Search results for: diplomatic discourse

Authors: Chaohong Pan

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Through public diplomacy on social media, governments have attempted to influence foreign public opinion. What is the impact of digital public diplomacy? Public diplomacy research often relies on content analysis to study the strategies employed by communicators but has rarely examined its actual impact on the audience. In addition, we do not know if giving a communicator an explicit label, as Twitter does with “government account”, would change the effects of the messages. Can the government label reduce the percussiveness of public diplomacy messages by sending a warning signal? Using a 2 × 2 survey experiment, the present paper contributes to the study of public diplomacy by randomly exposing American participants to four types of tweets from Chinese diplomats. The stimulus materials vary in terms of the tweets’ content (“positive-china” vs. “negative-US) and Twitter government labels (with vs. without the labels). I found that positive tweets about China have a significant positive effect on Americans’ attitudes toward China, whereas negative tweets about the US have little effect on their opinions. Furthermore, positive-China tweets are effective only on China-related issues, which indicates that Chinese diplomats’ tweets have limited effects on shaping a foreign audience’s attitudes toward their own country. Lastly, I find that labels largely have no impact on a diplomatic tweet’s effect. These results contribute to our understanding of the effects of public diplomacy in the digital age.

Keywords: public diplomacy, china, foreign public opinion, twitter

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Authors: Methembe Mdlalose

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This paper synthesizes the findings of a study that utilized a purposive sampling methodology laced within a grounded theory analytical framework with LED managers, mayors, and traditional leaders representing six municipalities of uThukela District of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The paper critiques the two institution’s micro-relations within local governance and their overall impact on the general development discourse of rural areas. The study is located in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, a part of South Africa that experiences extremely low levels of development in rural areas and suffers from high rates of inequality, poverty, and unemployment. The paper unpacks the role of two significant stakeholders in the local sphere. Considered as the two dominant stakeholders at the local level, questions of compatibility between traditional leaders and municipal councillors often surge, as the two institutions (who represent two autonomous entities) that operate within the same operational boarders. The discussion around community development lies very deeply on accountability, which assures citizens that fruitless spending is curbed and good governance is maintained. If development is to be assured, it is vital to monitor accountability within government spheres and its departments. It is further essential to monitor the relations within local government. The findings of this research confirmed how relationships between traditional leaders and councillors can and have contributed to economic development or its stagnation thereof in rural areas. In addition, the findings revealed that there is an extensive need for the two stakeholders to work collectively, as this is a vital move in planning for development. Furthermore, the better accountability of local government and a better understanding of how clear policy and its implementation is may be a valuable asset in the discourse of community economic development in rural areas.

Keywords: economic development, traditional leadership, democratically elected councillors, local governance

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Authors: Gamzegul Koca, Evrim Eveyik-Aydin

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Genre and discipline-specific knowledge of academic discourse in writing has long been acknowledged as being a core skill to achieve formidable tasks that are expected of graduate students in academic settings. Genre analysis approaches can be adopted to unveil the challenges encountered in these tasks to be able to take instructional actions addressing the aspects of graduate writing that need improvement. In an attempt to find genre-specific academic writing needs of Turkish students enrolled in a graduate program in ELT, this study examines the rhetorical structure of discussion sections of research articles written during the course load stage of their graduate studies. The 35.437-word specialized corpus of graduate papers compiled for the purpose of the study includes discussions of 58 unpublished reports of empirical studies, 31 written in MA courses and 27 in Ph.D. courses by a total of 44 graduate students. The study does sentence-based move structure analysis using the framework developed by Eveyik-Aydın, Karabacak and Akyel in a corpus-based study that analyzed the discussion moves of expert writers in published articles in ELT journals indexed by Social Sciences Citation. The coding of 1577 sentences by three graders using this framework revealed that while the graduate papers included the same moves used in published articles, the rhetorical structure of MA and Ph.D. papers showed considerable differences in terms of the frequency of occurrence of main discussion moves, including interpretation of the results and drawing implications. The implications of these findings will be discussed with respect to the needs of graduate writers and the expectations of discourse community.

Keywords: discussion moves, genre-specific rhetorical structure, move analysis, research articles, the specialized corpus of graduate papers

