using ppt for some teacher. According to them, the teaching method they are using is mostly communicative and competency-based approach. Teachers informed that students are disengaged because they have psychological barriers. In classroom setting, the students are conscious about social approval from the peer, and thus if they are to face negative reinforcement which would damage their image, it is seen as a preventive mechanism to be scared of committing mistakes. This was also very reflective in this finding. A lot of other arguments can be given for this claim; however, in Algerian setting, it is usual practice where teachers do not provide positive reinforcement which is open up students for possible learning. Thus, in order to overcome such a psychological barrier, proper measures can be taken. On a conclusive remark, it is evident that teachers, students, and institutional leaders provided positive feedback for using mobile learning. It is not only motivating but also engaging in learning processes. Apps such as Kahoot, Padlet and Slido were well received and thus can be taken further to examine its higher impact in Algerian context. Thus, in the future, it will be important to implement m-learning effectively in higher education to transform the current traditional practices into modern, innovative and active learning. Persuasion for this change for stakeholder may be challenging; however, its long-term benefits can be reflective from the current research paper.

Keywords: Algerian context, mobile learning, social constructivism, student engagement

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Authors: Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman

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The Nigerian political system has witnessed rising occurrences of election malpractice in the last decade. This has been due to election rigging and other forms of electoral fraud. In order to find a sustainable solution to this malpractice, the introduction of electronic voting (e-voting) has been suggested. This paper reviews the challenges, benefits, and issues associated with e-voting as a panacea for election malpractice in Nigeria. The review of existing literature revealed that e-voting can reduce the cost of conducting elections and reduce the opportunity for electoral fraud. The review suggests that the introduction of e-voting in the Nigerian political system would require adequate cybersecurity measures, trust-building initiatives, and proper legal frameworks to ensure its successful implementation. It is recommended that there should be an effective policy that would ensure the security of the system as well as the credibility of the results. Furthermore, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be conducted to ensure that voters understand the process and are comfortable using the system. In conclusion, e-voting has the potential to reduce the occurrence of election malpractice in the Nigerian political system. However, the successful implementation of e-voting will require effective policy interventions and trust-building initiatives. Additionally, the costs of acquiring the necessary infrastructure and equipment and implementing proper legal frameworks need to be considered.

Keywords: electronic voting, general election, candidate, INEC, cyberattack

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Authors: Benjamin D Reese Jr

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Implicit bias is understood as unconscious attitudes, stereotypes, or associations that can influence the cognitions, actions, decisions, and interactions of an individual without intentional control. These unconscious attitudes or stereotypes are often targeted toward specific groups of people based on their gender, race, age, perceived sexual orientation or other social categories. Since the late 1980s, there has been a proliferation of research that hypothesizes that the operation of implicit bias is the result of the brain needing to process millions of bits of information every second. Hence, one’s prior individual learning history provides ‘shortcuts’. As soon as one see someone of a certain race, one have immediate associations based on their past learning, and one might make assumptions about their competence, skill, or danger. These assumptions are outside of conscious awareness. In recent years, an alternative conceptualization has been proposed. The ‘bias of crowds’ theory hypothesizes that a given context or situation influences the degree of accessibility of particular biases. For example, in certain geographic communities in the United States, there is a long-standing and deeply ingrained history of structures, policies, and practices that contribute to racial inequities and bias toward African Americans. Hence, negative biases among groups of people towards African Americans are more accessible in such contexts or communities. This theory does not focus on individual brain functioning or cognitive ‘shortcuts.’ Therefore, attempts to modify individual perceptions or learning might have negligible impact on those embedded environmental systems or policies that are within certain contexts or communities. From the ‘bias of crowds’ perspective, high levels of racial bias in a community can be reduced by making fundamental changes in structures, policies, and practices to create a more equitable context or community rather than focusing on training or education aimed at reducing an individual’s biases. The current paper acknowledges and supports the foundational role of long-standing structures, policies, and practices that maintain racial inequities, as well as inequities related to other social categories, and highlights the critical need to continue organizational, community, and national efforts to eliminate those inequities. It also makes a case for providing individual leaders with a deep understanding of the dynamics of how implicit biases impact cognitions, actions, decisions, and interactions so that those leaders might more effectively develop structural changes in the processes and systems under their purview. This approach incorporates both the importance of an individual’s learning history as well as the important variables within the ‘bias of crowds’ theory. The paper also offers a model for leadership education, as well as examples of structural changes leaders might consider.

