Search results for: police legitimacy

Authors: Jodie Bradshaw, Rebecca Dooley, Habib Kadiri, Holly Bird, Aaliyah Felix-West, Udit Mahalingam, Ella Thomson

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The sharp rise of civil orders has led to an expansion of police powers, particularly in the realm of stop and search activities. The broad scope and objectives of these civil orders –addressing issues as varied as public safety, crime prevention, and counter-terrorism – has led to ‘mission-creep’, whereby orders were being imposed in a wider range of contexts than initially intended. The ever-widening purview of civil orders in practice necessitates proactive measures by law enforcement which often rely heavily on the utilisation of stop and search, leading to an expansion of stop and search practices and the regulation of public space. Civil liberties organisations, criminal justice and legal practitioners, activist groups, and researchers have argued that civil orders dilute and undermine foundational legal principles, pose a threat to our basic rights and freedoms, facilitate dangerous criminal justice net-widening, and disproportionately target young, working-class people of colour. Many of the provisions in these orders are potentially incompatible with the right to liberty and security. The conditions of an order (whether negative restrictions or positive obligations) tend to be extremely easy to breach –and in some cases, almost impossible for the person subject to the order not to breach. When the conditions of an order are breached, the result is criminal punishment – often in the form of imprisonment. This paper argues that civil orders set people up to fail, sending them down a path towards incarceration and the ultimate deprivation of liberty. The proclaimed intentions underpinning these civil orders – to tackle purportedly ‘undesirable’ behaviour (which in and of itself is not a crime) committed by ‘undesirable’ people – paves the way for justifying violent and racially disproportionate policing practices.

Keywords: civil orders, policing, stop and search, crime, civil liberties, criminal punishment, anti-social behaviour

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Authors: T. Nguyen, H. Rennie, S. Vallance, M. Mackay

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Municipal Associations, also called Unions, Leagues or Federations of municipalities have been established worldwide to represent the interests and needs of urban governments in the face of increasing urban issues. In 2008, the Association of Cities of Vietnam (ACVN) joined the Asian Coalition of Community Action Program (ACCA program) and introduced the community-based upgrading approach to help Vietnamese cities to address urban upgrading issues. While this community-based upgrading approach has only been implemented in a small number of Vietnamese cities and its replication has faced certain challenges, it is worthy to explore insights on how the Association of cities of Vietnam played its role in implementing some reportedly successful projects. This paper responds to this inquiry and presents results extracted from the author’s PhD study that sets out with a general objective to critically examine how social capital dimensions (i.e., bonding, bridging and linking) were formed, mobilized and maintained in a local collective and community-based upgrading process. Methodologically, the study utilized the given general categorization of bonding, bridging and linking capitals to explore and confirm how social capital operated in the real context of a community-based upgrading process, particularly in the context of Vietnam. To do this, the study conducted two exploratory and qualitative case studies of housing projects in Friendship neighbourhood (Vinh city) and Binh Dong neighbourhood (Tan An city). This paper presents the findings of the Friendship neighbourhood case study, focusing on the role of the Vietnamese municipal association in forming, mobilizing and maintaining bonding, bridging and linking capital for a community-based upgrading process. The findings highlight the essential but uncertain role of ACVN - the organization that has a hybrid legitimacy status - in such a process. The results improve our understanding both practically and theoretically. Practically, the results offer insights into the performance of a municipal association operating in a transitioning socio-political context of Vietnam. Theoretically, the paper questions the necessity of categorizing social capital dimensions (i.e., bonding, bridging and linking) by suggesting a holistic approach of looking at social capital for urban governance issues within the Vietnamese context and perhaps elsewhere.

Keywords: bonding capital, bridging capital, municipal association, linking capital, social capital, housing upgrading

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Authors: Iyad Jadalhaq, Mohammed El Hadi El Maknouzi

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The place of Islamic law in the legal system of the UAE is best understood by introducing a differentiation between its role as a formal source of law and its influence as a material source of law. What this differentiation helps clarify is that the corpus of Islamic law constitutes a much deeper influence on adjudication, law-making and the legal profession in the UAE, than it might appear at first sight, by considering its formal position in the division of labor between courts, or legislative lists of sources of law. This paper aims to examine the role of Shariah in the UAE private law system by determining the comprehensiveness of Sharia in the legal system as a whole, and not in a limited way related to it as a source of law according to Article 1 of the Civil Transactions Law. Turning to the role of the Shariah as a formal source of law, it is useful to start from Article 1 of the UAE Civil Code. This provision lays out the formal hierarchy of sources of UAE private law, these being legislation, Islamic law, and custom. Hence, when deciding a civil dispute, a judge should first refer to positive legislation in force in the UAE. Lacking the rule to cover the case before him/her, the judge ought then to refer directly to Islamic law. If the matter lacks regulation in Islamic law, only then may the judge appeal to custom. Accordingly, in connection to civil transactions, Shariah is presented here, formally, as the second source of law. Still, Shariah law addresses many other issues beyond civil transactions, including matters of morals, worship, and belief. However, in Article 1 of the UAE Civil Code, the reference to Islamic law ought to be understood as limited to the rules it lays out for civil transactions. There are four main sets of courts in the judicial systems of the UAE, whose competence is based on whether a dispute touches upon civil and commercial transactions, criminal offenses, personal statuses, or labor relations. This sectorial and multi-tiered organization of courts as a whole constitutes an institutional development compatible with the long-standing affirmation in the Shariah of the legitimacy of the judiciary. Indeed, Islamic law authorizes the governing authorities to organize the judiciary, including by allocating specific types of cases to particular kinds of judges depending on the value of the case, or by assigning judges to a specific place in which they are to exercise their jurisdictional function. In view of this, the contemporary organization of courts in the UAE can be regarded as an organic adaptation, aligned with Shariah rules on the assignment of jurisdictional authority, to the growing complexity of modern society. Therefore, we can conclude to the comprehensive role of Shariah in the entire legal system of the United Arab Emirates, including legislation, a judicial system, institutional, and administrative work.