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Authors: Sopio Totibadze

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Although the legal framework of Georgia reflects the main principles of gender equality and is in line with the international situation, Georgia remains a male-dominated society. This means that men prevail in many areas of social, economic, and political life, which frequently gives women a subordinate status in society and the family. According to the latest studies, “violence against women and girls in Georgia is also recognized as a public problem, and it is necessary to focus on it”. Moreover, the Public Defender's report (2019) reveals that “in the last five years, 151 women were killed in Georgia due to gender and family violence”. Unfortunately, there are frequent cases of crimes based on gender-based oppression in Georgia, which pose a threat not only to women but also to people of any gender whose desires and aspirations do not correspond to the gender norms and roles prevailing in society. It is well-known that language is often used as a tool for gender oppression. Therefore, feminist and gender studies in linguistics ultimately serve to represent the problem, reflect on it, and propose ways to solve it. Together with technical advancement in communication, a new form of discrimination has arisen- hate language against women in electronic media discourse. Due to the nature of social media and the internet, messages containing hate language can spread in seconds and reach millions of people. However, only a few know about the detrimental effects they may have on the addressee and society. This paper aims to analyse the hateful comments directed at women on various media platforms to determine the linguistic strategies used while attacking women and the reasons why women may fall victim to this type of hate language. The data have been collected over six months, and overall, 500 comments will be examined for the paper. Qualitative and quantitative analysis was chosen for the methodology of the study. The comments posted on various media platforms have been selected manually due to several reasons, the most important being the problem of identifying hate speech as it can disguise itself in different ways- humour, memes, etc. The comments on the articles, posts, pictures, and videos selected for sociolinguistic analysis depict a woman, a taboo topic, or a scandalous event centred on a woman that triggered hate language towards the person to whom the post/article was dedicated. The study has revealed that a woman can become a victim of hatred directed at them if they do something considered to be a deviation from a societal norm, namely, get a divorce, be sexually active, be vocal about feministic values, and talk about taboos. Interestingly, people who utilize hate language are not only men trying to “normalize” the prejudiced patriarchal values but also women who are equally active in bringing down a "strong" woman. The paper also aims to raise awareness about the hate language directed at women, as being knowledgeable about the issue at hand is the first step to tackling it.

Keywords: femicide, hate language, media discourse, sociolinguistics

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Authors: Neha Narayanan

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The paper tries to explore the role of language in determining spaces occupied by women in everyday lives. It is inspired from an ongoing action research work which employs ‘immersion’- arriving at a research problematic through community research, as a methodology in a Kondh adivasi village, Kirkalpadu located in Rayagada district of the Indian state of Odisha. In the dominant development discourse, language is associated with either preservation or conservation of endangered language or empowerment through language. Beyond these, is the discourse of language as a structure, with the hegemonic quality to organise lifeworld in a specific manner. This rigid structure leads to an experience of constriction of space for women. In Kirkalpadu, the action research work is with young and unmarried women of the age 15-25. During daytime, these women are either in the agricultural field or in the bari -the backyard of the house whose rooms are linearly arranged one after the other ending with the kitchen followed by an open space called bari (in Odia) which is an intimate and gendered space- where they are not easily visible. They justify the experience of restriction in mobility and fear of moving out of the village alone by the argument that the place and the men are nihi-aaeh (not good). These women, who have dropped out of school early to contribute to the (surplus) labour requirement in the household, want to learn English to be able to read signboards when they are on the road, to be able to fill forms at a bank and use mobile phones to communicate with their romantic partner(s). But the incapacity to have within one’s grasp the province of language and the incapacity to take the mobile phone to the kind of requirements marked by the above mentioned impossible transactions with space restricts them to the bari of the house. The paper concludes by seeking to explore the possibilities of learning and rethinking languages which takes into cognizance the gendered experience of women and the desire of women to cross the borders and occupy spaces restricted to them.

Keywords: action research, gendered experience, language, space

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Authors: Nada Alghali

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Translanguaging pedagogy suggests a new perspective in language education relating to multilingualism; multilingual learners have one linguistic repertoire and not two or more separate language systems (García and Wei, 2014). When learners translanguage, they are able to draw on all their language features in a flexible and integrated way (Otheguy, García, & Reid, 2015). In the Foreign Language Classroom, however, the tendency to use the target language only is still advocated as a pedagogy. This study attempts to enable learners in the English as a foreign language classroom to draw on their full linguistic repertoire through collaborative reading lessons. In observations prior to this study, in a classroom where English only policy prevails, learners still used their first language in group discussions yet were constrained at times by the teacher’s language policies. Through strategically enabling translanguaging in reading lessons (Celic and Seltzer, 2011), this study has revealed that learners showed creative ways of language use for learning and reflected positively on thisexperience. This case study enabled two groups in two different proficiency level classrooms who are learning English as a foreign language in their first year at University in Saudi Arabia. Learners in the two groups wereobserved over six weeks and wereasked to reflect their learning every week. The same learners were also interviewed at the end of translanguaging weeks after completing a modified model of the learning reflection (Ash and Clayton, 2009). This study positions translanguaging as collaborative and agentive within a sociocultural framework of learning, positioning translanguaging as a resource for learning as well as a process of learning. Translanguaging learning episodes are elicited from classroom observations, artefacts, interviews, reflections, and focus groups, where they are analysed qualitatively following the sociocultural discourse analysis (Fairclough &Wodak, 1997; Mercer, 2004). Initial outcomes suggest functions of translanguaging in collaborative reading tasks and recommendations for a collaborative translanguaging pedagogy approach in the EFL classroom.