Keywords: implicit bias, unconscious bias, bias, inequities

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Authors: Elizabeth Ankiambom Chiatii

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The effective participation of graduates as leaders in entrepreneurial resilience is a key driver to achieving sustainable job creation and curbing unemployment issues in the urban and rural communities of Cameroon. The unemployment problem is a global challenge in the Labour market, especially for youths graduating from universities. Statistics from the Cameroon National Institute of statistics indicate that the unemployment rate in the country increased to 3.9% in 2021 from 3.8% in 2020. One of the main causes of unemployment challenges and job hooping among university graduates is the high expectation for “white-collar jobs syndrome” as opposed to involvement in ‘blue-collar jobs’. In the recent years, the Catholic University of Cameroon has engaged its resources in problem and project based learning (PBL) approaches in order to enable the students at the end of their course work to be competent and resourceful in impacting their communities and the world at large. It is so encouraging to notice that most of our current and female ex-students have engaged as leaders in fostering entrepreneurial resilience through small and medium size ‘blue-collar’ enterprises like seamstresses or tailors, designers, catering services, poultry owners, traditional regalia designers, phone booth operators, farming (gardening) activities, saloon owners, wedding designers, restaurant operators and many other creative jobs where they also act as petty employers. A good number of them sponsor their university studies through these self-income generating activities. Part one of this paper centres on the introduction and background of study. Part two embodies some literature review in which we concentrate on some related conceptual issues. For example, we have some analogy of employment difficulties faced by the university graduates. Secondly, we will examine the details on entrepreneurial resilience within the context of Bamenda- Cameroon. Thirdly, we expound on the leadership role played by these graduates in building resilience as entrepreneurs stemming from their university training. The primary method of data collection is implemented, where questionnaires are distributed to at least 100 of these graduates engaged in building entrepreneurial resilience. The IVProbit regression analysis is used to determine the effect of these graduate participation as leader on entrepreneurial resilience. The results can contribute to the development of entrepreneurial resilience, and recommendations will be made to CATUC Bamenda, some communities and government leaders to enhance their policies to empower these young graduates in fostering these resourceful activities.

Keywords: graduates entrepreneurial resilience, unemployment challenges, white-collar job syndrome, small and medium size blue-collar enterprises

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Authors: Shankar Dhakal, Andrew Jones, Geoffrey W. Lummis

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The Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal is a linguistically, culturally, and ethnically diverse country with approximately 123 different spoken languages that represent several ethnic, cultural, and religious groups of people. With a population of about 30 million, long-standing disparities and inequalities in access and achievement in education have constantly been challenging to provide equitable educational opportunities for all students. While the new constitution of federal Nepal (2015) stipulates that all schools serve the interests of diverse communities, leadership practices have failed to adopt local contextual sensitivities, leading to traditional, authoritarian approaches and entrenched inequalities. However, little is known about how Nepali secondary school principals can adapt and implement context-responsive and equitable strategies to ensure equity and inclusiveness in its enormously diverse socio-cultural contexts. To fill this gap, this study explores how educational leadership approaches and philosophies are transformed using a multi-case automated/ethnographic research methodology underpinned by the paradigm of critical constructivism. This paper reconstructs to see if school leadership in Nepal can produce more equitable and contextual outcomes. The results of this study highlight the need for a paradigm shift and the adoption of innovative leadership approaches that foster humility, empathy, and compassion in school leaders to achieve better school outcomes. This research provides valuable insights into existing literary gaps and provides guidance for future school leadership policies and practices at the personal, cultural, and political levels.

Keywords: school leadership, auto/ethnography, equitable and context-responsive leadership, Nepal

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Authors: José Francisco Urrutia Reyes, Judith Espinosa Real

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This paper is meant to re-examine the role of street art in the contemporary world. By studying this form of art in Brussels, it can be explained how murals show the socio-political reality of a given community and influence on its interaction. Through the definitions of street art, murals and street artists, and analysing their role in Brussels, it is possible to understand how this counter culture movement serves as an engine of social development, as it interacts with its surroundings sending a clear message to a wider audience. Street art impacts on its environment because it interacts with the people who occupies the day-to-day public space. This has proven to be effective in the arouse of social consciousness, up to the point of being adopted by the government of Brussels to promote social movements such as the AIDS-HIV campaign along with the Plate-Forme Prévention Sida. It can be concluded that street art has evolved since its vandalic beginnings, to become a form of art that has not lost it counter official status, but now has a critical vision that can promote social awakening. Street art is now a global trend that uses visual inputs to create a positive impact.