Keywords: Islamic jurisprudence, Shariah, UAE civil code, UAE private law

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Authors: Shikhar Shrivastava, Varun Khare

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Background: We are confronted by a society that is becoming more complex, more mobile, and more dysfunctional. Teen pregnancy, suicide, elopement, and the perusal of dangerous drugs have become commonplace. In addition, children do not settle their disputes as they once did. Guns and knives are quotidian. Therefore, it has been an exigent to have a "Juvenile Code" that would provide specific substantive and procedural rules for juveniles in the justice system. However, until the twentieth century, there was little difference between how the justice system treated adults and children. Age was considered only in terms of appropriate punishment and juveniles were eligible for the same punishment as adults. Findings: The increased prevalence and legislative support for specialized courts, Juvenile Justice Boards, including juvenile drug, mental health and truancy court programs, as well as diversion programs and evidence-based approaches into the fabric of juvenile justice are just a few examples of recent advances. In India, various measures were taken to prosecute young offenders who committed violent crimes as adults. But it was argued that equating juveniles with adult criminals was neither scientifically correct nor normatively defensible. It would defeat the very purpose of the justice system. Methodology and Conclusion: This paper attempts to bring forth the results of analytical and descriptive research that examined changing trends in juvenile justice legislation. It covers the investigative and inspective practices of police, the various administrative agencies who have roles in implementing the legislation, the courts, and the detention centers. In this paper we shall discuss about how the juvenile justice system is the dumping ground for many of a youths’ problem. The changing notions of justice, from retributive to restorative and rehabilitative shall be discussed. A comparative study of the Juvenile act in India and that of the U.S has been discussed. Specific social institutions and forces that explain juvenile delinquency are identified. In addition, various influences on juvenile delinquency are noted, such as families, schools, peer groups and communities. The text concludes by addressing socialization, deterrence, imprisonments, alternatives, restitution and preventions.

Keywords: juvenile, justice system, retributive, rehabilitative, delinquency

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Authors: Jeongwoo Lee

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Children are the most vulnerable travelers and they are at risk for pedestrian injury. Creating a safe route to school is important because walking to school is one of the main opportunities for promotion of needed physical exercise among children. This study examined how the built environmental attributes near an elementary school influence traffic accidents among school-aged children. The study used two complementary data sources including the locations of police-reported pedestrian crashes and the built environmental characteristics of school areas. The environmental attributes of road segments were collected through GIS measurements of local data and actual site audits using the inventory developed for measuring pedestrian-crash risk scores. The inventory data collected at 840 road segments near 32 elementary schools in the city of Ulsan. We observed all segments in a 300-meter-radius area from the entrance of an elementary school. Segments are street block faces. The inventory included 50 items, organized into four domains: accessibility (17items), pleasurability (11items), perceived safety from traffic (9items), and traffic and land-use measures (13items). Elementary schools were categorized into two groups based on the distribution of the pedestrian-crash hazard index scores. A high pedestrian-crash zone was defined as an school area within the eighth, ninth, and tenth deciles, while no pedestrian-crash zone was defined as a school zone with no pedestrian-crash accident among school-aged children between 2013 and 2016. No- and high pedestrian-crash zones were compared to determine whether different settings of the built environment near the school lead to a different rate of pedestrian-crash incidents. The results showed that a crash risk can be influenced by several environmental factors such as a shape of school-route, number of intersections, visibility and land-use in a street, and a type of sidewalk. The findings inform policy for creating safe routes to school to reduce the pedestrian-crash risk among children by focusing on school zones.

Keywords: active school travel, school zone, pedestrian crash, safety route to school

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Authors: Izzati Nabiyla Risfa

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The role of civil society has become an important issue in national and international level nowadays. Government all over the world started to realize that the involvement of civil society can boost up public services and better policy making. Global Policy Forum stated that there are five good reasons for civil society to be engaged in global governance; (1) to conferring legitimacy on policy decisions; (2) to increasing the pool of policy ideas; (3) to support less powerful governments; (4) countering a lack of political will; and (5) helping states to put nationalism aside. Indonesia also keeps up with this good trend. In November 2011, Indonesian Government set up LAPOR! (means “to report” in Indonesian), an online portal for complaints about public services, which is accessible through its website lapor.ukp.go.id. LAPOR! also accessible through social media (Twitter, Facebook) and text message. This program is an initiative from the government to provide an integrated and accessible portal for the Indonesian public to submit complaints and inquiries as a means of enhancing public participation in national development programs. LAPOR! aims to catalyze public participation as well as to have a more coordinated national complaint handling mechanism. The goal of this program is to increase the role of civil society in order to develop better public services. Thus, LAPOR! works in a simplest way possible. Public can submit any complaints or report their problem concerning development programs and public services simply through the website, short message services to 1708 and mobile applications for BlackBerry and Android. LAPOR! will then transfer every validated input to relevant institutions to be featured and responded on the website. LAPOR! is now integrated with 81 Ministries, 5 local government, and 44 State Owned Enterprise. Public can also give comments, likes or share them through Facebook and Twitter to have a discussion and to ensure the completeness of the reports. LAPOR! has unexpectedly contributed to various successful cases concerning public services. So far the portal has over 280,704 registered users, receiving an average of 1,000 reports every day. Government's response rate increase time to time, with 81% of complaints and inquiries have been solved or are being investigated. This paper will examine the effectiveness of LAPOR! as a tools to increase the role of civil society in order to develop better public services in Indonesia. Beside their promising story, there still are various difficulties that need to be solved. With qualitative approach as methodology for this research, writers will also explore potential improvement of LAPOR! so it can perform effectively as a leading national complaint handling system in Indonesia.

Keywords: civil society, government, Indonesia, public services

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Authors: László Schmidt

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Technological and digital innovation is constantly and dynamically evolving, which poses an enormous challenge to both lawmaking and law enforcement. To legislation because artificial intelligence permeates many areas of people’s daily lives that the legislator must regulate. it can see how challenging it is to regulate e.g. self-driving cars/taxis/camions etc. Not to mention cryptocurrencies and Chat GPT, the use of which also requires legislative intervention. Artificial intelligence also poses an extraordinary challenge to law enforcement. In criminal cases, police and prosecutors can make great use of AI in investigations, e.g. in forensics, DNA samples, reconstruction, identification, etc. But it can also be of great help in the detection of crimes committed in cyberspace. In the case of cybercrime, on the one hand, it can be viewed as a new type of crime that can only be committed with the help of information systems, and that has a specific protected legal object, such as an information system or data. On the other hand, it also includes traditional crimes that are much easier to commit with the help of new tools. According to Hungarian Criminal Code section 375 (1), any person who, for unlawful financial gain, introduces data into an information system, or alters or deletes data processed therein, or renders data inaccessible, or otherwise interferes with the functioning of the information system, and thereby causes damage, is guilty of a felony punishable by imprisonment not exceeding three years. The Covid-19 coronavirus epidemic has had a significant impact on our lives and our daily lives. It was no different in the world of crime. With people staying at home for months, schools, restaurants, theatres, cinemas closed, and no travel, criminals have had to change their ways. Criminals were committing crimes online in even greater numbers than before. These crimes were very diverse, ranging from false fundraising, the collection and misuse of personal data, extortion to fraud on various online marketplaces. The most vulnerable age groups (minors and elderly) could be made more aware and prevented from becoming victims of this type of crime through targeted programmes. The aim of the study is to show the Hungarian judicial practice in relation to cybercrime and possible preventive solutions.