Keywords: translanguaging, EFL, sociocultural theory, discourse analysis

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Authors: Mohammed Islam

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Graduate employability is a well debated topic by governments, employers, and higher education institutes (HEI) across the world. Much of the focus of these debates have centred around the skills that graduates bring or should bring to the job market, a point echoed by United Arab Emirates (UAE) policy makers and employers. While some research has been carried out on graduates' employability skills, little or no attention has been paid to the forces at play in developing employability policy and its subsequent implementation. The focus of debate has been on a perceived skills gap rather than policy. Recognising a gap in the literature, this paper details a study of UAE employability policy development. Taking a social constructionist approach, this case study views policy as discursive and socially constructed through interactions with key stakeholders. It is within the myriad of interdependent socio-political factors and social practices, particularly power relationships, that this paper explores UAE policy on graduate employability. In doing so, this adds to the debate on graduate employability from the perspective of policy and explores its roots in the interaction between human activity and the ‘system’. Data was collected from two main sources: documentary review and semi-structured interviews. Policies and publicly stated rhetoric on graduate employability were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis. Semi-structured interviews with representatives from policy makers, HEIs, and employers were reviewed through Thematic Analysis. The theoretical framework for the discussion of findings draws from social practice theories and highlights the factors at play in access to employment for UAE graduates. This case study presents a methodological approach to policy studies that can be applied beyond the context under investigation. Education policy researchers are provided with an opportunity to compare similarities and differences with their own specific contexts.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, employability, methodology, policy, social constructionism

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Authors: Oleg Redkin, Olga Bernikova

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Globalization and migrations have made cross-cultural contacts more frequent and intensive. Sometimes, these contacts may lead to misunderstanding between partners of communication and misinterpretations of the verbal messages that some researchers tend to consider as the 'clash of civilizations'. In most cases, reasons for that may be found in cultural and linguistic differences and hence misinterpretations of intentions and behavior. The current research examines factors of verbal and non-verbal communication that should be taken into consideration in verbal and non-verbal contacts. Language is one of the most important manifestations of the cultural code, and it is often considered as one of the special features of a civilization. The Arabic language, in particular, is commonly associated with Islam and the language and the Arab-Muslim civilization. It is one of the most important markers of self-identification for more than 200 million of native speakers. Arabic is the language of the Quran and hence the symbol of religious affiliation for more than one billion Muslims around the globe. Adequate interpretation of Arabic texts requires profound knowledge of its grammar, semantics of its vocabulary. Communicating sides who belong to different cultural groups are guided by different models of behavior and hierarchy of values, besides that the vocabulary each of them uses in the dialogue may convey different semantic realities and vary in connotations. In this context direct, literal translation in most cases cannot adequately convey the original meaning of the original message. Besides that peculiarities and diversities of the extralinguistic information, such as the body language, communicative etiquette, cultural background and religious affiliations may make the dialogue even more difficult. It is very likely that the so called 'clash of civilizations' in most cases is due to misinterpretation of counterpart's means of discourse such as language, cultural codes, and models of behavior rather than lies in basic contradictions between partners of communication. In the process of communication, one has to rely on universal values rather than focus on cultural or religious peculiarities, to take into account current linguistic and extralinguistic context.

Keywords: Arabic, civilization, discourse, language, linguistic

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Authors: Lutendo Nendauni

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Colonialism breaks things, colonisers exploded native cultural solidarity, producing the spiritual confusion, psychic wounding, and economic exploitation of a new and dominated ‘other’. Colonialism as the cultural and economic exploitation began when the West defended in their seizure of foreign territories for the exploitation of its natural resources; this resulted in brutal socio-economic imbalances. The Western profited at the detriment of the weak Africa. However, colonialism has since passed, but the effects are still evident culturally, socially, and economically. This paper explored how postcolonial writers and critics attempt to reverse the socio-economic imbalances resulting from the fragmentation of colonialism, with a focus on the play 'I will Marry When I Want' by Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Ngugi wa Mirii, as a primary text. Using qualitative discourse-textual analysis as the research methodology, the researcher purposively extracts discourse segments from the text for analysis and interpretation. The findings reveal that Postcolonial critics and writers attempt to reverse the socio-economic effects of colonialism through various counter discourses; their literature is concerned with the destruction of colonised identity, the search for this identity, and its assertion. It is manifest in the text that writers offer corrective views about Africans; they stress that they write their literary texts to conscientise their fellow Africans. Postcolonial writers and critics argue that language is a carrier of culture and that the only way to break free from colonial influence is by not adopting a foreign language. They further through their poems, novels, plays, and music strategically shine the spotlight on the previously nameless and destitute people so that they can develop the human spirit’s desire to overcome defeat, socio-political deprivation, and isolation.

