Search results for: political inclusion

Authors: Smita Nepal

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Despite being on the global education reform agenda for over two decades, interpretations and practices of inclusive education vary widely across the world. In Nepal, similar to many other developing countries, inclusive education is still an emerging concept and limited research is available to date in relation to how inclusive education is conceptualized and implemented here. Moreover, very little is known about how teachers who are at the frontline of providing inclusive education understand this concept and how well they are prepared to teach inclusively. This study addresses this research gap by investigating an overarching research question, ‘How prepared are Nepalese teachers to practice inclusive pedagogy?’ Different societies and cultures may have different interpretations of the concepts of diversity and inclusion. Acknowledging that such contextual differences influence how these issues are addressed, such as preparing teachers for providing inclusive education, this study has investigated the research questions using a sociocultural conceptual framework. A sequential mixed-method research design involved quantitative data from 203 survey responses collected in the first phase, followed by qualitative data in the second phase collected through semi-structured interviews with teachers. Descriptive analysis of the quantitative data and reflexive thematic analysis of the qualitative data revealed a narrow understanding of inclusive education in the participating Nepalese teachers with limited preparedness for implementing inclusive pedagogy. Their interpretation of inclusion substantially included the need for non-discrimination and the provision of equal opportunities. This interpretation was found to be influenced by the social context where a lack of a deep understanding of human diversity was reported, leading to discriminatory attitudes and practices. In addition, common norms established in society that experiencing privileges or disadvantages was normal for diverse groups of people appeared to have led to limited efforts to enhance teachers’ understanding of and preparedness for inclusive education. This study has significant implications, not only in the Nepalese context but globally, for reform in policies and practices and for strengthening the teacher education and professional development system to promote inclusion in education. In addition, the significance of this research lies in highlighting the importance of further context-specific research in this area to ensure inclusive education in a real sense by valuing socio-cultural differences.

Keywords: inclusive education, inclusive pedagogy, sociocultural context, teacher preparation

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Authors: Anar Koli

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After the Paris agreement in 2015, a comprehensive initiative both from the developed and developing countries towards the adaptation to climate change is emerging. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF), which is financing a global portfolio of adaptation projects and programs in over 124 countries is playing a significant role to a new financing framework that included the concept of “climate-resilient development”. However, both the adaptation and sustainable development paradigms remain continuously contested, especially the role of the multilateral institutions with their technical and financial assistance to the developing world. Focusing on the adaptation initiatives of the GEF, this study aims to understand to what extent the global multilateral institutions, particularly the GEF is contributing to the climate-resilient development. From the political ecology perspective, the argument of this study is that the global financial framework is highly politicized, and understanding the contribution of the global institutions of the global climate change needs to be related both from the response and causal perspectives. A holistic perspective, which includes the contribution of the GEF as a response to the climate change and as well the cause of global climate change, are needed to understand the broader environment- political economic relation. The study intends to make a critical analysis of the way in which the political economy structure and the environment are related along with the social and ecological implications. It does not provide a narrow description of institutional responses to climate change, rather it looks at how the global institutions are influencing the relationship of the global ecologies and economies. This study thus developed a framework combining the global governance and the political economy perspective. This framework includes environment-society relation, environment-political economy linkage, global institutions as the orchestra, and division between the North and the South. Through the analysis of the GEF as the orchestra of the global governance, this study helps to understand how GEF is coordinating the interactions between the North and the South and responding the global climate resilient development. Through the other components of the framework, the study explains how the role of the global institutions is related to the cause of the human induced global climate change. The study employs a case study based on both the quantitative and qualitative data. Along with the GEF reports and data sets, this study draws from an eclectic range of literature from a range of disciplines to explain the broader relation of the environment and political economy. Based on a case study on GEF, the study found that the GEF has positive contributions in bringing developing countries’ capacity in terms of sustainable development goal, local institutional development. However, through a critical holistic analysis, this study found that this contribution to the resilient development helps the developing countries to conform the fossil fuel based capitalist political economy. The global governance institution is contributing both to the pro market based environment society relation and, to the consequences of this relation.

Keywords: climate change adaptation, global environmental facility (GEF), political economy, the north -south relation

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Authors: Nadezhda F. Mikahailova, Margarita E. Fattakhova, Mirgarita A. Mironova, Ekaterina V. Vyacheslavova, Vladimir A. Mikahailov

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Stigma is a significant obstacle to the successful adaptation of deaf students to the conditions of an educational institution, especially for those who study in inclusion. The aim of the study was to identify the spheres of life which are the most significant for developing of the stigma of deaf students; to assess the influence of factors associated with deafness on the degree of their self-stigmatization (time and degree of hearing loss, type of education - inclusion / differentiation) and to find out who is more prone to stigma - which characteristics of personality, identity, mental health and coping are specific for those deaf who demonstrates stigmatizing attitudes. The study involved 154 deaf and hard-of-hearing students (85 male and 69 female) aged from 18 to 45 years - 28 students of the Herzen State Pedagogical University (St. Petersburg), who study in inclusion, 108 students of the National Research Technological University and 18 students of the Aviation Technical College (Kazan) - students in groups with a sign language interpreter. We used the following methods: modified questionnaire 'Self-assessment and coping strategies' (Jambor & Elliot, 2005), Scale of self-esteem (Rosenberg et al, 1995), 'Big-Five' (Costa&McCrae, 1997), TRF (Becker, 1989), WCQ (Lazarus & Folkman, 1988), self-stigma scale (Mikhailov, 2008). The severity of self-stigmatization of deaf and hard of hearing students was determined by the degree of deafness and the time they live with hearing loss, learning conditions, the type of self-identification (acculturation), personality traits, and the specifics of coping behavior. Persons with congenital hearing loss more often noted a benevolent and sympathetic attitude towards them on the part of the hearers and less often, due to deafness, limited themselves to visiting public places than late deaf people, which indicates 'get rid of' the experience of their defect and normalization of the state. Students studying in conditions of inclusion more often noted the dismissive attitude of society towards deaf people. Individuals with mild to moderate hearing loss were more likely to fear marriage and childbearing because of their deafness than students with profound hearing loss. Those who considered themselves disabled (49% of all respondents) were more inclined to cope with seeking social support and less used 'distancing' coping. Those who believed that their quality of life and social opportunities were most influenced by the attitude of society towards the deaf (39%) were distinguished by a less pronounced sense of self-worth, a desire for autonomy, and frequent usage of 'avoidance' coping strategies. 36.4% of the respondents noted that there have been situations in their lives when people learned that they are deaf, began to treat them worse. These respondents had predominantly deaf acculturation, but more often, they used 'bicultural skills,' specific coping for the deaf, and had a lower level of extraversion and emotional stability. 31.2% of the respondents tried to hide from others that they have hearing problems. They considered themselves to be in a culture of hearing, used coping strategies 'bicultural skills,' and had lower levels of extraversion, cooperation, and emotional stability. Acknowledgment: Supported by the RFBR № 19-013-0040