Keywords: cybercrime, COVID-19, Hungary, criminal law

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Authors: Spencer Rutherford, Shadi Saleh

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War and conflict negatively impact all facets of a health system; services cease to function, resources become depleted, and any semblance of governance is lost. Following cessation of conflict, the rebuilding process includes a wide array of international and local actors. During this period, stakeholders must contend with various trade-offs, including balancing sustainable outcomes with immediate health needs, introducing health reform measures while also increasing local capacity, and reconciling external assistance with local legitimacy. Compounding these factors are additional challenges, including coordination amongst stakeholders, the re-occurrence of conflict, and ulterior motives from donors and governments, to name a few. Therefore, the present paper evaluated health system development in three post-conflict countries over a 12-year timeline. Specifically, health policies, health inputs (such infrastructure and human resources), and measures of governance, from the post-conflict periods of Afghanistan, Cambodia, and Mozambique, were assessed against health outputs and other measures. All post-conflict countries experienced similar challenges when rebuilding the health sector, including; division and competition between donors, NGOs, and local institutions; urban and rural health inequalities; and the re-occurrence of conflict. However, countries also employed unique and effective mechanisms for reconstructing their health systems, including; government engagement of the NGO and private sector; integration of competing factions into the same workforce; and collaborative planning for health policy. Based on these findings, best-practice development strategies were determined and compiled into a 12-year framework. Briefly, during the initial stage of the post-conflict period, primary stakeholders should work quickly to draft a national health strategy in collaboration with the government, and focus on managing and coordinating NGOs through performance-based partnership agreements. With this scaffolding in place, the development community can then prioritize the reconstruction of primary health care centers, increasing and retaining health workers, and horizontal integration of immunization services. The final stages should then concentrate on transferring ownership of the health system national institutions, implementing sustainable financing mechanisms, and phasing-out NGO services. Overall, these findings contribute post-conflict health system development by evaluating the process holistically and along a timeline and can be of further use by healthcare managers, policy-makers, and other health professionals.

Keywords: Afghanistan, Cambodia, health system development, health system reconstruction, Mozambique, post-conflict, state-building

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Authors: Merina Islam

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The feminists have identified the traditional western ethical theories as basically male centered. Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional western ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. This exclusion of women’s experiences from the moral discourse is justified on the ground that women cannot be moral agents, since they are not rational. By way of entailment, we are thus led to the position that virtues of traditional ethics, so viewed, can nothing but rational and hence male. The ears of traditional Western ethicists have been attuned to male rather than female ethical voices. Right from the Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and even philosophers like Freud, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and many others the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. These, according to them, have either intentionally excluded women or else have used certain male moral experience as the standard for all moral experiences, thereby resulting once again in exclusion of women’s experiences. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. This act of exclusion of women’s experience from moral discourse has given birth to a tradition that emphasizes reason over emotion, universal over the particular, and justice over caring. That patriarchy’s use of gender distinctions in the realm of Ethics has resulted in gender discriminations is an undeniable fact. Hence women’s moral agency is said to have often been denied, not simply by the act of exclusion of women from moral debate or sheer ignorance of their contributions, but through philosophical claims to the effect that women lack moral reason. Traditional or mainstream ethics cannot justify its claim for universality, objectivity and gender neutrality the standards from which were drawn the legitimacy of the various moral maxims or principles of it. Right from the Platonic and Aristotelian period the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. Through the Association of the masculine values with reason (the feminine with irrational), was created the standard prototype of moral virtues The feminists’ critique of the traditional mainstream Ethics is based on this charge that because of its inherent gender bias, in the name of gender distinctions, Ethics has so far been justifying discriminations. In this paper, attempt would make upon the gender biased-ness of traditional ethics. But Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. We would try to show to what extent traditional ethics is male centered and consequentially fails to justify its claims for universality and gender neutrality.

Keywords: ethics, gender, male-centered, traditional

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Authors: Mehrnoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

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Today, with the increase in quantity and quality and variety of crimes, the discussion of crime prevention has faced a serious challenge that human resources alone and with traditional methods will not be effective. One of the developments in the modern world is the presence of artificial intelligence in various fields, including criminal law. In fact, the use of artificial intelligence in criminal investigations and fighting crime is a necessity in today's world. The use of artificial intelligence is far beyond and even separate from other technologies in the struggle against crime. Second, its application in criminal science is different from the discussion of prevention and it comes to the prediction of crime. Crime prevention in terms of the three factors of the offender, the offender and the victim, following a change in the conditions of the three factors, based on the perception of the criminal being wise, and therefore increasing the cost and risk of crime for him in order to desist from delinquency or to make the victim aware of self-care and possibility of exposing him to danger or making it difficult to commit crimes. While the presence of artificial intelligence in the field of combating crime and social damage and dangers, like an all-seeing eye, regardless of time and place, it sees the future and predicts the occurrence of a possible crime, thus prevent the occurrence of crimes. The purpose of this article is to collect and analyze the studies conducted on the use of artificial intelligence in predicting and preventing crime. How capable is this technology in predicting crime and preventing it? The results have shown that the artificial intelligence technologies in use are capable of predicting and preventing crime and can find patterns in the data set. find large ones in a much more efficient way than humans. In crime prediction and prevention, the term artificial intelligence can be used to refer to the increasing use of technologies that apply algorithms to large sets of data to assist or replace police. The use of artificial intelligence in our debate is in predicting and preventing crime, including predicting the time and place of future criminal activities, effective identification of patterns and accurate prediction of future behavior through data mining, machine learning and deep learning, and data analysis, and also the use of neural networks. Because the knowledge of criminologists can provide insight into risk factors for criminal behavior, among other issues, computer scientists can match this knowledge with the datasets that artificial intelligence uses to inform them.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, criminology, crime, prevention, prediction