Keywords: street art, Brussels, social impact, political perspective

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Authors: Robin Turner

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In the context of the strengthening conservative movements such as “Brexit” and the election of US President Donald Trump, the global political stage was shaken up by the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency, defeating the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. The election itself was a first for the Fifth Republic in which neither final candidate was from the traditional two major political parties: the left Parti Socialiste (PS) and the right Les Républicains (LR). Macron, who served as the Minister of Finance under his predecessor, founded the centrist liberal political party En Marche! in April 2016 before resigning from his post in August to launch his bid for the presidency. Between the time of the party’s creation to the first round of elections a year later, Emmanuel Macron and En Marche! had garnered enough support to make it to the run-off election, finishing far ahead of many seasoned national political figures. Now months into his presidency, the youngest President of the Republic shows no sign of losing fuel anytime soon. His unprecedented success raises a lot of questions with respect to international relations, economics, and the evolving relationship between the French government and its citizens. The effectiveness of Macron’s campaign, of course, relies on many factors, one of which is his manner of communicating his platform to French voters. Using data from oral discourse and primary material from Macron and En Marche! in sources such as party publications and Twitter, the study categorizes linguistic instruments – address, lexicon, tone, register, and syntax – to identify prevailing patterns of speech and communication. The linguistic analysis in this project is two-fold. In addition to these findings’ stand-alone value, these discourse patterns are contextualized by comparable discourse of other 2017 presidential candidates with high emphasis on that of Marine Le Pen. Secondly, to provide an alternative approach, the study contextualizes Macron’s discourse using those of two immediate predecessors representing the traditional stronghold political parties, François Hollande (PS) and Nicolas Sarkozy (LR). These comparative methods produce an analysis that gives insight to not only a contributing factor to Macron’s successful 2017 campaign but also provides insight into how Macron’s platform presents itself differently to previous presidential platforms. Furthermore, this study extends analysis to supply data that contributes to a wider analysis of the defeat of “traditional” French political parties by the “start-up” movement En Marche!.

Keywords: Emmanuel Macron, French, discourse analysis, political discourse

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Authors: Julius Brejohn Calvert

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This Study Aimed to Investigate the Ecological Nature of Extremism Online. The Construction of a Far-Right Ecosystem Was Successful Using a Sample of Posts, Each With Separate Narrative Domains. Most of the Content Expressed Anti-black Racism and Pro-white Sentiments. Many Posts Expressed an Overt Disdain for the Recent Progress Made Regarding the United States and the United Kingdom’s Expansion of Civil Liberties to People of Color (Poc). Of Special Note, Several Anti-lgbt Posts Targeted the Ongoing Political Grievances Expressed by the Transgender Community. Overall, the Current Study Is Able to Demonstrate That Direct Measures of User Engagement, Such as Shares and Reactions, Can Be Used to Predict the Effect of a Post’s Radicalization Capabilities, Although Single Posts Do Not Operate on the Cognitive Processes of Radicalization Alone. In This Analysis, the Data Supports a Theoretical Framework Where Individual Posts Have a Higher Radicalization Capability Based on the Amount of User Engagement (Both Indirect and Direct) It Receives.

Keywords: cognitive psychology, cognitive radicalization, extremism online, domestic extremism, political science, political psychology

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Authors: Neyzielle Ronnicque Cadiz