Keywords: acculturation, coping, deafness, stigmatization

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Authors: Angel Adams

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In Australia, the contemporary social construction of hatred against the Islamic community was facilitated through the mainstream media. Australian public figures who have depicted Muslims and Islam not only as potential terrorists but also as incompatible with the country’s values and identities have helped to increase the level of fear against the Islamic community, leading sympathetic far-right movements to shift discussions towards anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Political opportunities combined with a socially constructed narrative of fear of the ‘other’, introduced during the White Australia Policy of 1901, has allowed extreme and radical far-right movements to justify hate against the contemporary Australian Islamic community. This study aims to answer the following question: How does Australia’s founding provide a fertile environment to the spread of hatred against the contemporary Islamic community? The paper demonstrates that a forged social construct of grievances concerning the Islamic community in Australia has led to a surge in supply of far-right activism to combat what has become a perceived ‘national threat’. In essence, Australia’s history of a fear of the ‘other’ brings challenges to a multicultural society, and can potentially lead to a more unstable socio-political environment where abuse and violence are normalized and more likely to develop. Furthermore, the paper aims to bring a more nuanced understanding of what is considered ‘new far-right’ discourses with shared anti-Islam and anti-Muslim agendas in Australia. The political opportunity structures theory was the mechanism used to determine how new forms of far-right groups have become more mainstream in Australia. Previous studies on far-right groups in Australia have relied on qualitative data, but further empirical research in this area is sorely needed. Above all, this paper clarifies how hatred against minorities can have a negative impact on wider communities and allow a global narrative of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ to erupt from the fringes of society in Australia.

Keywords: Australia, Islamophobia, far-right, nationalism, political opportunity structures, political violence, social construction

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Authors: Fatima Boutaleb

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Entrepreneurship proves to be crucial for the economic growth and development, since it contributes to job creation and the improvement of the overall productivity thus generating a positive impact upon society at various levels. Promoting entrepreneurship stimulates therefore economic diversity that is key to the betterment and/or maintaining of the standard of living. In fact, recent research suggests that entrepreneurship contributes to development by creating businesses and jobs, stimulating innovation, creating social capital across borders, and channeling political and financial capital. However, different research studies indicate that among the main factors impeding the entrepreneurship are politico-economic as socio-cultural problems, with an intensity for those related to young people and to women. In the MENA region, discrimination inherent in gender is alarming: Only one woman in eight runs her own business against 1 in 3 men. In most countries, young women and young men are facing problems involving access to finance, inadequate infrastructure, lack of support and, in general, an ecosystem that is rather unfavorable. According to the International Labor Organization, North Africa and the Middle East has the highest unemployment rate in all other regions of the world. In other hand, nearly a quarter of the population under 30 is unemployed and youth unemployment costs more than $40 billion each year to the region. In the current context, the situations in the Middle East and North Africa region are singular, both in terms of demographic trends and socio-economic issues around the employment of a large and better trained youth, but still strongly affected by unemployment and under-employment. According to a study published in 2015 by McKinsey, the world gain 26% of additional GDP (47% in the MENA region), more than 28 trillion dollars by 2025, if women came to participate, as well as men, to the economy. Promoting entrepreneurship represents an excellent alternative for the countries whose productive fabric fails to integrate the contingent of young people entering the job market each year. The MENA region, presenting entrepreneurial activity rates below those of other regions in terms of comparable development, has undoubtedly leeway at this level, even though the region displays large national heterogeneity, namely in the priority given to the promotion of entrepreneurship. The objective of this article is therefore to examine the women entrepreneurial vocation in the MENA region, to see to what extent research on the determinant of gender can provide information on the trend of the emerging entrepreneurial activity whether driven by necessity or by opportunity and, on this basis, to submit public policy proposals for the improvement of the mechanisms of inclusion among the youth women people. The objective is not to analyze the causality models but rather to identify the entrepreneurial construct specific to the MENA region via the analysis of GEM data from 2017 to 2019 among adults belonging to 10 countries of the MENA region. Notably, the study shows that inclusion of young women may be enhanced. These disadvantaged segments frequently intend to become entrepreneurs, but they tend not to enact their vocational intentions.