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Authors: Jong-Hyo Park, Eunyoung Choi, Jae-Yeon Lim, Seon-Suk Lee, Yeong-Rong Koo, Ji-Ung Kwon, Kyung-Sung Kim, Jong-Ik Lee, Juhan Park, Hyun-Kyu Lee, Won-Kyoung Oh, Jisang Lee, Jiwon Choe

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Due to COVID-19, cyber violence among youths has soared as they spend more time online than before. In contrast to the deepening concerns, measurement tools that can assess the vulnerability of cyber violence in individual youths still need to be supplemented. The measurement tools lack consideration of various factors related to cyber violence among youths. Most of the tools are self-report questionnaires, and these adolescents' self-report questionnaire forms can underestimate the harmful behavior and overestimate the damage experience. Therefore, this study aims to develop a multi-report measurement tool for youths that can reliably measure individuals' ecological factors related to cyber violence. The literature review explored factors related to cyber violence, and the questions were constructed. The face validity of the questions was confirmed by conducting focus group interviews. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses (N=671) were also conducted for statistical validation. This study developed a multi-report measurement tool for cyber violence with 161 questions, consisting of six domains: online behavior, cyber violence awareness, victimization-perpetration-witness experience, coping efficacy (individuals, peers, teachers, and parents), psychological characteristics, and pro-social capabilities. In addition to self-report from a youth respondent, this measurement tool includes peers, teachers, and parents reporting for the respondent. It is possible to reliably measure the ecological factors of individual youths who are vulnerable or highly resistant to cyber violence. In schools, teachers could refer to the measurement results for guiding students, better understanding their cyber violence conditions, and assessing their pro-social capabilities. With the measurement results, teachers and police officers could detect perpetrators or victims and intervene immediately. In addition, this measurement tool could analyze the effects of the prevention and intervention programs for cyber violence and draw appropriate suggestions.

Keywords: adolescents, cyber violence, cyber violence measurement tool, measurement tool, multi-report measurement tool, youths

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Authors: Nur R. Daut

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The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar.

Keywords: Aung San Suu Kyi, constitution of Myanmar, inequality, political power, political violence, Rohingya, Tatmadaw

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Authors: Chiara Della Rocca, Gavino Piras, Andrea Berti, Alessandro Mameli

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DNA identification of human skeletal remains plays a valuable role in the forensic field, especially in missing persons and mass disaster investigations. Hard tissues, such as bones and teeth, represent a very common kind of samples analyzed in forensic laboratories because they are often the only biological materials remaining. However, the major limitation of using these compact samples relies on the extremely time–consuming and labor–intensive treatment of grinding them into powder before proceeding with the conventional DNA purification and extraction step. In this context, a DNA extraction assay called the TBone Ex kit (DNA Chip Research Inc.) was developed to digest bone chips without powdering. Here, we simultaneously analyzed bone and tooth samples that arrived at our police laboratory and belonged to 15 different forensic casework that occurred in Sardinia (Italy). A total of 27 samples were recovered from different scenarios and were exposed to extreme environmental factors, including sunlight, seawater, soil, fauna, vegetation, and high temperature and humidity. The TBone Ex kit was used prior to the EZ2 DNA extraction kit on the EZ2 Connect Fx instrument (Qiagen), and high-quality autosomal and Y-chromosome STRs profiles were obtained for the 80% of the caseworks in an extremely short time frame. This study provides additional support for the use of the TBone Ex kit for digesting bone fragments/whole teeth as an effective alternative to pulverization protocols. We empirically demonstrated the effectiveness of the kit in processing multiple bone samples simultaneously, largely simplifying the DNA extraction procedure and the good yield of recovered DNA for downstream genetic typing in highly compromised forensic real specimens. In conclusion, this study turns out to be extremely useful for forensic laboratories, to which the various actors of the criminal justice system – such as potential jury members, judges, defense attorneys, and prosecutors – required immediate feedback.

Keywords: DNA, skeletal remains, bones, tbone ex kit, extreme conditions

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Authors: Apurva Sapra

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The aim of this research was to study and compare the nature of expected, feared and hoped-for selves in institutionalized adolescent boys in two residential settings – an observation home with children in conflict with the law, and a children’s home with children in need of care and protection. The study uses a concurrent mixed methods design, in which eight adolescent boys from each group, aged 13-17, were asked to respond to a questionnaire, followed by an in-depth interview. The questionnaire looked into the total scores on current, probable and hoped-for/feared positive and negative self-descriptors. Possible selves of both groups were found to be influenced by their unique histories, such as with their experience of violence, interaction with the police and emphasis given on education. Expected selves and hoped-for selves were similar within the two groups. However, they were more concrete and attainable in the observation home and more ambitious in the children’s home. Quantitative results showed that on the positive self-descriptors, the participants in the observation home had a slightly lower total score on the current parameter as on the probable and hoped-for parameters. The participants in the children’s home showed similar results on current and probable positive self-descriptors, with higher scores on the hoped-for parameter. For most of the negative self-descriptors, the current score for the observation home group was lower than the expected score, and for the children’s home group, they were feared slightly more than they were expected. Along with the nature of possible selves, the study also looked into threats and support to desired and feared possible selves, as well as strategies to attain the desired possible selves and avoid feared possible selves. While threats to possible selves were identified as external and internal in both groups, the participants in the children’s home tended to identify threats as external. The categories of support were similar across the two groups, although the nature of support provided differed. Strategies adopted by participants in the observation home could be clearly divided as past, present and future strategies, while those adopted by participants in the children’s home had an overlap with past and future strategies. The institution was perceived as having a negative influence for the future in the observation home group, but positive in the children’s home group. Limitations of the study and recommendations for future research, policy setting and the counselling profession are discussed.