Keywords: colonialism, postcoloniality, critics, socio-economic imbalances

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Authors: Julia Gurol

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Why do we observe a shift towards convergence in EU-China security interests? While contradicting attitudes towards key principles of inter-state and region-to-state relations, including state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and intervention policies have ever since hindered EU-China inter-regional cooperation beyond the economic realm, collaboration in peace and security issues is now becoming a key pillar of European-Chinese relations. In addition, the Belt and Road Initiative as most ambitious Chinese foreign policy project explicitly touches upon several European foreign policy and security preferences. Based on these counterintuitive findings, this paper traces the process of convergence of Sino-European security interests. Drawing on qualitative text analysis of official Chinese and European policy papers and documents from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975 until today, it assesses the striking change over time. On this basis, the paper uses theories of neo-functionalism, inter-regionalism, and securitization and borrows from constructivist views in International Relations’ theory, to expound possible motives for the change in Chinese and respectively European preferences in the security realm. The results reveal interesting insights into the decisive factors and motives behind both countries’ foreign policies. The paper concludes with a discussion of further potential and difficulties of EU-China security cooperation.

Keywords: belt and road initiative, China, European Union, foreign policy, neo-functionalism, security

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Authors: Pangihutan Panjaitan, Helda Risman, Devindra Oktaviano

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This research is departed from the security issues generated from China’s unilateral claims in the South China Sea conflict. The diplomacy challenges come from Indonesia’s relations with China as well as with ASEAN-member countries involved in the conflict. It is estimated that the conflict in the South China Sea region will become an endless conflict. Comprehensively, Indonesia is implementing a gradual shift in diplomatic approach in creating positive and constructive ties among Indonesia, China, and ASEAN. In line with the rapid-changing world order, the conventional military approach becomes less significant in today’s modern inter-state interactions. This research is conducted in a qualitative literature review to explain how Indonesia’s recent soft diplomacy approach applied in the South China Sea conflict. This type of diplomacy theoretically assumed as one of the most preferred ways to establish mutual trust and confidence among conflicting parties. Maritime issues found its significance in contemporary foreign policy since the world’s most dynamic region has moved to the archipelagic Asia-Pacific. As mentioned by rationalists, every country, including Indonesia, has surely formulated its own prominent national interest, such as the defense aspect. Finally, this research will provide a deep analysis on Indonesia’s centrality in ASEAN as an effective way to ensure Indonesia’s strategic policy in the region well accommodated.

Keywords: soft diplomacy, south China sea, national defense, China

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Authors: Des Lambley

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The scope and scale of crime in the AIF is a subject largely overlooked by historians preferring to narrate the macro-scale topics. This examination exposes some 17,000 military criminals, 414 of them officers and illustrates how military law imposed itself. This subjective sociological perspective humanises the impacts of war upon soldiers. Examples of the crimes, their seriousness, punishments and military justice tell of cause and effect linkages between crime, stress and illness. The discourse is derived from original official military sources in the Australian Archives.

Keywords: Australia, AIF, Military Crime, WW1, Officers

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Md Nur Uddin

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The Rohingya people are one of the world's most oppressed and persecuted refugee populations, having been stateless for over six generations and still are. In recent years, more than half-million Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar (Burma) for neighboring nations. This article discusses the Status and Rights of Rohingya Migrants in Bangladesh, with a focus on the living conditions of this vulnerable population. A lot of information has been studied about Rohingya refugees states that violence in Rakhine state has sent an estimated 615,500 Rohingya across the border into Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar since August 25, 2017. In Cox's Bazar, a total of 33,131 Rohingya refugees are housed in two registered camps, with an additional 854,024 living in informal settlements nearby. The living conditions of Rohingya refugees in overcrowded camps remain dismal. Mental health is bad, cleanliness is poor, malnutrition is common, and physical and sexual abuse is endemic. A coordinated diplomatic effort involving Bangladesh and Myanmar, as well as international mediators such as the Organization of Islamic Countries and the United Nations, is essential to adequately resolve this complex matter. Bangladeshi officials must ensure the safety of the Rohingyas in the camps and use available humanitarian aid to give the refugees basic amenities such as food, shelter, sanitation, and medical treatment. UNHCR officials should keep an eye on the actual repatriation process to ensure that refugees who have expressed a desire to stay in Bangladesh are not deported against their choice.

Keywords: international refugee laws, united nations, Rohingya, stateless, humanitarian

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Authors: Sofia Sutera

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Despite the introduction of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda in 2000, thanks to the UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions, and the clear stance of the UN towards the support of increased participation of women in peace and security processes, women’s leadership in this context remains very low. Considering specifically the framework of peacekeeping operations, the aim of this paper is to analyze the way women’s leadership is constructed in the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF). In the context of the WPS Agenda, Sweden has been chosen as a case study because of the relevance of its singular feminist policies (the statement in 2014 from Wallström, previous and current Minister for Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister, that Sweden is pursuing a feminist foreign policy is a clear example). Moreover, the SAF adopted in 2016 the Handbok Gender. This policy addresses explicitly the gender perspective embraced by the Swedish military institution, a sui-generis organization even in the Scandinavian reality. Indeed, the SAF has assumed a clear commitment to represent its institution as gender aware and gender equal. The theoretical perspective utilized in this research, which focuses specifically on women, is feminism and particularly a feminist constructivist approach, with an institutional focus on the military institution, has been chosen. Taking into account the specificity of the feminist research, the above-mentioned gender policy has been examined by means of a critical discourse analysis (CDA) whose main aim is to investigate the social structures of discourse and the power relationships inherent to it. Thus, CDA appears to be quite relevant in order to understand the construction of women’s leadership in the Handbok Gender. Nevertheless, even in a country which officially identifies as feminist and which is characterized by a peculiar military institution, the conclusions of this analysis revealed that women’s leadership in peacekeeping operations remains very low.