Keywords: economic development, entrepreneurial activity, GEM, gender, informal sector

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Authors: Babatunde Joel Todowede

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It is a public knowledge that lack of quality and qualitative education breeds problems besetting Nigeria as a nation today. This paper entitled “Quality and Qualitative Education for all, panacea for insecurity and political unrest in Nigeria” seeks to explore how quality and qualitative education for all will tends to put an end to insecurity and political unrest in Nigeria as a Nation. It may be pertinent to note at this juncture that the development of any modern society or nation is primarily hinged on the functionality of its educational system. There is no developed nation in the world today, which does not owe its advancement to quality and qualitative education. In other words, Education is a vital instrument in the nation’s economic competitiveness, in its people, and in its communities. Hence, Education is not luxury to be cut in difficult economic times – it is an essential element of growth. In fact, education is the bedrock of any society that hopes to be numbered among the developed economies in the world. Nigeria, as a nation, has made continual efforts to assume its rightful place in education on the African continent, but has not been quite lucky. Interestingly however, Quality and Qualitative Education for all will come about if all stakeholders in the Education Sector perform their roles with skill and efficiency. Education is a very sensitive area, hence, needs to be passionate about education, and focused on building a future for the sector.” Quality and qualitative education instill significant core values in every student, which shape them into mature, caring and independent individuals. These values include commitment, collaboration, integrity, responsibility and respect. By imbibing these values in every aspect of their life, they are able to contribute their skills and talents while supporting each other in attaining their lifelong goals. This paper identified lack of proper education as the bane of insecurity and political unrest in the Country and urged the government to review the policy in a way that there will be quality and standard to check insurgency in the Country. More so, until the fallen standard of education in Nigeria is fixed to engage out of school children, the incessant attack on innocent Nigerians, particularly in the North East may get worse.

Keywords: quality and qualitative education, panacea, insecurity, political unrest

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Authors: C. Cohen, O. Levi

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This work introduces a generalization of the classical Tullock’s model of one-stage contests under complete information with multiple unlimited numbers of contestants. In classical Tullock’s model, the contest winner is not necessarily the highest bidder. Instead, the winner is determined according to a draw in which the winning probabilities are the relative contestants’ efforts. The Tullock modeling fits well political contests, in which the winner is not necessarily the highest effort contestant. This work presents a modified model which uses a simple non-discriminating rule, namely, a parameter to influence the total costs planned for an election, for example, the contest designer can control the contestants' efforts. The winner pays a fee, and the losers are reimbursed the same amount. Our proposed model includes a mechanism that controls the efforts exerted and balances competition, creating a tighter, less predictable and more interesting contest. Additionally, the proposed model follows the fairness criterion in the sense that it does not alter the contestants' probabilities of winning compared to the classic Tullock’s model. We provide an analytic solution for the contestant's optimal effort and expected reward.

Keywords: contests, Tullock's model, political elections, control expenses

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Authors: Yasaman Samie

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The ever-increasing rate of textile and clothing (T&C) waste generation and the common ineffective waste management practices have been for long a challenge for civic waste management. This challenge stems from not only the complexity in the T&C material components but also the heterogeneous nature of the T&C waste management sector and the disconnection between the stakeholders. To date, there is little research that investigates the importance of a governmental structure and its role in T&C waste managerial practices and decision makings. This paper reflects on the impacts and involvement of governments, the Acts, and legislation on the effectiveness of T&C waste management practices, which are carried out by multiple players in a city context. In doing so, this study first develops a methodical framework for holistically analyzing a city’s T&C waste ecosystem. Central to this framework are six dimensions: social, environmental, economic, political, cultural, and educational, as well as the connection between these dimensions such as Socio-Political and Cultural-Political. Second, it delves into the political dimension and its interconnections with varying aspects of T&C waste. In this manner, this case-study takes metropolitan Melbourne as a case and draws on social theories of Actor-Network Theory and the principals of supply chain design and planning. Data collection was through two rounds of semi-structured interviews with 18 key players of T&C waste ecosystem (including charities, city councils, private sector providers and producers) mainly within metropolitan Melbourne and also other Australian and European cities. Research findings expand on the role of the politics of waste in facilitating a proactive approach to T&C waste management in the cities. That is achieved through a revised definition for T&C waste and its characteristics, discussing the varying perceptions of value in waste, prioritizing waste types in civic waste management practices and how all these aspects shall be reflected in the in-placed acts and legislations.

Keywords: civic waste management, multi-stakeholder ecosystem, textile and clothing waste, waste and governments

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Authors: Ana Nemsadze

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Contemporary era and society are called postindustrial era and postindustrial society and/or informational era and informational society. Today science intends to define concept of information and comprehend informations role and function in contemporary society. Organization of social environment and governance of public processes on the base of information and tools of communication are main characteristics of informational era. This was defined by technological changes which were accomplished in culture in the second half of twentieth century. Today Georgia as an independent state needs to create an informational discourse of the country and therefore it is very important to study political and social cases which accomplished in the country after collapse of the Soviet Union because they start to define the present and the future of the country. The purpose of this study is to analyze political cases of the latest history of Georgia in terms of culture and information, concretely to elucidate which political cases transformed social life of post Soviet Georgia most of all who accomplished these political cases which visual and verbal messages was each political case spread with. The research is conducted on the base of interview. Participants of the interview are people of various specializations. Their professional activity is related to reflections on culture and theme of visual communication. They are philosophers sociologists a journalist media researcher a politologist a painter. The participants of the interview enumerated political cases and characterized them separately. Every expert thinks that declaration of independence of Georgia is the most important fact among all facts which were implemented in Georgia after collapse of the Soviet Union. The research revealed important social and political cases. Most of the cases are related to independence and territorial integrity of the state. Presidents of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia Eduard Shevardnadze Mikheil Saakashvili Catholocos-Patriarch of All Georgia, the Archbishop of Mtskheta Tbilisi and Metropolitan bishop of Bichvinta and Tskhum Abkhazia Ilia II, businessman Bidzina Ivanishvili assumed dominating roles in cases. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Zviad Gamsakhurdia presidential term expresses national freedom and visual part of cases of the same period expresses ruin of social-political structure. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Eduard Sevardnadze presidential term expresses Free State and stability and reestablishment of Georgias political function in international relations and visual part of cases of the same period describes the most important moment of his presidential term and Eduard Shevardnadzes face appears too. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Mikheil Saakashvilis presidential term expresses social renewal and visual part of cases of the same period describes August war and Mikheil Saakashvilis face appears too. The results of the study also reveal other details of visual verbal narrative of political and social cases of post Soviet Georgia. This gives a chance to start further reflection.