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The Philippine is a hotbed of disasters and is a locus of natural hazards. With an average of 20 typhoons entering the Philippine Area of Responsibility (PAR) each year, seven to eight (7-8) of which makes landfall. The country rather inevitably suffers from climate-related calamities. With this vulnerability to natural hazards, the relevant hazard-related issues that come along with the potential threat and occurrence of a disaster oftentimes garners lesser media attention than when a disaster actually occurred. Post-disaster news and events flood the content of news networks primarily focusing on, but not limited to, the efforts of the national government in resolving post-disaster displacement, and all the more on the community leaders’ incompetence in disaster mitigation-- even though the University of the Philippines’ NOAH Center work hand in hand with different stakeholders for disaster mitigation communication efforts. Disaster risk communication is actually a perennial dilemma. There are so many efforts to reach the grassroots level but emergency and disaster preparedness messages inevitably fall short.. The Philippines is very vulnerable to hazards risk and disasters but social media posts and communication efforts mostly go unnoticed, if not argued upon. This study illustrates the outcomes of a research focusing on the print, broadcast, and social media’s role on disaster communication involving the natural catastrophic events that took place in the Philippines from 2009 to present. Considering the country’s state of development, this study looks on the rapid and reliable communication between the government, and the relief/rescue workers in the affected regions; and how the media portrays these efforts effectively. Learning from the disasters that have occurred in the Philippines over the past decade, effective communication can ensure that any efforts to prepare and respond to disasters can make a significant difference. It can potentially either break or save lives. Recognizing the role of communications is not only in improving the coordination of vital services for post disaster; organizations gave priority in reexamining disaster preparedness mechanisms through the Communication with Communities (CwC) programs. This study, however, looks at the CwC efforts of the Philippine media platforms. CwC, if properly utilized by the media, is an essential tool in ensuring accountability and transparency which require effective exchange of information between disasters and survivors and responders. However, in this study, it shows that the perennial dilemma of the Philippine media is that the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) efforts of the country lie in the clouded judgment of political aims. This kind of habit is a multiplier of the country’s risk and insecurity. Sometimes the efforts in urging the public to take action seem useless because the challenge lies on how to achieve social, economic, and political unity using the tri-media platform.

Keywords: Philippines at risk, pre/post disaster communication, tri-media platform, UP NOAH

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Raziel Mojica

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This study delves into the challenging working conditions faced by physical education (PE) teachers in public schools, particularly during the transition to remote teaching due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a qualitative, hermeneutic phenomenological approach, the research involves in-depth interviews with PE teachers to gain profound insight into their lived experiences and to answer the main question: What is the essence of the lived experience of physical education? The study explores the following sub-questions: (1) How do the participants describe their lived experience regarding their working conditions as physical education teachers in the new normal setup?; (2) What themes emerge from the testimonies of Physical Education Public School teachers from the Division of Calamba?; (3) Based on the consolidated findings and reflection, what material may be produced to inspire the physical education public school teachers? The study identifies emerging themes such as professional growth, personal life boundaries, accessible facilities and equipment, time management, and school leadership. Framed by Frederick Herzberg's Work-Motivation Theory, the study emphasizes motivator and hygienic factors that significantly impact job satisfaction and dissatisfaction. As a result of the study, the teachers vividly identified the challenges they face, including the lack of resources, training, and support from school leaders, which have made it difficult for them to adapt to the new teaching environment. These findings underscore the urgent need to revise teacher training curricula and for school leaders to provide strategic support to PE teachers in remote learning contexts. In conclusion, the study recommends targeted interventions to address these challenges and better equip PE teachers for the new normal in education.

Keywords: PE teachers, COVID-19 pandemic, hermeneutic phenomenological, physical education, new normal

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Authors: Elza Jurun, Damir Piplica, Tea Poklepović

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Numerous studies carried out in the developed western democratic countries have shown that the ideological framework of the governing party has a significant influence on the monetary policy. The executive authority consisting of a left-wing party gives a higher weight to unemployment suppression and central bank implements a more expansionary monetary policy. On the other hand, right-wing governing party considers the monetary stability to be more important than unemployment suppression and in such a political framework the main macroeconomic objective becomes the inflation rate reduction. The political framework conditions in the transition countries which are new European Union (EU) members are still highly specific in relation to the other EU member countries. In the focus of this paper is the question whether the same monetary policy principles are valid in these transitional countries as well as they apply in developed western democratic EU member countries. The data base consists of inflation rate and unemployment rate for 11 transitional EU member countries covering the period from 2001 to 2012. The essential information for each of these 11 countries and for each year of the observed period is right or left political orientation of the ruling party. In this paper we use t-statistics to test our hypothesis that there are differences in inflation and unemployment between right and left political orientation of the governing party. To explore the influence of different countries, through years and different political orientations descriptive statistics is used. Inflation and unemployment should be strongly negatively correlated through time, which is tested using Pearson correlation coefficient. Regarding the fact whether the governing authority is consisted from left or right politically oriented parties, monetary authorities will adjust its policy setting the higher priority on lower inflation or unemployment reduction.

