Search results for: habermas

Authors: Qi Jing

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This paper examines and defends Jürgen Habermas’s claim that law is the other side of democracy. It is believed that law and democracy are related, for Habermas, through the mediation of communicative rationality and discourse ethics. These ground a procedural conception of democracy, which legitimizes and rationalizes legal codes in a robust public sphere, linking the exercise of democratic political power to the form of law. The strengths of Habermas’s approach lie, it should be claimed, in its overcoming of relativism, its combination of democratically-enacted law with post-conventional morality, and its correction of the one-sided emphasis on private and public autonomy in Kant and Rousseau, respectively.

Keywords: habermas, law, democracy, reason, public sphere

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Authors: David Schafer

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Critical Theory is in sore need of a workable account of technology. It had one in the writings of Herbert Marcuse, or so it seemed until Jürgen Habermas mounted a critique in 'Technology and Science as Ideology' (Habermas, 1970) that decisively put it away. Ever since Marcuse’s work has been regarded outdated – a 'philosophy of consciousness' no longer seriously tenable. But with Marcuse’s view has gone the important insight that technology is no norm-free system (as Habermas portrays it) but can be laden with social bias. Andrew Feenberg is among a few serious scholars who have perceived this problem in post-Habermasian critical theory and has sought to revive a basically Marcusean account of technology. On his view, while so-called ‘technical elements’ that physically make up technologies are neutral with regard to social interests, there is a sense in which we may speak of a normative grammar or ‘technical code’ built-in to technology that can be socially biased in favor of certain groups over others (Feenberg, 2002). According to Feenberg, those perspectives on technology are reified which consider technology only by their technical elements to the neglect of their technical codes. Nevertheless, Feenberg’s account fails to explain what is normatively problematic with such reified views of technology. His plausible claim that they represent false perspectives on technology by itself does not explain how such views may be oppressive, even though Feenberg surely wants to be doing that stronger level of normative theorizing. Perceiving this deficit in his own account of reification, he tries to adopt Habermas’s version of systems-theory to ground his own critical theory of technology (Feenberg, 1999). But this is a curious move in light of Feenberg’s own legitimate critiques of Habermas’s portrayals of technology as reified or ‘norm-free.’ This paper argues that a better foundation may be found in Axel Honneth’s recent text, Freedom’s Right (Honneth, 2014). Though Honneth there says little explicitly about technology, he offers an implicit account of reification formulated in opposition to Habermas’s systems-theoretic approach. On this ‘normative functionalist’ account of reification, social spheres are reified when participants prioritize individualist ideals of freedom (moral and legal freedom) to the neglect of an intersubjective form of freedom-through-recognition that Honneth calls ‘social freedom.’ Such misprioritization is ultimately problematic because it is unsustainable: individual freedom is philosophically and institutionally dependent upon social freedom. The main difficulty in adopting Honneth’s social theory for the purposes of a theory of technology, however, is that the notion of social freedom is predicable only of social institutions, whereas it appears difficult to conceive of technology as an institution. Nevertheless, in light of Feenberg’s work, the idea that technology includes within itself a normative grammar (technical code) takes on much plausibility. To the extent that this normative grammar may be understood by the category of social freedom, Honneth’s dialectical account of the relationship between individual and social forms of freedom provides a more solid basis from which to ground the normative claims of Feenberg’s sociological account of technology than Habermas’s systems theory.

Keywords: Habermas, Honneth, technology, Feenberg

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Authors: Tianji Jiang

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Habermas' definition of public sphere is a classical and well-regarded theory of the formation of public opinions, laying the foundation for many researches on public opinions and public media. In recent decades, public media have been changing rapidly as social media are gaining increasing importance. However, the occurrence of group polarization on social media, which is a hot issue today, is challenging Habermas' theory of the public sphere. This article reviews the public sphere theory and studies group polarization and social media. It proposes ideas on how to understand group polarization within the public sphere and comes up with some suggestions and ideas to reduce polarization on social media.

Keywords: public sphere, social media, group polarization, echo chamber, public opinion

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Authors: Soraya Tharani

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Social media has changed how public opinion is shaped by enabling more diversified and inclusive participation of audiences. New online forums provide spaces in which governments, NGOs and other organizations can create content and receive feedback. These forums are sites where debate can constitute public opinion. Studies of audience engagement can give an understanding of how different voices from the civil society participate in debates and how discussions can reinforce or bring into question established societal beliefs. The UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, produces audio-visual stories about displaced people for global audiences on social media platforms. The availability of many views in these forums can give insight into how dialogues regarding transnational issues are formed. The public sphere, as defined by Habermas, is a discursive arena where reasoned debate can take place. Habermas’ concept is combined with theories on celebrity advocacy, and discussions about the role and effect celebrities have in raising public awareness for humanitarian issues. The personal and public lives of celebrities often create emotional engagement from their fans and other audiences. In this study, quantitative and qualitative methods have been used on YouTube comments for uncovering how emotion and reason are constituted in a global public debate on celebrity endorsed UNHCR stories of displaced people. The study shows that engagement intensity is not equally distributed between comment threads; comments presented as facts or emotional claims are often supported by recourse to intertextuality, and specific linguistic strategies are used to put forward emotional and reasoned claims regarding individual and group identities. The findings from this research aim to contribute to an understanding of audience engagement on issues of human survival and solidarity in a global social media public sphere.