Keywords: culture, narrative, post soviet, visual communication

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Authors: Laurel Chikwado Madumere, Kevin O. Ugorji

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A speech is said to be full of hate when it appropriates disparaging and vituperative locutions and/or appellations, which are riddled with prejudices and misconceptions about an antagonizing party on the grounds of gender, race, political orientation, religious affiliations, tribe, etc. Due largely to the dichotomies and polarities that exist in Nigeria across political ideological spectrum, tribal affiliations, and gender contradistinctions, there are possibilities for the existence of socioeconomic, religious and political conditions that would induce, provoke and catalyze hate speeches in Nigeria’s mainstream media. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate, using select daily newspapers in Nigeria, the extent and complexity of those likely hate speeches that emanate from the pluralism in Nigeria and to set in to relief, the discrepancies and contrariety in the interpretation of those hate words. To achieve the above, the paper shall be qualitative in orientation as it shall be using the Speech Act Theory of J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle to interpret and evaluate the hate speeches in the select Nigerian daily newspapers. Also this paper shall help to elucidate the conditions that generate hate, and inform the government and NGOs how best to approach those conditions and put an end to the possible violence and extremism that emanate from extreme cases of hate.

Keywords: extremism, gender, hate speech, pluralism, prejudice, speech act theory

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Authors: Klaudia Muca

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Disability studies as an international movement are still developing, especially in the Central and East European young democratic countries. It is crucial to recognize in what manner this development might lead to create a sustainable social environment. Thanks to disability studies the process of introducing disability studies and its main ideas might become as effective as in the 90s in the USA or other Western countries. In the Central and East Europe lack of activism in favor of the disabled in the early stages of democratic transition (i.e. the 80s and 90s) caused misrepresentation of the disabled and their experience in present political and social sphere of life. People with disabilities were made to hold a minor position in society due to political changes that introduced in fact non-equal democracy. The results of this study indicate that activism in favor of people with disabilities and works of art created by the disabled are tools that influence present disability politics. That suggests that young European democracies need to modify their current political path in order to establish more equal social policies.

Keywords: democratic transformation, disability as minority, misrepresentation of experience, non-equal democracy, sustainability

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Authors: Wijayanada Rupasinghe, A. H. Dinithi Jayasekara

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In a modern democracy, new media can be used by governments to involve citizens in decision-making, and by civil society to engage people in specific issues. However new media can also be used to broaden political participation by helping citizens to communicate with their representatives and with each other. Arguably this political communication is most important during election campaigns when political parties and candidates seek to mobilize citizens and persuade them to vote for a given party or candidate. The new media must be used by Parliaments, Parliamentarians, governments and political parties as they are highly effective tools to involve and inform citizens in public policymaking and in the formation of governments. But all these groups must develop strategies to deal with a wide array of both positive and negative effects of these rapidly growing media.New media has begun to take precedent over other communication outlets in part because of its heightened accessibility and usability. Using personal website can empower the public in a way that is far faster, cheaper and more pervasive than other forms of communication. They encourage pluralism, reach young people more than other media and encourage greater participation, accountability and transparency. This research discusses the impact politicians’ personal websites has over their overall electability and likability and explores the integration of website is an essential campaign tactic on both the local and national level. This research examined the impact of having personal website have over the way constituents view politicians. This research examined how politicians can use their website in the most effective fashion and incorporate these new media outlets as essential campaign tools and tactics. A mixed-method approach using content analysis. Content analysis selected thirty websites in sri Lankan politicians. Research revealed that politician’s new media usage significantly influenced and enriched the experience an individual has with the public figure.

Keywords: election campaign ministers, new media, parliament, politicians websites

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Authors: Oxana Vasilyeva

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This paper draws on research in progress focusing on independent art in the Russian Federation. I am using the concept of independent art to mean art free from state control and established restrictive narratives. The Russian state pursues its interests by supporting or forbidding certain forms of art, and art that promotes values in opposition to the official political course is often forbidden. Arguments presented below draw from fieldwork carried out in Russian cities of Moscow and Saint Petersburg in June – August 2019, which included in-depth interviews with artists. This research explores socially engaged artistic works and their effect on socio-political state of affairs. It argues that artistic works entering public places have a potential to challenge autocratic system and inspire civil society to be critically engaged and to be capable to resist state propaganda. I am focusing on those artists who have a critical stance towards the current Russian political regime and analyzing their works in terms of transgression. By using the framework of transgression I aim to demonstrate how artists step across existing norms with their art influencing political and social order. To show the connection between the factors mentioned above, I will turn to two examples of transgressive aesthetics; one is individual and another is collective. The first example is Konstantin Benkovich, an artist who makes his works out of steel rebar, which is considered to be a symbol of the lack of freedom, as it is usually encountered in prison settings. The second example is a collective art practice called Monstration. It combines techniques of a demonstration and a carnival atmosphere. In 2019 Monstration was held in 30 Russian cities, despite the dissatisfaction of the authorities.