Keywords: adolescents, expected self, feared self, hoped-for self, institutions, possible selves

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Authors: Pamela Aimee Rigor

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This study aims to examine the representation of Syrian refugees resettled in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland in local community and major newspapers. While there is strong support for immigration in Canada, public opinion towards refugees and asylum seekers is a bit more varied. Concerns about the legitimacy of refugee claims are among the common concerns of Canadians, and hateful or negative narratives are still present in Canadian media discourse which affects how people view refugees. To counter the narratives, these Syrian refugees must publicly declare how grateful they are because they are resettled in Canada. The dominant media discourse is that these refugees should be grateful as they have been graciously accepted by Canada and Canadians, once again upholding the image of Canada being a generous and humanitarian nation. The study examined the representation of Syrian refugees and the Syrian refugee resettlement in Canadian newspapers from September 2015 to October 2017 – around the time Prime Minister Trudeau came into power up until the present. Using a combination of content and discourse analysis, it aimed to uncover how local community and major newspapers in Vancouver covered the Syrian refugee ‘crisis’ – more particularly, the arrival and resettlement of the refugees in the country. Using the qualitative data analysis software Nvivo 12, the newspapers were analyzed and sorted into themes. Based on the initial findings, the discourse of Canada being a humanitarian country and Canadians being generous, as well as the idea of Syrian refugees having to publicly announce how grateful they are, is still present in the local community newspapers. This seems to be done to counter the hateful narratives of citizens who might view them as people who are abusing help provided by the community or the services provided by the government. However, compared to the major and national newspapers in Canada, many these local community newspapers are very inclusive of Syrian refugee voices. Most of the News and Community articles interview Syrian refugees and ask them their personal stories of plight, survival, resettlement and starting a ‘new life’ in Canada. They are not seen as potential threats nor are they dismissed – the refugees were named and were allowed to share their personal experiences in these news articles. These community newspapers, even though their representations are far from perfect, actually address some aspects of the refugee resettlement issue and respond to their community’s needs. There are quite a number of news articles that announce community meetings and orientations about the Syrian refugee crisis, ways to help in the resettlement process, as well as community fundraising activities to help sponsor refugees or resettle newly arrived refugees. This study aims to promote awareness of how these individuals are socially constructed so we can, in turn, be aware of the certain biases and stereotypes present, and its implications on refugee laws and public response to the issue.

Keywords: forced migration and conflict, media representations, race and multiculturalism, refugee studies

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Authors: Nur Iman Subono, Meidi Kosandi

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This paper examines the role of regional cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the fight against human trafficking for Indonesia. Many among scholars suggest that regional cooperation is necessary for combating human trafficking for its transnational and organized character as a crime against humanity. ASEAN members have been collectively active in responding transnational security issues with series of talks and collaboration agreement since early 2000s. Lately in 2015, ASEAN agreed on ASEAN Convention against Trafficking in Persons, particularly Women and Children (ACTIP) that requires each member to collaborate in information sharing and providing effective safeguard and protection of victims. Yet, the frequency of human trafficking crime occurrence remains high and tend to increase in Indonesian in 2017-2018. The objective of this paper is to examine the effectiveness and success of ACTIP implementation in the fight against human trafficking in Indonesia. Based on two years of research (2017-2018) in three provinces with the largest number of victims in Indonesia, this paper shows the tendency of persisting crime despite the implementation of regional and national anti-trafficking policies. The research was conducted by archive study, literature study, discourse analysis, and depth interviews with local government officials, police, prosecutors, victims, and traffickers. This paper argues that the relative success of ASEAN in establishing convention at the high-level meetings has not been followed with the success in its implementation in the society. Three main factors have contributed to the ineffectiveness of the agreements, i.e. (1) ASEAN institutional arrangement as a collection of sovereign states instead of supranational organization with binding authority; (2) the lack of commitment of ASEAN sovereign member-states to the agreements; and (3) the complexity and variety of the nature of the crime in each member-state. In effect, these factors have contributed to generating the regionalism paradox in ASEAN where states tend to revert to national policies instead of seeking regional collective solution.

Keywords: human trafficking, transnational security, regionalism, anti trafficking policy

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Authors: Nina Berding

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Migration and the ensuing diversity are integral parts of urban societies. However, engaging with the urban society and its diversification is rarely perceived as something trivial but rather as a difficult task and a major challenge. A central aspect of the discourse is the current migration of refugees from countries of the southern hemisphere to Europe and the resulting challenges for cities, their municipalities and the civil society as a whole. Based on exploratory field research in a German inner-city neighborhood, it is aimed to show that the discourses about migration and diversity are completely contrary to the everyday life actions of the urban society. Processes of migration that include leaving one’s hometown and moving to other places, searching for ‘safe’ environments or better opportunities are, historically speaking, not a new phenomenon. The urban dwellers have a large repertoire of strategies in managing processes of difference in everyday life situations, guided them well for centuries and also in these contemporary processes with an increased mobility and diversity. So there is obviously a considerable discrepancy between what is practically lived in everyday life, and how it is talked about. The results of the study demonstrate that the current discourse about the challenges of migration seems to legitimize interventions beyond humanist approaches where migrants serve as collective scapegoats for social problems and affected by different discrimination and criminalization processes. On the one hand, everyone takes advantage of the super-mobility and super-diversity in their daily lives and on the other hand, powerful stakeholders and designated authorities operate a sort of retro- nationalism and identity collectivism. Political players, the municipalities and other stakeholders then follow an urban public policy that takes actions (increasing police presence, concepts and activities for special groups, exclusion from active social life, preventing participation etc.) towards different ‘groups’ of residents, produced along ‘ethnic’ lines. The results also show that, despite the obstacles and adversities placed in their way, the excluded residents perpetually relocate and re-position themselves and attempt to empower themselves by redefining their identities in their neighborhood.

Keywords: coexistence, everyday life, migration and diversity regimes, urban policy

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Authors: Anuruddhi Edirisinghe, Anusha Edirisinghe, Maithree Wicramasinghe, Sagarika Kannangara, Annista Wijayanayake

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SGBV which refer to acts of inflicting physical, mental or sexual harm or sufferings that deprive a person’s liberty based on one’s gender or sexuality is known to occur in various forms. Ragging in educational institutions can often be one such form of SGBV. Ragging related SGBV is a growing problem despite various legal, policy and programme initiatives introduced over the years. While the punishment of perpetrators through the criminal justice system is expected to bring a deterrent effect, other strategies such as awareness-raising, attitudinal changes, and the empowerment of students to say no to ragging and SGBV will lead to enlightened attitudes about the practice in universities. Thus, effective regular prevention programmes are the need of the hour. The objectives of the paper are to engage with the case of a female fresher subjected to verbal abuse, physical assault and sexual harassment due to events which started as a result of wearing a trouser to the university during the ragging season. The case came to the limelight since a complaint was made to the police and 10 students were arrested under the anti-ragging act. This led to dividend opinions among the student population and a backlash from the student union. Simultaneously, this resulted in the society demanding the stricter implementation of laws and the punishment of perpetrators. The university authority appointed a task force comprising of academics, non-academics, parents, community leaders, stakeholders and students to draw up an action plan to respond to the immediate situation as well as future prevention. The paper will also discuss the implementation of task force plan. The paper is based on interviews with those involved with the issue and the experiences of the task force members and is expected to provide an in-depth understanding of the intricacies and complications associated with dealing with a contentious problem such as ragging. Given the political and ethical issues involved with insider research as well as the sensationalism of the topic, maximum care will be taken to safeguard the interests of those concerned.