Keywords: feminism, peacekeeping operations, swedish armed forces, UNSCR 1325, women's leadership, WPS agenda

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Authors: Saroj Kumar Rath

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When insurgency erupted in Kashmir in 1989, it was quickly backed by Pakistan. Kashmir witnessed terrorism for more than a decade till 2004 when Indian forces decimated militancy. After the US pressure in 1992, terrorist training camps of Pakistan shifted to Afghanistan and al Qaeda and the Taliban had taken over training of Kashmiri militants in Afghanistan after 1997 as part of their global jihad. The Indo-Pak rivalry over Kashmir dispute had taken a new turn in the aftermath of 9/11 developments. Islamabad viewed its Afghan policy through the prism of denying India any advantage in Kabul. Pakistan was successful in refuting Indian presence in Kabul for a decade through the Taliban. After the 9/11 attacks the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) saw Northern Alliance, supported by the Americans and all of Pakistan’s regional rivals – India, Iran, and Russia – as claiming victory in Kabul. For Pakistan’s military regime, this was a strategic disaster and prompted the ISI to give refuge to the escaping Taliban, while denying full support to Hamid Karzai. The new development in Afghanistan prompted India to establish a foothold it had lost nearly a decade earlier. India established diplomatic contacts with Afghanistan; supported the Karzai government and funded aid programs. Pakistan alleged that Indian agents are training Baloch and Sindhi dissidents in Pakistan through Afghanistan. Kabul had suddenly become the new Kashmir – the new battleground for India-Pakistan rivalry.

Keywords: Afghan imbroglio, Kashmir conflict, Indo-Pak rivalry, US policy in South Asia

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Authors: Qi Jing

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This paper examines and defends Jürgen Habermas’s claim that law is the other side of democracy. It is believed that law and democracy are related, for Habermas, through the mediation of communicative rationality and discourse ethics. These ground a procedural conception of democracy, which legitimizes and rationalizes legal codes in a robust public sphere, linking the exercise of democratic political power to the form of law. The strengths of Habermas’s approach lie, it should be claimed, in its overcoming of relativism, its combination of democratically-enacted law with post-conventional morality, and its correction of the one-sided emphasis on private and public autonomy in Kant and Rousseau, respectively.

Keywords: habermas, law, democracy, reason, public sphere

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Authors: Omnia F. Elkommos

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In the course of teaching stylistics to undergraduate students of the Department of English Language and Literature, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, the linguistic tool kit of theories comes in handy and useful for the better understanding of the different literary genres: Poetry, drama, and short stories. In the present paper, a model of teaching of stylistics is compiled and suggested. It is a collaborative group project technique for use in the undergraduate diverse specialisms (Literature, Linguistics and Translation tracks) class. Students initially are introduced to the different linguistic tools and theories suitable for each literary genre. The second step is to apply these linguistic tools to texts. Students are required to watch videos performing the poems or play, for example, and search the net for interpretations of the texts by other authorities. They should be using a template (prepared by the researcher) that has guided questions leading students along in their analysis. Finally, a practical analysis would be written up using the practical analysis essay template (also prepared by the researcher). As per collaborative learning, all the steps include activities that are student-centered addressing differentiation and considering their three different specialisms. In the process of selecting the proper tools, the actual application and analysis discussion, students are given tasks that request their collaboration. They also work in small groups and the groups collaborate in seminars and group discussions. At the end of the course/module, students present their work also collaboratively and reflect and comment on their learning experience. The module/course uses a drama play that lends itself to the task: ‘The Bond’ by Amy Lowell and Robert Frost. The project results in an interpretation of its theme, characterization and plot. The linguistic tools are drawn from pragmatics, and discourse analysis among others.

Keywords: applied linguistic theories, collaborative learning, cooperative principle, discourse analysis, drama analysis, group project, online acting performance, pragmatics, speech act theory, stylistics, technology enhanced learning