Keywords: art, culture, resistance, Russia

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Authors: Yei Mian Adrian Yap

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How we idealize the regular schools to be inclusive as much as possible hinges on mainstream teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy towards the inclusion of students with special needs in the regular schools. This research studies the Japanese and Singaporean mainstream teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy towards the inclusion of students with special needs in the regular classrooms by investigating what key variables influence their attitudes and teaching-efficacy and how they strategize to address their challenges to include their students with special needs in their regular classrooms. In order to understand the nature of teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy towards the inclusive education, a mixed-method research methodology was carried out in Japan and Singapore; it involved an explanatory sequential method of employing quantitative research first before qualitative research. In the quantitative research, 189 Japanese and 183 Singaporean teachers were invited to participate in the questionnaires and out of these participants, 38 Japanese and 15 Singaporean teachers shared their views during their semi-structured interviews. Based on the empirical findings, Japanese teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy were more likely to be influenced by their experiences in teaching students with special needs, knowledge about disability legislation, presence of their disabled family members and level of confidence to teach students with special needs. On the other hand, Singaporean teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy were affected by gender, educational level, received trainings in special needs education, knowledge about disability legislation and level of confidence to teach students with special needs. Both country results also demonstrated that there was a positive correlation between their teaching-efficacy and attitude. Narrative findings further expanded the reasons behind these quantitative factors that shaped teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy. Also it discussed the various problems faced by Japanese and Singaporean teachers and how they identified their coping strategies to circumvent their challenges in including their students with special needs in their regular classrooms. The significance of this research manifests in necessary educational reforms in both countries especially in the context of inclusive education. These findings may not be as definitive as expected but it is believed that it could provide useful information on the current situation about teachers’ concerns towards the inclusive education. In conclusion, this research could potentially make its positive contribution to the body of literature on teachers’ attitudes and teaching-efficacy in the context of Asian developed countries and these findings could posit that regular teachers’ positive attitudes and strong sense of teaching self-efficacy could directly improve the success rate of inclusion of students with special needs in the regular classrooms.

Keywords: attitudes, inclusive education, special education, teaching-efficacy

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Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

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The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

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Authors: Chukwukelue Uzodinma Umenyilorah

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The advent of the New Media as enabled by information and communication technology from the 19th through the 21st century has no doubt taken its toll on all fronts of human existence; especially in Africa. Apart from shortening the distance between all parts of the world, technology and the new media has also succeeded in making the world a global village. Hence, it is now easy to relay live audio and visual signals across the length and breadth of the world in real time. People now contract and execute businesses across countries, conferences are held and ideas are shared with a simple push of a button. Likewise, political leaders and diplomats are now just a click away from reaching those important decisions that take their country’s fortunes to the next level. On the flip side, ICT and the New Media have also contributed in no small measure in aiding global terrorism and general insecurity around the world. More interesting is the fact that as developing economies, African countries have massively embraced the information technology and this has helped them in keeping up with the trends in the polity of other model democracies around the world. This paper is therefore designed to determine the how much effect ICT and the New Media has exerted on the economic, social and political lives of African. Nigeria shall be used as a case in point for the purpose of this paper.

Keywords: Africa, ICT, new media, Nigeria

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Authors: Sawsan Al-Saaidi, Ghayth K. Shaker Al-Shaibani

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This paper investigates certain linguistics properties of four selected speeches by Al-Qaeda’s former leader Osama bin Laden who legitimated the use of jihad by Muslims in various countries when he was alive. The researchers adopt van Dijk’s (2009; 1998) Socio-Cognitive approach and Ideological Square theory respectively. Socio-Cognitive approach revolves around various cognitive, socio-political, and discursive aspects that can be found in political discourse as in Osama bin Laden’s one. The political discourse can be defined in terms of textual properties and contextual models. Pertaining to the ideological square, it refers to positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation which help to enhance the textual and contextual analyses. Therefore, among the most significant properties in Osama bin Laden’s discourse are the use of presuppositions and implicatures which are based on background knowledge and contextual models as well. Thus, the paper concludes that Osama bin Laden used a number of manipulative strategies which augmented and embellished the use of ‘jihad’ in order to develop a more effective discourse for his audience. In addition, the findings have revealed that bin Laden used different implicit and embedded interpretations of different topics which have been accepted as taken-for-granted truths for him to legitimate Jihad against his enemies. There are many presuppositions in the speeches analysed that result in particular common-sense assumptions and a world-view about the selected speeches. More importantly, the assumptions in the analysed speeches help consolidate the ideological analysis in terms of in-group and out-group members.

Keywords: Al-Qaeda, cognition, critical discourse analysis, Osama Bin Laden, jihad, implicature, legitimisation, presupposition, political discourse

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Authors: J. Gabrielczyk, J. Kluitmann, T. Dammeyer, H. J. Jördening

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High-level expression of proteins in bacteria often causes production of insoluble protein aggregates, called inclusion bodies (IB). They contain mainly one type of protein and offer an easy and efficient way to get purified protein. On the other hand, proteins in IB are normally devoid of function and therefore need a special treatment to become active. Most refolding techniques aim at diluting the solubilizing chaotropic agents. Unfortunately, optimal refolding conditions have to be found empirically for every protein. For large-scale applications, a simple refolding process with high yields and high final enzyme concentrations is still missing. The constructed plasmid pASK-IBA63b containing the sequence of fructosyltransferase (FTF, EC 2.4.1.162) from Bacillus subtilis NCIMB 11871 was transformed into E. coli BL21 (DE3) Rosetta. The bacterium was cultivated in a fed-batch bioreactor. The produced FTF was obtained mainly as IB. For refolding experiments, five different amounts of IBs were solubilized in urea buffer with protein concentration of 0.2-8.5 g/L. Solubilizates were refolded with batch or continuous dialysis. The refolding yield was determined by measuring the protein concentration of the clear supernatant before and after the dialysis. Particle size was measured by dynamic light scattering. We tested the solubilization properties of fructosyltransferase IBs. The particle size measurements revealed that the solubilization of the aggregates is achieved at urea concentration of 5M or higher and confirmed by absorption spectroscopy. All results confirm previous investigations that refolding yields are dependent upon initial protein concentration. In batch dialysis, the yields dropped from 67% to 12% and 72% to 19% for continuous dialysis, in relation to initial concentrations from 0.2 to 8.5 g/L. Often used additives such as sucrose and glycerol had no effect on refolding yields. Buffer screening indicated a significant increase in activity but also temperature stability of FTF with citrate/phosphate buffer. By adding citrate to the dialysis buffer, we were able to increase the refolding yields to 82-47% in batch and 90-74% in the continuous process. Further experiments showed that in general, higher ionic strength of buffers had major impact on refolding yields; doubling the buffer concentration increased the yields up to threefold. Finally, we achieved corresponding high refolding yields by reducing the chamber volume by 75% and the amount of buffer needed. The refolded enzyme had an optimal activity of 12.5±0.3 x104 units/g. However, detailed experiments with native FTF revealed a reaggregation of the molecules and loss in specific activity depending on the enzyme concentration and particle size. For that reason, we actually focus on developing a process of simultaneous enzyme refolding and immobilization. The results of this study show a new approach in finding optimal refolding conditions for inclusion bodies at high concentrations. Straightforward buffer screening and increase of the ionic strength can optimize the refolding yield of the target protein by 400%. Gentle removal of chaotrope with continuous dialysis increases the yields by an additional 65%, independent of the refolding buffer applied. In general time is the crucial parameter for successful refolding of solubilized proteins.