Keywords: inflation rate, monetary policy orientation, transition EU countries, unemployment rate

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Authors: Mathieu Bere

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Al-Qaeda and Islamic State-affiliated groups such as Ja’amat Nusra al Islam Wal Muslimim (JNIM) and the Islamic State-Greater Sahara Faction, which is now part of the Boko Haram splinter group, Islamic State in West Africa, were responsible, between 2018 and 2020, for at least 1.333 violent incidents against both military and civilian targets, including the assassination and kidnapping for ransom of Western citizens in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the Central Sahel. Protecting civilians from the terrorist violence that is now spreading from the Sahel to the coastal countries of West Africa has been very challenging, mainly because of the many unknowns that surround the perpetrators. To contribute to a better protection of civilians in the region, this paper aims to shed light on the motivations and targeting logic of jihadist perpetrators of terrorist violence against civilians in the central Sahel region. To that end, it draws on relevant secondary data retrieved from datasets, the media, and the existing literature, but also on primary data collected through interviews and surveys in Burkina Faso. An analysis of the data with the support of qualitative and statistical analysis software shows that military and rational strategic motives, more than purely ideological or religious motives, have been the main drivers of terrorist violence that strategically targeted government symbols and representatives as well as local leaders in the central Sahel. Behind this targeting logic, the jihadist grand strategy emerges: wiping out the Western-inspired legal, education and governance system in order to replace it with an Islamic, sharia-based political, legal, and educational system.

Keywords: terrorism, jihadism, Sahel, targeting logic

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Authors: Anne Bubriski

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Despite improvements in gender inequalities, women and girls continue to face glass ceilings, underrepresentation, and harmful stereotypes that can limit their aspirations and opportunities in STEM. While girls are taking similar high school math and science classes, boys are more likely to take physics and six times more likely to take an engineering course. The gap becomes even larger for minority or low-income girls. This gender gap is not due to biology; rather, it is due to cultural, social, and institutional forces. As girls get older, these forces often ‘teach’ them ‘STEM is more for boys’. The STEM gender gap widens in college, with only 20% of engineering degrees being awarded to women, and by the time women enter the workforce, they only occupy about 13% of engineering jobs. At the University of Central Florida, the Women’s and Gender Studies Program has developed a unique mentoring program to address these issues, Science Leadership and Mentoring (SLAM). What is unique about the approach of SLAM is that we look to address this problem through leadership and STEM. We look to help girls make connections between leadership and STEM—that young women can be leaders as scientists and that scientists are leaders making a change. This is particularly needed and relevant to our community because while there are mentoring programs to our knowledge, SLAM is one of the only, if not only, mentoring programs pairing college women and 7th-grade girls that includes a focus both on STEM and leadership in the United States. SLAM is a curriculum-based mentoring program pairing one 7th-grade girl with one UCF undergraduate STEM major. SLAM empowers young women to be assertive, brave, confident, independent, inquisitive and proud leaders in STEM. SLAM seeks to promote young women’s inspiration and excitement into STEM fields and careers while also building leadership abilities such as problem-solving, teamwork and cooperation, cultural identity and ethnic pride, advocacy for positive change, and goals for the future. SLAM serves about fifteen 7th-grade girls for the academic year and about 20 UCF students. SLAM holds weekly mentoring meetings lasting about 90 minutes, covering topics on leadership, STEM majors and careers, and STEM leadership. This past year, SLAM received a Community Action Grant from the American Association of University Women (AAUW) to run a sub-program, SLAM-Space. SLAM-Space focused on exposing SLAM participants to aerospace engineering and other space-related STEM fields, such as physics and astronomy, through guest speakers, workshops and field trips, including the Kenndy Space Center. The proposed paper presentation will present an overview of SLAM-Space and the data findings from pre and post-surveys, in-depth interviews and focus groups from the SLAM participants' experiences in the program.