Keywords: fresher, sexual and gender based violence (SGBV), sexual harassment, ragging

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Roberto Feltrero, Sara Osuna-Acedo

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Responsible Research and Innovation have to accomplish one fundamental aim: everybody has to participate in the benefits of innovation, but also innovation has to be democratic; that is to say, everybody may have the possibility to participate in the decisions in the innovation process. Particularly, a democratic and inclusive model of social participation and innovation includes persons with disabilities and people at risk of discrimination. Innovations on Artificial Intelligence for social development have to accomplish the same dual goal: improving equality for accessing fields of public interest like education, training and public services, as well as improving civic and democratic participation in the process of developing such innovations for all. This research aims to develop innovations, policies and policy recommendations to apply and disseminate such artificial intelligence and social model for making educational and administrative processes more accessible. First, designing a citizen participation process to engage citizens in the designing and use of artificial intelligence tools for public services. This will result in improving trust in democratic institutions contributing to enhancing the transparency, effectiveness, accountability and legitimacy of public policy-making and allowing people to participate in the development of ethical standards for the use of such technologies. Second, improving educational tools for lifelong learning with AI models to improve accountability and educational data management. Dissemination, education and social participation will be integrated, measured and evaluated in innovative educational processes to make accessible all the educational technologies and content developed on AI about responsible and social innovation. A particular case will be presented regarding access for all to educational tools and public services. This accessibility requires cognitive adaptability because, many times, legal or administrative language is very complex. Not only for people with cognitive disabilities but also for old people or citizens at risk of educational or social discrimination. Artificial Intelligence natural language processing technologies can provide tools to translate legal, administrative, or educational texts to a more simple language that can be accessible to everybody. Despite technological advances in language processing and machine learning, this becomes a huge project if we really want to respect ethical and legal consequences because that kinds of consequences can only be achieved with civil and democratic engagement in two realms: 1) to democratically select texts that need and can be translated and 2) to involved citizens, experts and nonexperts, to produce and validate real examples of legal texts with cognitive adaptations to feed artificial intelligence algorithms for learning how to translate those texts to a more simple and accessible language, adapted to any kind of population.

Keywords: responsible research and innovation, AI social innovations, cognitive accessibility, public participation

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Authors: Hamida Hamed Said Al Harthi

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Background: Illegal drug use is a rising problem that affects Omani youth. This research aimed to study a group of young Omani men who were imprisoned more than once for illegal drug use, focusing on exploring their lifestyle experiences inside and outside the prison and whether these contributed to their early relapse and re-imprisonment. This is the first study of its kind from Oman conducted in a prison setting. Methods: 19 Omani males aged 18–35 years imprisoned in Oman Central Prison were recruited using purposive sampling. Focused ethnography was conducted over 8 months to explore the drug-related experiences outside the prison and during imprisonment. Face-to-face semi-structured interviews with the participants yielded detailed transcripts and field notes. These were thematically analyzed, and the results were compared with the existing literature. Results: The participants’ voices yielded new insights into the lives of young Omani men imprisoned for illegal drug use, including their sufferings and challenges in prison. These included: entry shock, timing and boredom, drug trafficking in prison, as well as physical and psychological health issues. Overall, imprisonment was reported to have negatively impacted the participants’ health, personality, self-concept, emotions, attitudes, behavior and life expectations. The participants reported how their efforts to reintegrate into the Omani community after release from prison were rebuffed due to stigmatization and rejection from society and family. They also experienced frequent unemployment, police surveillance, accommodation problems and a lack of rehabilitation facilities. The immensity of the accumulated psychophysiological trauma contributed to their early relapse and re-imprisonment. Conclusion: This thesis concludes that imprisonment is largely ineffective in controlling drug use in Oman. Urgent action is required across multiple sectors to improve the lives and prospects of users of illegal drugs within and outside the prison to minimize factors contributing to early relapse. Key Words: illegal drugs, drug users, Oman, addiction, Omani culture, prisoners, relapse, re-imprisonment, qualitative research, ethnography.

Keywords: illigal drugs, Prison, Omani culture lifestyle, post prison life

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Authors: Anne Mastamet-Mason

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Crimes against women is a global concern, and South Africa, in particular, is in a dilemma of dealing with constant criminal acts that face the country. Debates on violence against women in South Africa cannot be overemphasised any longer as crimes continue to rise year by year. The recent death of a university student at the University of Cape Town, as well as many other cases, continues to strengthen the need to find solutions from all the spheres of South African society. The advanced textiles market contains a high number and variety of technologies, many of which have protected status and constitute a relatively small portion of the textiles used for the consumer market. Examples of advanced textiles include nanomaterials, such as silver, titanium dioxide and zinc oxide, designed to create an anti-microbial and self-cleaning layer on top of the fibers, thereby reducing body smell and soiling. Smart textiles propose materials and fabrics versatile and adaptive to different situations and functions. Integrating textiles and computing technologies offer an opportunity to come up with differentiated characteristics and functionality. This paper presents a proposal to design a smart camisole/Yoga sports brazier and a smart Yoga sports pant garment to be worn by women while alone and while in purported danger zones. The smart garments are to be worn under normal clothing and cannot be detected or seen, or suspected by perpetrators. The garments are imbued with devices to sense any physical aggression and any abnormal or accelerated heartbeat that may be exhibited by the victim of violence. The signals created during the attack can be transmitted to the police and family members who own a mobile application system that accepts signals emitted. The signals direct the receiver to the exact location of the offence, and the victim can be rescued before major violations are committed. The design of the Yoga sports garments will be done by Professor Mason, who is a fashion designer by profession, while the mobile phone application system will be developed by Mr. Amos Yegon, who is an independent software developer.