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Using the case of Israeli Atomic Spy Mordechai Vanunu as an example, this study sought to examine social response to political deviance whereby social response can be mobilized in order to achieve social control. Mordechai Vanunu, a junior technician in the Dimona Atomic Research Center, played a normative role in the militaristic discourse while working in the “holy shrine” of the Israeli defense system for many years. At a certain stage, however, Vanunu decided to detach himself from this collective and launched an assault on this top-secret circle. Israeli society in general and the security establishment in particular found this attack intolerable and unforgivable. They presented Vanunu as a ticking time bomb, delegitimized him and portrayed him as “other”. In addition, Israeli enforcement authorities imposed myriad prohibitions and sanctions on Vanunu even after his release from prison – “as will be done to he who desecrates holiness.” Social response to Vanunu at the time of his capture and trial was studied by conducting a content analysis of six contemporary daily newspapers. The analysis focused on use of language and forms of expression. In contrast with traditional content analysis methodology, this study did not just look at frequency of expressions of ideas and terms in the text and covert content; rather, the text was analyzed as a structural whole, and included examination of style, tone and unusual use of imagery, and more, in order to uncover hidden messages within the text. The social response to this case was extraordinarily intense, not only because in this case of political deviance, involving espionage and treason, Vanunu’s actions comprised a real potential threat to the country, but also because of the threat his behavior posed to the symbolic universe of society. Therefore, the response to this instance of political deviance can be seen as being part of a mechanism of social control aiming to protect world view of society as a whole, as well as to punish the criminal.

Keywords: militarism, political deviance, social construction, social control

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Authors: Aurélia Jandot

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With the oil and economic crises which began in the 1970’s, it has progressively appeared necessary to convince the French “general public“ that a use of new energy sources was essential. In this field, nuclear energy represented the future and concentrated lots of hopes. However, the discourse about nuclear energy has progressively seen negative arguments growing in the French media. The gradual changes in the perception of nuclear energy will be studied here through the arguments given in the main French weekly newsmagazines, which had a great impact on the readers, thus on the “general public“, from the 1970’s to the end of the 1980’s. Indeed, to understand better these changes will be taken into account the major international events, the reorientations of the French domestic policy, and the evolutions of the nuclear technology. As this represents a considerable amount of copies and thus of information, will be selected here the main articles which emphasize the “mental images“ aiming to direct the thought of the readers, and which have led the public awareness and acceptance to evolve. From the 1970’s to the end of the 1980’s, two dichotomous trends are in confrontation : one is promoting the perception of the nuclear energy, the other is discrediting it. Moreover, these two trends are organized in two axes. The first axis is about the engineerings evolutions, such as the main French media represent them, with its approximations, its exaggerations, its fictions sometimes. Is added the will to make accessible to the “general public“ some concepts which are quite difficult to understand for the largest number. The second axis rests on the way the major accidents of the period are approached, including those of Three Mile Island and Chernobyl. Thanks to these accidents and because of the international relations evolutions, the ecologist movements and their impacts have progressively grown, with evident consequences on the public perception of nuclear energy and on the way the successive governments can implement new power plants in France. Then, in both cases, over the period considered, the language has changed, as the perceptible objectives of the communication, allowing to discern the deepest intentions of the newsmagazines editing. This is all these changes that will be emphasized, over a period where the nuclear energy technology, to there a field for specialists, bearing mystery and secret, has become a social issue seemingly open to all.

Keywords: social issues, public acceptance, mediatization, discourse changes

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Authors: Marisa Galiza Filipe

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In 1942, at the height of the Second World War, Roosevelt and Churchill planned to occupy the Azores to establish air and naval bases. The islands' privileged position in the middle of the Atlantic made them a strategic location for both the Axis and the Allies. For the Germans, the occupation of the island was also a strategic place to launch an attack on the United States of America, and for the British and Americans, the islands were the perfect spot to counterattack the German sinking of British boats and submarines. Salazar avoided the concession of the islands until 1943, claiming, on the one hand, the policy of neutrality, a decision made in agreement with England, and on the other hand, the reaffirmation of Portuguese sovereignty over the territory. Aware of the constant changes and supported by a network of informers on the islands, the German and British spies played a crucial role in the negotiations between Portugal and the Allies and the ceding of the bases by Salazar, which prevented their forced occupation. The espionage caused several diplomatic tensions, and the large number of German spies denounced by the British, operating on the islands under the watchful eye of the PVDE and Salazar, weakened the Portuguese-British alliance. Using primary source documents in the Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (MNE) archives, this paper introduces the spies that operated on the islands, their missions and motives, organizations, and modus operandi. As a chess game, any move was careful thinking and the spies were valuable assets to control and use information that could lead to the occupation of the islands and, ultimately, change the tide of the war.