Keywords: gender, leadership, STEM, empowerment

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Authors: Diane Ghanem, Whitney Kagabo, Rebecca Engels, Uma Srikumaran, Babar Shafiq

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Hospitalist co-management of orthopaedic surgery patients is a growing trend across the country. It was created as a collaborative effort to provide overarching care to patients with the goal of improving their postoperative care and decreasing in-hospital medical complications. The aim of this project is to provide a guide for implementing and optimizing a hospitalist co-management service in orthopaedic surgery. Key leaders from the hospitalist team, orthopaedic team and quality, safety and service team were identified. Multiple meetings were convened to discuss the comanagement service and determine the necessary building blocks behind an efficient and well-designed co-management framework. After meticulous deliberation, a consensus was reached on the final service agreement and a written guide was drafted. Fundamental features of the service include the identification of service stakeholders and leaders, frequent consensus meetings, a well-defined framework, with goals, program metrics and unified commands, and a regular satisfaction assessment to update and improve the program. Identified pearls for co-managing orthopaedic surgery patients are standardization, timing, adequate patient selection, and two-way feedback between hospitalists and orthopaedic surgeons to optimize the protocols. Developing a service agreement is a constant work in progress, with meetings, discussions, revisions, and multiple piloting attempts before implementation. It is a partnership created to provide hospitals with a streamlined admission process where at-risk patients are identified early, and patient care is optimized regardless of the number or nature of medical comorbidities. A wellestablished hospitalist co-management service can increase patient care quality and safety, as well as health care value.

Keywords: co-management, hospitalist co-management, implementation, orthopaedic surgery, quality improvement

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Authors: Rubina Waseem

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The research focuses on the major crises and major effects, largely unforeseen, to counter international security concerns. At the close of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic broke out in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province, China. The coronavirus was initially seen as an inchoate danger, aimed at striking people randomly. Owing to the extraordinary transmissibility of the virus and the highly knitted nature of the international political world, the Covid-19 soon became a formidable global challenge. The once hustling and bustling avenues, city centers, and market places became deserted. Lockdown, self-isolation, hygiene and safety, social-distancing, and job losses became a new norm. The national economies gradually plunged into crisis. The pandemic has so far caused over 33 million cases and one million deaths. The virus continues to devastate social life, as there is yet no therapeutic available. While the world was preoccupied addressing the human and social toll, the pandemic has exacerbated despair, mistrust, and friction in international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. The research will discuss how the coronavirus has accelerated the trends of transition in the postwar security order constructed by the United States. China, Russia, European Union, and other lesser regional players are now increasingly changing their security orientations to undermine the United States standing and authority in world politics. The systemic level analyses will be adopted as a methodology to broaden the lens of the study, and the research will analyze the prevalent global power distribution, whether vulnerable or exposed. The trends of parochial nationalism and isolationism are increasingly replacing multilateralism and collectivism. Yet worse, military posturing is assuming a greater role in international interactions. Taken together, the pandemic has worsened the prospects of international peace and stability by mounting equal pressure across the channels of international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. It is yet unclear which country or collectivity will face the real brunt. Despite this jaded and pessimistic view, the lingering pandemic has the potential to reinforce cooperation, multilateralism, and collectivism in the realm of international politics. There is a renewed momentum for global efforts against the pandemic. States and societies are coming closer to act as a whole. Equally important, the world leaders are feeling tempted to revisit the traditional conception of national security. In this regard, they are exploring the possibility of according preference to non-traditional security issues. In essence, the research concludes that Covid-19 has put the international political system under a great trial.

Keywords: covid-19, global challenges, international politics, international security

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Nadiya Didyk

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This thesis deals with the unique history of the emergence of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Ukrainian feminism is still in its making, so the field is under-investigated in general. Nevertheless, the perspective of political economy and the enabling and constraining effects of capitalist dynamics are almost absent from the research on the emergence and the development of the feminist movement in Ukraine. This research was inspired by Hetland and Goodwin’s approach and an attempt to test their approach on the case of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Hetland and Goodwin claim that many scholars tend to neglect political economy from analysis of feminism as a new social movements, namely because such movement are not about class or materialist concerns, and thus have no discernible connection to capitalism. Both scholars, however, point out that there at least four ways in which capitalism has been of high importance for any social movement. Accordingly, the following issues are analysed in this paper: capitalism as the facilitator of the emergence and development of Ukrainian feminism; the influence of class balance in society on the formation of the Ukrainian feminist movement, and the ways in which class divisions within the movement shape its goals and strategies. This paper also focuses on the role of capitalist institutions and free wage labour expansion in shaping collective feminist identities and solidarities. Specific attention is paid to the representativeness of women in the highest echelons in business and politics under the capitalist systems. This study shows that there is a significant hole in the literature regarding the feminist movement in Ukraine and aims to motivate further detailed research.