Keywords: dialysis, inclusion body, refolding, solubilization

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Authors: Mary Chidiebere Asoya

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The dominance of two parties in multiparty democracies is a phenomenon that has come to be taken for granted. It has led to deepening corruption and redundant governance in many countries as politicians in the two dominating parties are aware of and exploit the fact that power must rotate between the two parties. As a result, politicians in two dominating parties can hobnob and frequently inter-marry between the two parties in a way that appears to suggest they are running a single dominating party. This paper explores what could end this hegemony by projecting a third party into the limelight. The argument is that long-standing frustration with corruption and increasing revolutionary tendencies could move voters away from the two dominating parties, ending the dominance of the parties. The case study is the February 25, 2023, Presidential elections in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, political party, election, nigeria, political science

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Authors: Cristina Diez

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One of the most important challenges of discourse analysis is to find the linguistic mechanisms of subjectivity. The present article aims to raise the need for an argumentative and enunciative analysis to reach the subjective tissue of language. The intention is to prove that the instructions inscribed in the own language are those that indicate how a statement is to be interpreted and that the argumentative value is implied at the semantic level. For that, the theory of argumentation from Ducrot and Anscombre will be implemented. First, a reflection on the study about subjectivity and enunciation in language will be exposed, followed by concrete proposals on the linguistic mechanisms that speakers use either consciously or unconsciously, to finally focus on those argumentative tools that political discourse uses in order to influence the audience.

Keywords: argumentation, enunciation, discourse analysis, subjectivity

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Authors: Sophy Ann Xavier, Lakshmi A

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Gentrification is the process of altering a neighborhood's character through the influx of wealthier people and establishments. This idea has subsequently been expanded to encompass brand-new, high-status construction projects that involve regenerating brownfield sites or demolishing and rebuilding residential neighborhoods. Inequality is made worse by Gentrification in ways that go beyond socioeconomic position. The elderly, members of racial and ethnic minorities, individuals with disabilities, and mental health all suffer disproportionately when they are displaced. Cities must cultivate openness, diversity, and inclusion in their collaborations, as well as cooperation on objectives and results. The papers compiled in this issue concentrate on the new gentrification discussions, the rising residential allure of central cities, and the indices to measure this process according to its various varieties. The study makes an effort to fill the research gap in the area of gentrification studies, which is the absence of a set of indices for measuring Gentrification in a specific area. Studies on Gentrification that contain maps of historical change highlight trends that will aid in the production of displacement risk maps, which will guide future interventions by allowing residents and policymakers to extrapolate into the future. Additionally, these maps give locals a glimpse into the future of their communities and serve as a political call to action in areas where residents are expected to be displaced. This study intends to pinpoint metrics and approaches for measuring Gentrification that can then be applied to create a spatiotemporal map of a region and tactics for its inclusive planning. An understanding of various approaches will enable planners and policymakers to select the best approach and create the appropriate plans.

Keywords: gentrification, indices, methods, quantification

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Authors: Doug Specht

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This research project sought to explore the links between digital media, PGIS and social movement organisations in Tolima, Colombia. The primary aim of the research was to examine how knowledge is created and disseminated through digital media and GIS in the region, and whether there exists the infrastructure to allow for this. The second strand was to ascertain if this has had a significant impact on the way grassroots movements work and produce collective actions. The third element is a hypothesis about how digital media and PGIS could play a larger role in activist activities, particularly in reference to the extractive industries. Three theoretical strands have been brought together to provide a basis for this research, namely (a) the politics of knowledge, (b) spatial management and inclusion, and (c) digital media and political engagement. Quantitative data relating to digital media and mobile internet use was collated alongside qualitative data relating to the likelihood of using digital media in activist campaigns, with particular attention being given to grassroots movements working against extractive industries in the Tolima region of Colombia. Through interviews, surveys and GIS analysis it has been possible to build a picture of online activism and the role of PPGIS within protest movement in the region of Tolima, Colombia. Results show a gap between the desires of social movements to use digital media and the skills and finances required to implement programs that utilise it. Maps and GIS are generally reserved for legal cases rather than for informing the lay person. However, it became apparent that the combination of digital/social media and PPGIS could play a significant role in supporting the work of grassroots movements.