Keywords: espionage, Azores, WWI, neutrality

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Authors: Denise Muro

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Conflict in Syria, producing over 11 million displaced persons, has incited global attention to displacement. Although neighboring countries have borne the largest part of the displacement burden, due to the influx of refugees into Europe, the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ is taking place on two fronts: Syria’s neighboring countries, with millions of refugees, and Europe, a destination goal for so many that European states face unprecedented challenges. With increasing attention to displacement, forcibly displaced persons are consistently portrayed as either un-agentic victims, or as dangerous free agents. Recognizing that these dominant portrayals involve discourses of power and inequality, this research investigates the extent to which this victim-agent dichotomy affects refugees and organizations that work closely with them during initial integration processes in Berlin, Germany. The research measures initial integration based on German policy measures regarding integration juxtaposed with the way refugees and those who work with them understand integration. Additionally, the study examines day-to-day interactions of refugees in Germany as a way to gauge social integration in a bottom-up approach. This study involved a discourse analysis of portrayals of refugees and participant observation and interviews with refugees and those who work closely with them, which took place during fieldwork in Berlin in the summer of 2016. Germany is unique regarding their migration history and lack of successful integration, in part due to the persistent refrain, ‘Wir sind kein einwanderungsland’ (‘We are not an immigration country’). Still, their accepted asylum seeker population has grown exponentially in the past few years. Findings suggest that the victim-agent dichotomy is present and impactful in the process of refugees entering and integrating into Germany. Integration is hindered due to refugees either being patronized or criminalized to such an extent that, despite being constantly told that they must integrate, they cannot become part of German society.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Germany, integration, refugee crisis

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Lucia Rottava

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The present study focuses on academic literacy and addresses the impact of semantic-discursive resources on the constitution of genres that are produced in such context. The research considers the development of writing in the academic context in Portuguese. Researches that address academic literacy and the characteristics of the texts produced in this context are rare, mainly with focus on the development of writing, considering three variables: the constitution of the writer, the perception of the reader/interlocutor and the organization of the informational text flow. The research aims to map the semantic-discursive resources of the written register in texts of several genres and produced by students in the first semester of the undergraduate course in letters. The hypothesis raised is that writing in the academic environment is not a recurrent literacy practice for these learners and can be explained by the ontogenetic and phylogenetic nature of language development. Qualitative in nature, the present research has as empirical data texts produced in a half-yearly course of Reading and Textual Production; these data result from the proposition of four different writing proposals, in a total of 600 texts. The corpus is analyzed based on semantic-discursive resources, seeking to contemplate relevant aspects of language (grammar, discourse and social context) that reveal the choices made in the reader/writer interrelationship and the organizational flow of the text. Among the semantic-discursive resources, the analysis includes three resources, including (a) appraisal and negotiation to understand the attitudes negotiated (roles of the participants of the discourse and their relationship with the other); (b) ideation to explain the construction of the experience (activities performed and participants); and (c) periodicity to outline the flow of information in the organization of the text according to the genre it instantiates. The results indicate the organizational difficulties of the flow of the text information. Cartography contributes to the understanding of the way writers use language in an effort to present themselves, evaluate someone else’s work, and communicate with readers.

Keywords: academic writing, portuguese mother tongue, semantic-discursive resources, sistemic funcional linguistic

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Shomaila Sadaf, Margarethe Olbertz-Siitonen

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This study looks at identity and othering in discourses around sensitive issues in social media. More specifically, the study explores the multimodal resources and narratives through which the other is formed, and identities are ascribed in online spaces. As an integral part of social life, media spaces have become an important site for negotiating and ascribing identities. In line with recent research, identity is seen hereas constructions of belonging which go hand in hand with processes of in- and out-group formations that in some cases may lead to othering. Previous findings underline that identities are neither fixed nor limited but rather contextual, intersectional, and interactively achieved. The goal of this study is to explore and develop an understanding of how people co-construct the ‘other’ and ascribe certain identities in social media using multiple modes. In the beginning of the year 2018, the British government decided to include relationships, sexual orientation, and sex education into the curriculum of state funded primary schools. However, the addition of information related to LGBTQ+in the curriculum has been met with resistance, particularly from religious parents.For example, the British Muslim community has voiced their concerns and protested against the actions taken by the British government. YouTube has been used by news companies to air video stories covering the protest and narratives of the protestors along with the position ofschool officials. The analysis centers on a YouTube video dealing with the protest ofa local group of parents against the addition of information about LGBTQ+ in the curriculum in the UK. The video was posted in 2019. By the time of this study, the videos had approximately 169,000 views andaround 6000 comments. In deference to multimodal nature of YouTube videos, this study utilizes multimodal discourse analysis as a method of choice. The study is still ongoing and therefore has not yet yielded any final results. However, the initial analysis indicates a hierarchy of ascribing identities in the data. Drawing on multimodal resources, the media works with social categorizations throughout the documentary, presenting and classifying involved conflicting parties in the light of their own visible and audible identifications. The protesters can be seen to construct a strong group identity as Muslim parents (e.g., clothing and reference to shared values). While the video appears to be designed as a documentary that puts forward facts, the media does not seem to succeed in taking a neutral position consistently throughout the video. At times, the use of images, soundsand language contributes to the formation of “us” vs. “them”, where the audience is implicitly encouraged to pick a side. Only towards the end of the documentary this problematic opposition is addressed and critically reflected through an expert interview that is – interestingly – visually located outside the previously presented ‘battlefield’. This study contributes to the growing understanding of the discursive construction of the ‘other’ in social media. Videos available online are a rich source for examining how the different social actors ascribe multiple identities and form the other.