Keywords: feminism, hetland, goodwin, new soical movements, political economy

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Authors: Kristin Drexler

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Climate change has exacerbated food and livelihood insecurity for Mayan milpa farmers in Central America. For centuries, milpa farming has been sustainable for subsistence; however, in the last 50 years, milpas have become less reliable due to accelerating climate change, resource degradation, declining markets, poverty, and other factors. Using interviews with extension leaders and milpa farmers in Belize, this qualitative study examines the capacity for increasing climate-smart agriculture (CSA) aspects of existing traditional milpa practices, specifically no-burn mulching, soil enrichment, and the use of cover plants. Applying community capitals and socio-ecological systems frameworks, this study finds four key capitals were perceived by farmers and agriculture extension leaders as barriers for increasing CSA practices: (1) human-capacity, (2) financial, (3) infrastructure, and (4) governance-justice capitals. The key barriers include a lack of CSA technology and pest management knowledge-sharing (human-capacity), unreliable roads and utility services (infrastructure), the closure of small markets and crop-buying programs in Belize (financial), and constraints on extension services and exacerbating a sense of marginalization in Maya communities (governance-justice). Recommendations are presented for government action to reduce barriers and facilitate an increase in milpa crop productivity, promote food and livelihood security, and enable climate resilience of Mayan milpa communities in Belize.

Keywords: socio-ecological systems, community capitals, climate-smart agriculture, food security, milpa, Belize

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Authors: Musa Miah

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Society and social activities are directly governed by political sociology. Political sociology has an impact on the whole of human society, the interrelationships of people in society, social responsibilities and duties, the nature of society, society and culture of different countries, conducting social activities, social change and social development. Through this, the correct knowledge and decision are made by analyzing the complexities of society in different ways. In modern civilized society, people need to get accurate knowledge about how they live, their behavior, customs and principles. The need for political sociology is undeniable, even if new plans are to be adopted for the development of society. The importance of practicing political sociology is immense if any country, nation, or society is to move forward on the path of sustainable development. Research has shown that political sociology is an essential aspect of the social impact of development, sociological analysis of poverty or underdevelopment, development of human values in individual life. The importance of political sociology for knowing the overall aspect of society is undeniable. Because, to know about social problems, to identify social problems, to find the cause of any social problem, one needs to know political sociology. Apart from knowing about the class structure of the society, people of different classes and professions live in the society. It is possible to gain knowledge about. He is also involved in various societies, communities and groups in the country and abroad. Therefore, research has shown that in order to successfully solve any task of the society, it is necessary to know the society in full. Media Studies: Media studies are directly related to socialization. Media strategy has had a positive impact on the management and direction of society. At present, Media Studies in Bangladesh is working towards providing opportunities for up-to-date and quality higher education. Introduced Department of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies in different universities of Bangladesh. The department has gained immense popularity since its inception. Here the top degree holders, as well as eminent editors, senior journalists, writers and researchers, are giving their opinions. Now there is ample scope for research in newspapers, magazines, radio, television and online media as well as outside of work as an advertising-documentary filmmaker or in domestic and foreign NGOs or other corporate organizations. According to the study, media studies have had a positive impact on the media in Bangladesh, especially television channels, the expansion and development of online media and the creation of clear ideas about communication, journalism and the media. Workshops, seminars and discussions are being held on contemporary national and international issues in addition to theoretical concepts. Journalism, communication and mass media are quite exceptional and challenging compared to the traditional subjects considering the present times. In this regard, there is a unique opportunity to build a modern society with taste and personality without mere employment.