Keywords: smart clothing, wearable technology, south africa, 4th industrial revolution

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Authors: Sempiga Olivier, Dominika Latusek-Jurczak

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Climate change has allegedly been attributed to a high consumption of fossil fuels, leading to severe environmental problems. The energy sector has been among the most polluting sectors for many decades. Consequently, there is a lack of trust in several energy firms, especially those in fossil fuels and nuclear energy. A robust regulatory framework is needed, and more investment in renewable energy sources is paramount for a better environmental outcome. Given the significant environmental impact of energy production and consumption in the energy sector, sustainable marketing practices have become increasingly important. Although the latter has had the lion’s share in polluting the environment, much effort has been made recently to move away from fossil fuels and privilege renewable energy sources. How this shift would help rebuild trust in the energy industry is unclear. For the shift to have lasting effects, it may be essential that regulatory agencies examine how energy firms engage in sustainable investment. There is little empirical evidence on whether adopting regulating marketing practices and investment initiatives can help different organizations reduce their environmental impact and promote sustainable development. Little is known about how and whether the environmental value in firms goes beyond rhetoric, greenwashing and publicity to translate into economic gains and environmental performance. The study investigates how regulatory agencies can help energy firms invest sustainably and take sustainable initiatives even amid the energy crisis caused by the Russia-Ukraine conflict and how these sustainable practices relate to renewed consumer trust. Using data from Corporate Knights, the study, through time series, analyses the relationship between sustainable regulation, sustainable practices of energy firms from around the world and their relation to consumer trust and environmental performance over the past 20 years. It examines how their sustainable investment, energy, and carbon productivity relate to environmental sustainability and consumer trust. This longitudinal study provides empirical evidence of the interplay between regulation, trust and environmental performance. The research is grounded in institutional trust theory, which emphasizes the role of regulatory frameworks and organizational practices in shaping public perceptions of fairness, transparency, and legitimacy. Results show that organizations in the energy sector, supported by robust regulatory tools, can overcome the negative image of polluters and compete with other companies in the fight against climate change and global warming. However, to do so, energy firms should consider investing more in renewable energy sources and implementing sustainable strategies and practices that go beyond greenwashing to improve their environmental performance, thereby rebuilding consumer trust in the energy sector. Results allow regulatory regimes and organizations to learn why it is crucial for energy firms to invest in renewable energy sources and engage in various sustainable initiatives and practices to contribute to better environmental outcomes and higher levels of trust.

Keywords: consumer trust, energy, environmental performance, regulation, renewable energy sources, sustainable practices

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Authors: Nur Fareza Mustapha

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Solutions to policy problems need to be curated to the local context, taking into account the trajectory of the local development path to ensure its efficacy. For Kuala Lumpur, rapid urbanization and migration into the city for the past few decades have increased the demand for housing to accommodate a growing urban population. As a critical factor affecting housing affordability, land supply constraints have been attributed to intensifying market pressures, which grew in tandem with the demands of urban development, along with existing institutional constraints in the governance of land. While demand-side pressures are inevitable given the fixed supply of land, supply-side constraints in regulations distort markets and if addressed inappropriately, may lead to mistargeted policy interventions. Given Malaysia’s historical development, regulatory barriers for land may originate from the British colonial period, when many aspects of the current laws governing tenure were introduced and formalized, and henceforth, became engrained in the system. This research undertakes a postcolonial institutional analysis approach to uncover the causal mechanism driving the evolution of land tenure systems in post-colonial Kuala Lumpur. It seeks to determine the sources of these shifts, focusing on the incentives and bargaining positions of actors during periods of institutional flux/change. It aims to construct a conceptual framework to further this understanding and to elucidate how this historical trajectory affects current access to urban land markets for housing. Archival analysis is used to outline and analyse the evolution of land tenure systems in Kuala Lumpur while stakeholder interviews are used to analyse its impact on the current urban land market, with a particular focus on the provision of and access to affordable housing in the city. Preliminary findings indicate that many aspects of the laws governing tenure that were introduced and formalized during the British colonial period have endured until the present day. Customary rules of tenure were displaced by rules following a European tradition, which found legitimacy through a misguided interpretation of local laws regarding the ownership of land. Colonial notions of race and its binary view of native vs. non-natives have also persisted in the construction and implementation of current legislation regarding land tenure. More concrete findings from this study will generate a more nuanced understanding of the regulatory land supply constraints in Kuala Lumpur, taking into account both the long and short term spatial and temporal processes that affect how these rules are created, implemented and enforced.

Keywords: colonial discourse, historical institutionalism, housing, land policy, post-colonial city

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Authors: German Ricci

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The research aims to analyse the symbolic power of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its relationship with a borrowing country, drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory. This theory of power, typical of constructivist structuralism, has been minor used in international relations. Thus, selecting this perspective offers a new understanding of how the IMF's power operates and is structured. The IMF makes periodic economic reviews in which the staff evaluates the Government's performance. It also offers “last instance” loans when private external credit is not accessible. This relationship generates great expectations in financial agents because the IMF’s statements indicate the capacity of the Nation-State to meet its payment obligations (or not). Therefore, it is argued that the IMF is a legitimate actor for financial agents concerned about a government facing an economic crisis both for the effects of its immediate economic contribution through loans and the promotion of adjustment programs, helpful to guarantee the payment of the external debt. This legitimacy implies a symbolic power relationship in addition to the already known economic power relationship. Obtaining the IMF's consent implies that the government partially puts its political-economic decisions into play since the monetary policy must be agreed upon with the Fund. This has consequences at the local level. First, it implies that the debtor state must establish a daily relationship with the Fund. This everyday interaction with the Fund influences how officials and policymakers internalize the meaning of political management. On the other hand, if the Government has access to the IMF's seal of approval, the State will be again in a position to re-enter the financial market and go back into debt to face external debt. This means that private creditors increase the chances of collecting the debt and, again, grant credits. Thus, it is argued that the borrowing country submits to the relationship with the IMF in search of the latter's economic and symbolic capital. Access to this symbolic capital has objective and subjective repercussions at the national level that might tend to reproduce the relevance of the financial market and legitimizes the IMF’s intervention during economic crises. The paper has Argentina as its case study, given its historical relationship with the IMF and the relevance of the current indebtedness period, which remains largely unexplored. Argentina’s economy is characterized by recurrent financial crises, and it is the country to which the Fund has lent the most in its entire history. It surpasses more than three times the second, Egypt. In addition, Argentina is currently the country that owes the most to the Fund after receiving the largest loan ever granted by the IMF in 2018, and a new agreement in 2022. While the historical strong association with the Fund culminated in the most acute economic and social crisis in the country’s contemporary history, producing an unprecedented political and institutional crisis in 2001, Argentina still recognized the IMF as the only way out during economic crises.