Keywords: identity, multimodal discourse analysis, othering, youtube

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Authors: Komal Niazi, He Guoqiang

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This paper is focused on ‘CPEC (China Pakistan Economic Corridor) a changing mechanism in Pakistan’. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) activity under OBOR (One Belt One Road (OBOR) CPEC is a piece of the bigger umbrella and goes for giving another hallway of exchange for China and Pakistan and is relied upon to profit the entire of South Asian area. But this study reveals that significance of acculturation can never be overemphasized in the investigation of diverse impacts and the routes people groups of various ethnic personalities figure out how to adjust and acknowledge the social attributes of a larger part group in a multiethnic culture. This study also deals with the effects of acculturation which can be seen at multiple levels through CPEC for both Pakistani and Chinese people, who were working on this project. China and Pakistan exchanged the cultural and social patterns with each other. Probably the most perceptible gathering level impacts of cultural assimilation regularly incorporate changes in sustenance (food), clothing, and language. At the individual level, the procedure of cultural assimilation alludes to the socialization procedure by which the Pakistani local people and Chinese who were working in Pakistan adopted values, traditions, attitudes, states of mind, and practices. But China has imposed discourse through economic power and language. CPEC dominates Pakistan’s poor area’s and changes their living, social and cultural values. People also claimed this acculturation was a great threat to their cultural values and religious beliefs. Main findings of the study clearly ascertained that research was to find out the conceptual understanding of people about the acculturation process through CPEC. At the cultural level, aggregate activities and social organizations end up plainly adjusted, and at the behavioral level, there are changes in a person's day by day behavioral collection and some of the time in experienced anxiety. Anthropological data methods were used to collect data, like snowball and judgmental sampling, case studied methods.

Keywords: CPEC, acculturation process, language discourse, social norms, cultural values, religious beliefs

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Authors: Chew Zhao Hong

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Since the transition of power in 2018, the Malaysian political landscape has experienced substantial shifts and complexities. The decline of the longstanding ruling party, United Malays National Organization (UMNO), following the party rotation, has given rise to splinter parties such as the Indigenous Unity Party (Bersatu), along with the enduring presence of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in the northern region of the Malay Peninsula. However, the "Sheraton Move" in 2020 led to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government and the emergence of Perikatan Nasional, signifying the ascent of a third political force. The 2022 general elections marked Malaysia's entry into a hung parliament, culminating in an intricate negotiation that resulted in a coalition government formed by Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and the Sarawak parties alliance (GPS), collectively governing the Malaysian federal administration. During the 2023 state elections, Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional formed an unprecedented alliance, yet the media framing benefited Perikatan Nasional, even securing substantial support from UMNO's traditional constituencies. In the era of converging new media, Malaysia’s democratization faces new challenges: first, political leaders leveraging media to cultivate unfiltered personas risk inducing populism; second, under the influence of agenda-setting and two-step flow theories, media contributes to polarization; lastly, Malaysia's multi-party system is no longer effectively moderate extreme ideologies into the political center. This study examines the role of media framing and its impact on the democratization process within Malaysia's consociational democracy under a multi-party system and analyzes media discourse before and after the 2023 Malaysian state elections to explore how different parties shape public opinion and political discourse, and how political messages may be amplified or distorted in the process.

Keywords: multi-party system, democratization, elections, political polarization, Malaysia, media framing

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: F. Abdelhamid

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Algeria is a multilingual speech community where individuals constantly mix between codes in spoken discourse. Code is used as a cover term to refer to the existing languages and language varieties which include, among others, the mother tongue of the majority Algerian Arabic, the official language Modern Standard Arabic and the foreign languages French and English. The present study explores whether Algerians mix between these codes in online communication as well. Facebook is the selected platform from which data is collected because it is the preferred social media site for most Algerians and it is the most used one. Adopting the notion of translanguaging, this study attempts explaining how users of Facebook use multilingual messages to communicate meaning. Accordingly, multilingual interactions are not approached from a pejorative perspective but rather as a creative linguistic behavior that multilingual utilize to achieve intended meanings. The study is intended as a contribution to the research on multilingualism online because although an extensive literature has investigated multilingualism in spoken discourse, limited research investigated it in the online one. Its aim is two-fold. First, it aims at ensuring that the selected platform for analysis, namely Facebook, could be a source for multilingual data to enable the qualitative analysis. This is done by measuring frequency rates of multilingual instances. Second, when enough multilingual instances are encountered, it aims at describing and interpreting some selected ones. 120 posts and 16335 comments were collected from two Facebook pages. Analysis revealed that third of the collected data are multilingual messages. Users of Facebook mixed between the four mentioned codes in writing their messages. The most frequent cases are mixing between Algerian Arabic and French and between Algerian Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic. A focused qualitative analysis followed where some examples are interpreted and explained. It seems that Algerians mix between codes when communicating online despite the fact that it is a conscious type of communication. This suggests that such behavior is not a random and corrupted way of communicating but rather an intentional and natural one.

Keywords: Algerian speech community, computer mediated communication, languages in contact, multilingualism, translanguaging

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