Keywords: PGIS, GIS, social media, digital media, mining, colombia, social movements, protest

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Authors: Muhammad Imran

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In recent times, terrorism has been a major area of concern globally. Terrorism is ranked the number one concern across many countries, followed by political violence and poverty. The natural response to terrorism and violence across the countries is to increase expenditure on counterterrorism. This project study aims to explore the importance of job creation through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (a leading mega-project of the Belt and Road Initiative) to help Pakistan’s socio-economic situation and lead to minimize terrorism and violence across the country and help Chinese companies complete their multi-billion dollar projects peacefully. During the last two decades, Pakistan has been through severe insurgencies, political violence, and terrorism, which also caused a disturbance in delaying many developmental projects, including the CPEC project, and killed dozens of Chinese citizens working in Pakistan. One major area of debate is whether or not economic factors have any role to play in determining the extent of political violence and terrorism in Pakistan. The notion of a China-Pakistan economic corridor across the Karakorum Mountains to Gawadar faces severe challenges. Counterterrorism concerns are likely to be a persistent source of tension across the CPEC projects in different regions across the CPEC route in Pakistan. China’s promise to help industrialize Pakistan will ultimately lead to youth employment and prosperity. We hypothesize that youth unemployment can explain incidences of terrorism in Pakistan in the recent past. One of the main causes of these adverse situations is the unemployment of youth, who can become readily accessible to militant organizations for recruitment and training. This research project builds on existing research investigating the root causes of political violence and terrorism by considering youth unemployment as a measure of economic deprivation. We focus on the terrorism incident count data for 2001–2022, using negative binomial regression models. Literature suggests that, in the exogenous model, youth unemployment tends to increase political violence and domestic terrorism. Given concerns about the endogeneity of youth unemployment in these models, we will use two kinds of corrections: instrumental variables and lagged variables. To control for endogeneity, we intend to incorporate total population, military expenditure, foreign direct investment, and CPEC investment as instrumental variables.

Keywords: regional terrorism, political violence, youth employment, CPEC, belt and road initiative, Pakistan, China

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Authors: Vighnesh Daas, David B. Tann, Mahmood Datoo

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The incorporation of recycled plastic fibres in concrete as reinforcement is a potential sustainable alternative for replacement of ordinary steel bars. It provides a scope for waste reduction and re-use of plastics in the construction industry on a large scale. Structural use of fibre reinforced concrete is limited to short span members and low reliability classes. In this study, recycled carpet fibres made of 95% polypropylene with length of 45mm were used for experimental investigations. The performance of recycled polypropylene fibres under structural loading has been compared with commercially available virgin fibres at low volume fractions of less than 1%. A series of 100 mm cubes and 125x200x2000 mm beams were used to conduct strength tests in bending and compression to measure the influence of type and volume of fibres on the structural behaviour of fibre reinforced concrete beams. The workability of the concrete mix decreased as a function of fibre content and resulted in a modification of the mix design. The beams failed in a pseudo-ductile manner with an enhanced bending capacity. The specimens showed significant improvement in the post-cracking behaviour and load carrying ability as compared to conventional reinforced concrete members. This was associated to the binding properties of the fibres in the concrete matrix. With the inclusion of fibres at low volumes of 0-0.5%, there was reduction in crack sizes and deflection. This study indicates that the inclusion of recycled polypropylene fibres at low volumes augments the structural behaviour of concrete as compared to conventional reinforced concrete as well as virgin fibre reinforced concrete.

Keywords: fibre reinforced concrete, polypropylene, recycled, strength

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Authors: Carl van Walraven, Meltem Tuna

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Background: Network meta-analysis (NMA) quantifies the relative efficacy of 3 or more interventions from studies containing a subgroup of interventions. This study applied the analytical approach of NMA to quantify the relative accuracy of prediction models with distinct inclusion criteria that are evaluated on a common population (‘concurrent external validation’). Methods: We simulated binary events in 5000 patients using a known risk function. We biased the risk function and modified its precision by pre-specified amounts to create 15 prediction models with varying accuracy and distinct patient applicability. Prediction model accuracy was measured using the Scaled Brier Score (SBS). Overall prediction model accuracy was measured using fixed-effects methods that accounted for model applicability patterns. Prediction model accuracy was summarized as the Network Relative Model Accuracy (NeRMA) Score which ranges from -∞ through 0 (accuracy of random guessing) to 1 (accuracy of most accurate model in concurrent external validation). Results: The unbiased prediction model had the highest SBS. The NeRMA score correctly ranked all simulated prediction models by the extent of bias from the known risk function. A SAS macro and R-function was created to implement the NeRMA Score. Conclusions: The NeRMA Score makes it possible to quantify the accuracy of binomial prediction models having distinct inclusion criteria in a concurrent external validation.

Keywords: prediction model accuracy, scaled brier score, fixed effects methods, concurrent external validation

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Authors: Nayyra Zeb, Fu Qiang, Sundas Rauf

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is often seen as a significant factor of economic development in developing countries like Pakistan. The aim of this article is to investigate the effect of FDI on Pakistan’s economic growth during 1972–2012. Besides FDI, three other variables such as trade openness, political instability and terrorist attacks are also used in this study. The least square method has been applied to check the effect of these variables on GDP of Pakistan. The results show that FDI has a positive significant effect on economic growth of Pakistan.

Keywords: FDI inflows, trade openness, political instability, terrorist attacks

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Authors: Zeynep Selin Acar

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In the world of wars, it is aimed to find ways to protect civilians propound by political elites. Current threats may come from edges of the security concerns, meaning uncontrollable terrorist groups, unanticipated government-supported armed groups or separatists, and unimaginable merge of the previous with foreign supports or oppositions of which could flow into all groups– flaws of international state system. These threats resulted in transformation of inter-state system into a world system with distinctive actors and brought along the changes in strategic plans of political and military bodies, as well as adaptations of principles framing the strategies in terms of may-be-applicable international law constrained by ethical considerations. This paper aims to analyse the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), being one of those, with its criteria aiming to regulate military interventions taking the protection of civilians both as the reason for intervention, jus ad bellum or right to war, and as the duties during the intervention, jus in bello or how to conduct the war. In addition it will discuss the rise of its bindingness in terms of Responsibility Not to Veto (RNtoV), Franco/Mexican Political Declaration opened in signature for UN member states on September 2015.