Keywords: Bangladesh, Dhaka, social activities, political sociology

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Authors: Isaiah Ifeanyichukwu Agbo

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Human speech is capable of serving many purposes. Power and control are not always exercised overtly by linguistic acts, but maybe enacted and exercised in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life. Domination, power control, discrimination and mind control exist in human speech and may lead to asymmetrical power relations. In discourse, there are persuasive and manipulative linguistic acts that serve to establish solidarity and identification with the 'we group' and polarize with the 'they group'. Political discourse is crafted to defend and promote the problematic narrative of outright controversial events in a nation’s history thereby sustaining domination, marginalization, manipulation, inequalities and injustices, often without the dominated and marginalized group being aware of them. They are designed and positioned to serve the political and social needs of the producers. Political crisis speeches in Nigeria, just like in other countries concentrate on positive self-image, de-legitimization of political opponents, reframing accusation to one’s advantage, redefining problematic terms and adopting reversal strategy. In most cases, the people are ignorant of the hidden ideological positions encoded in the text. Few researches have been conducted adopting the frameworks of critical discourse analysis and systemic functional linguistics to investigate this situation in the political crisis speeches in Nigeria. In this paper, we focus attention on the analyses of the linguistic, semantic, and ideological elements in selected political crisis speeches in Nigeria to investigate if they create and sustain unequal power relations and manipulative tendencies from the perspectives of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). Critical Discourse Analysis unpacks both opaque and transparent structural relationships of power dominance, power relations and control as manifested in language. Critical discourse analysis emerged from a critical theory of language study which sees the use of language as a form of social practice where social relations are reproduced or contested and different interests are served. Systemic function linguistics relates the structure of texts to their function. Fairclough’s model of CDA and Halliday’s systemic functional approach to language study are adopted in this paper. This paper probes into language use that perpetuates inequalities. This study demystifies the hidden implicature of the selected political crisis speeches and reveals the existence of information that is not made explicit in what the political actors actually say. The analysis further reveals the ideological configurations present in the texts. These ideological standpoints are the basis for naturalizing implicit ideologies and hegemonic influence in the texts. The analyses of the texts further uncovered the linguistic and discursive strategies deployed by text producers to manipulate the unsuspecting members of the public both mentally and conceptually in order to enact, sustain and maintain unhealthy power relations at crisis times in the Nigerian political history.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, language, political crisis, power relations, systemic functional linguistics

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Authors: Stefanie M. Vanneste, Stijn Goeminne

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This paper studies the effect of political characteristics of 308 Flemish municipalities on their budget balance in the period 1995-2011. All local governments experience the same economic and financial setting, however some governments have high budget balances, while others have low budget balances. The aim of this paper is to explain the differences in municipal budget balances by a number of economic, socio-demographic and political variables. The economic and socio-demographic variables will be used as control variables, while the focus of this paper will be on the political variables. We test four hypotheses resulting from the literature, namely (i) the partisan hypothesis tests if left wing governments have lower budget balances, (ii) the fragmentation hypothesis stating that more fragmented governments have lower budget balances, (iii) the hypothesis regarding the power of the government, higher powered governments would resolve in higher budget balances, and (iv) the opportunistic budget cycle to test whether politicians manipulate the economic situation before elections in order to maximize their reelection possibilities and therefore have lower budget balances before elections. The contributions of our paper to the existing literature are multiple. First, we use the whole array of political variables and not just a selection of them. Second, we are dealing with a homogeneous database with the same budget and election rules, making it easier to focus on the political factors without having to control for the impact of differences in the political systems. Third, our research extends the existing literature on Flemish municipalities as this is the first dynamic research on local budget balances. We use a dynamic panel data model. Because of the two lagged dependent variables as explanatory variables, we employ the system GMM (Generalized Method of Moments) estimator. This is the best possible estimator as we are dealing with political panel data that is rather persistent. Our empirical results show that the effect of the ideological position and the power of the coalition are of less importance to explain the budget balance. The political fragmentation of the government on the other hand has a negative and significant effect on the budget balance. The more parties in a coalition the worse the budget balance is ceteris paribus. Our results also provide evidence of an opportunistic budget cycle, the budget balances are lower in pre-election years relative to the other years to try and increase the incumbents reelection possibilities. An additional finding is that the incremental effect of the budget balance is very important and should not be ignored like is being done in a lot of empirical research. The coefficients of the lagged dependent variables are always positive and very significant. This proves that the budget balance is subject to incrementalism. It is not possible to change the entire policy from one year to another so the actions taken in recent past years still have an impact on the current budget balance. Only a relatively small amount of research concerning the budget balance takes this considerable incremental effect into account. Our findings survive several robustness checks.

Keywords: budget balance, fragmentation, ideology, incrementalism, municipalities, opportunistic budget cycle, panel data, political characteristics, power, system GMM

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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