Keywords: IMF, fields theory, symbolic power, Argentina, Bourdieu

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Authors: Waseem Makai

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The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Shasta Bula

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This research provides the first case study of the Santa Ana riverbed homeless encampment. It contributes valuable information about the little-studied factors contributing to the formation and dismantling of transient homeless encampments. According to the author’s best knowledge, this is the discussion of three reoccurring characteristics of homeless camps: camps form a self-governing system, camps are viewed by the community as unsavory places, and the campers are viewed as being unable or unwilling to participate in normal society. Three theories are proposed as explanations for these characteristics: the social capital theory as a reason for homeless campers to develop a system of self-government, the aesthetics theory as rationale for camps being viewed as unsavory places, and the theory of vulnerable and inevitable inequality as a reason why campers are seen as being unable or unwilling to participate in normal society. Three hypotheses are introduced to assess these theories: The encampment was created because it provided inhabitants a sense of safety and autonomy. It was dismantled due to its highly visible location and lack of adherence to the Orange County consumption and leisure aesthetic. Most homeless people from this encampment relocated approximately thirty miles east to Riverside County to avoid harassment by police. An extensive review of interviews with camp inhabitants revealed that fifty-one percent resided in the camp because it gave them a sense of safety and autonomy. An examination of Anaheim city council meeting meetings showed that thirty-eight percent of complaints were related to aesthetic concerns. Analysis of population reports from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development indicated that there was a notable increase in homelessness in Orange County the year after the camp was dismantled. These results reflect that the social capital theory is an applicable explanation for the homeless being drawn to set up camp as a collective. The aesthetics theory can be used to explain why a third of residents complained about the encampment. Camp residents did not move East to Riverside after the camp was dismantled. Further investigation into the enforcement of anti-camping ordinances needs to be conducted to evaluate if policing contributed to the vulnerability of the homeless.

Keywords: poverty, social relations, transformation of urban settlements, urban anthropology

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Authors: Qi Peng

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The Chinese sport sector is currently undergoing a dramatic institutional change. A sport system that was heavily dominated by the government is starting to shift towards one that is driven by the market. During the past sixty years, the Chinese Football Association (CFA), although ostensibly a ‘non-governmental organization’, has been in fact operated under the close supervision and control of the government. The double-identity of CFA has taken most of the blame for the poor performance of the Chinese football team, especially the men’s team. In 2015, a policy initiated by the Chinese government introduced a potentially radical change to the institutional structure of CFA by delegating the power of government agency – the General Administration of Sport of China - to the organization (CFA) itself. Against such background, an overarching research question was brought up- will an organization remained institutionalized within the system change in response to the external (policy) jolt? To answer this question, three principal data collection methods were employed: document review, participant observation and semi-structured interviews. Document review provides the mapping of the structural and cultural framework in which the CFA functions during the change process. The author have had the chance to interact closely with the organization as participant observer in the organization for a period of time, long enough to collect the data, but never too long to get biased view of the situation. This stage enables the author to gain an in-depth understanding of how CFA managed to restructure the governance and legitimacy. Conducting semi-structured interviews with staff within the CFA and from staff within selected stakeholders of CFA also provided a crucial step to gain an insight into the factors for change as well as the implications of the change. A wide range of interviewees that have been and to be interviewed include: CFA members (senior officials and staff); local football associations members; senior Chinese Super League football club managers; CFA Super League Co., LTD (senior officials and staff); CSL broadcasters; Chinese Olympic Committee members. The preliminary research data shows that the CFA is currently undergoing two levels of change: although the settings of CFA has been gradually restructured (organizational framework), the organizational values and beliefs remain almost the same as the CFA before the reform. This means that the plan of shifting from a governmental agency to an autonomous association is an going process, and that organizational core beliefs and values are more difficult to change than its structural framework. This is due to the inertia of the organizational history and the effect of institutionalization. The change of Chinese Football Association is looked at as a pioneering sport organization in China to undertake the “decoupling” road. It is believed that many other sport organizations, especially sport governing bodies will follow the step of CFA in the near future. Therefore, the experience of CFA change is worthy of studying.

Keywords: Chinese Football Association, Organizational Change, Organizational Culture, Structural Framework

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Authors: Parvez Sattar

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There are around 150,000 female sex workers in Bangladesh, and the country hosts one of the largest brothels in the world. There are 20 brothel-villages in the country, of which 14 are recognized to be ‘official’, and at least 11 are currently operational. Although the national Constitution adopts a preventive policy against prostitution, law does not, as such, prohibit commercial sex work by an adult woman working in a brothel having made an affidavit in this regard. But, at the same time, the law renders at least some forms of floating and hotel based sex work illegal, while sex between males has been termed as sodomy and made culpable offence even on its own. All forms of sex works by MSM and Hijra are thus branded as criminal acts. Observations and findings drawn in this article are based on both primary and secondary sources collecting data from a series of field-based empirical studies conducted by the author through questionnaire survey, FGDs, key informant consultations and other PRA/PLA tools. General and specific conclusions have been based on analysis guided by international standards of human and labour rights approaches. It has been noted that neither the community attitudes nor the cultural mind-sets, or the State's institutional set up is supportive of the causes of sex workers engaged in the most exploitative forms of labour. Lack of respect for fundamental rights continues to diminish any chances of sex workers' reintegration to the mainstream of the society, perpetuates poverty, and increases their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. To aggravate the scenario, the endemic practice of a complex debt-bondage masked by the so-called 'entry-cost' and ‘legal license’ to the industry is considered to be a somewhat accepted 'open secret' and that the police and administration keep their eyes off from such practices treating these as 'their internal affairs'. Often these practices are used by the Sardarni/Khala (landlady) and other 'managing' actors as the tool for further exploitation of the sex workers as well as a 'control strategy'. The paper concludes with the observation that the tabooed truths of commercial sex and sex workers are inherently embedded in the very factors that compel them into this endemically ostracised profession itself. While denial of both recognition and enjoyment of the fundamental human rights of sex workers is widespread, it is the same cycle of social vulnerability and economic exclusion that often confines these people within a continuous process of servitude and modern day slavery.

Keywords: commercial sex work and human rights, Labor protection in sex industry, Prostitution Law in Bangladesh, Sex work as modern day slavery

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