Keywords: civilian protection, protection as responsibility, responsibility to protect, responsibility not to veto

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Authors: Ammar Aljabri, Alhussain Halawani, Alaa Ashqar, Omar Alageely

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Objective: mild Traumatic Brain Injury (mTBI) or concussion is a common yet undermanaged and underreported condition. This systematic review and meta-analysis aim to determine the efficacy of VRT as a treatment option for mTBI. Method: This review and meta-analysis was performed following the PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines and included RCTs and pre-VRT/post-VRT retrospective chart reviews. Records meeting the inclusion criteria were extracted from the following databases: Medline, Embase, and Cochrane Register of Controlled Trials (CENTRAL). Results: Eight articles met the inclusion criteria, and six RCTs were included in the meta-analysis. VRT demonstrated significant improvement in decreasing perceived dizziness at the end of the intervention program, as shown by DHI scores (SMD= -0.33, 95% CI -0.62 to -0.03, p=0.03, I2= 0%). However, no significant reduction in DHI was evident after two months of follow-up (SMD= 0.15, 95% CI -0.23 to 0.52, p=0.44, I2=0%). Quantitative analysis also depicts significant reduction in both VOMS (SMD=-0.40, 95% CI -0.60 to -0.20, p<0.0001, I2=0%) and PCSS (SMD= -0.39, 95% CI -0.71 to -0.07, p=0.02, I2=0%) following the intervention. Lastly, there was no significant difference between intervention groups on BESS scores (SMD= -31, 95% CI -0.71 to 0.10, p=0.14, I2=0%) and return to sport/function (95% CI 0.32 to 30.80, p=0.32, I2=82%). Conclusions: Current evidence on the efficacy of VRT for mTBI is limited. This review and analysis provide evidence that supports the role of VRT in improving perceived symptoms following concussion. There is still a need for high-quality trials evaluating the benefit of VRT using a standardized approach.

Keywords: concussion, traumatic brain injury, vestibular rehabilitation, neurorehabilitation

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Authors: Fahimeh Ghorbani, Alam Saleh

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Ideology, politics and art have always been omnipresent patterns of Islam since its early age. The Islamic empire, expanded from China to Andalusia, has instrumentalized art and architecture to enhance political legitimacy of different dynasties or states throughout its history. Quranic verses utilized to convey ideological messages in the major mosques and mausoleums. Iranians had already been employing art and architecture to propagate their political legitimacy prior to Islam. The land of Iran and its art with strong civilizational pre-Islamic history has been profoundly politicized since the rise of Islam in the region. Early Islamic period in Iran has witnessed introduction of a new architectural language, new formulas for spatial configuration in built spaces, as well as new system of architectural decoration. Studying Iran’s Early Islamic architecture helps in better understanding the process of socio-political identity making of Iranian-Islamic culture, and thus art and architecture. This period also set the stage for formation of glorious architectural movements through Persianate world in later periods. During the Early Islamic period in Iran, the innovative combination of Islamic ideology and Iranian Architecture created formidable ideological tools in politicizing art in the region and beyond. As such, this paper aims to investigate the political history and architectural legacy from late Sassanid to Early Islamic period, delves into the ways in which Early Islamic architecture played role in transforming Persian concepts of kingship, administration, and social organization. In so doing, the study focuses on the Perso-Islamic architectural synthesis under the Samanids and Seljuk dynasty as case studies. The paper also explores how the newly introduced Islamic architecture has been employed to address the question of political legitimacy and to propagate states’ political agenda in early Islamic Iran (650-1250). As for the existing literature, despite its uniqueness and significance, Early Islamic architecture of Iran has received little scholarly attention. However, there exists a sizeable body of scholarship on socio-historic condition of the land of Iran during Early Islamic period which provide a solid base for the project. Methodologically speaking, the authors look into the subject through various lenses. They will conduct historic and archival research in libraries, private collections, and archives in Iran and the related neighbouring countries in Persian, Arabic and English. The methods of visual and formal analysis are applied to examine architectural features of the period. There are also a high number of intriguing, yet poorly examined, published and unpublished documents, old plans, drawings and photos of monuments preserved in Cultural Heritage of Iran Organization which will be consulted.

Keywords: Iran, Islamic architecture, early Islamic Iran, early Islamic architecture, politicized art, political legitimacy, propaganda, aesthetics

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Authors: Busiswa Madikazi

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This systematic mapping study explores the underrepresentation of women's contributions to farming in the Global South within the development of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)-based extension methods. Despite women farmers constituting 70% of the agricultural labour force, their productivity is hindered by various constraints, including illiteracy, household commitments, and limited access to credit and markets. A systematic mapping approach was employed with the aim of identifying evidence gaps in existing ICT extension for women farmers. The data collection protocol follows a structured approach, incorporating key criteria for inclusion, exclusion, search strategy, and coding and the PICO strategy (Population, Intervention, Comparator, and Outcome). The results yielded 119 articles that qualified for inclusion. The findings highlight that mobile phone apps (WhatsApp) and radio/television programming are the primary extension methods employed while integrating ICT with training, field visits, and demonstrations are underutilized. Notably, the study emphasizes the inadequate attention to critical issues such as food security, gender equality, and attracting youth to farming within ICT extension efforts. These findings indicate a significant policy and practice gap, neglecting community-driven approaches that cater to women's specific needs and enhance their agricultural production. Map highlights the importance of refocusing ICT extension efforts to address women farmers’ unique challenges, thereby contributing to their empowerment and improving agricultural practices.

Keywords: agricultural extension, ICT, women farmers, smallholders

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