Keywords: emotions, engagement, global public sphere, linguistic strategies, reason, refugees, social media, UNHCR

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Authors: Sanghamitra Sadhu

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A paradigm shift from capitalism to information technology is discerned in the era globalisation. The idea of public sphere, which was theorized in terms of its decline in the wake of the rise of commercial mass media has now emerged as a transnational or global sphere with the discourse being dominated by the ‘network society’. In other words, the dynamic of globalisation has brought about ‘a spatial turn’ in the social and political sciences which is also manifested in the public sphere, Especially the global public sphere. The paper revisits the Habermasian concept of the public sphere and focuses on the various social networking sites with their plausibility to create a virtual global public sphere. Situating Habermas’s notion of the bourgeois public sphere in the present context of global public sphere, it considers the changing dimensions of the public sphere across time and examines the concept of the ‘public’ with its shifting transformation from the concrete collective to the fluid ‘imagined’ category. The paper addresses the problematic of multimodal self-portraiture in the social networking sites as well as various online diaries/journals with an attempt to explore the nuances of the networked self.

Keywords: globalisation, network society, public sphere, self-fashioning, identity, autonomy

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Authors: Carlos Marden Cabral Coutinho, Jose Luis Bolzan de Morais

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The article proposed intends to analyze the possibility (and conditions) of a media regulation law in a democratic rule of law in the twenty-first century. To do so, will be presented initially the idea of the public sphere (by Jürgen Habermas), showing how it is presented as an interface between the citizen and the state (or the private and public) and how important is it in a deliberative democracy. Based on this paradigm, the traditional perception of the role of public information (such as system functional element) and on the possibility of media regulation will be exposed, due to the public nature of their activity. A critical argument will then be displayed from two different perspectives: a) the formal function of the current media information, considering that the digital age has fragmented the information access; b) the concept of a constructive democracy, which reduces the need for representation, changing the strategic importance of the public sphere. The question to be addressed (based on the comparative law) is if the regulation is justified in a polycentric democracy, especially when it operates under the digital age (with immediate and virtual communication). The proposal is to be presented in the sense that even in a twenty-first century the media in a democratic rule of law still has an extremely important role and may be subject to regulation, but this should be on terms very different (and narrower) from those usually defended.

Keywords: constructive democracy, media, digital age, public sphere

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Authors: Dominic Roulx

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Many scholars have in the past decade emphasized the relevance of Adorno’s criticism of the rationalized domination of nature (Naturbeherrschung) for thinking the environmental crisis. Beyond the intersubjective critical models of thinkers such as Habermas and Honneth, Adorno’s critical theory has the benefit, according to them, of disclosing the entwinement of social and natural domination in a critically productive way. The author will be arguing in this paper that Adorno’s model of critical theory displays a theoretical framework that is both original and relevant for thinking the ins and outs of the currentenvironmental crisis. To do so, he first construe Adorno’s understanding of the historical domination of nature and argue that Adorno’s method for its criticizing is immanent critique. He puts emphasis on how his understanding of the domination of nature implicitly implies an account of thedialectical relationship between reason and nature. In doing so, he presents a naturalistic understanding of his idea of the primacy of the object. Second, regarding Adorno’s concept of nature, he discusses what he sees as the shortcomings of many commentators’ understanding of the concept of nature in Adorno. He contends that they tend to fall short of Adorno’s concept of nature in failing to make sense of its thoroughly negative signification, thereby falling into an uncritical and fetichized comprehension of “nature. Third, he discusses the prospect for a possible “reconciliation” (Versöhnung) of nature with society. Highlighting how the domination of nature proves to produce the necessary conditions for its own overcoming, he contends that reconciliation with nature relies mainly on the subject’s capacity for critical self-reflection.

Keywords: german philosophy, adorno, nature, environmental crisis

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Authors: Ayako Otomo

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This paper will examines the rise of a feminine orientation regarding arts and culture associated with the notion of Sensibility during the early part of the English long eighteenth century. As is widely known, the prosperous modernisation that occurred in this period was a significant factor in the nation taking a leading role in the emergent Enlightenment via the social, political and scientific advancement of Britain. As a result, this prompted the relaxing of the strictures of class and gender hierarchies in line with the new consumerism and cosmopolitanism of the nation. Accordingly, there was a significant increase of female involvement in artistic and cultural consumption. This can be understood in terms of the notion of Sensibility, associating it further with the fields of physiology, psychology and aesthetics, indebted in their turn to British Empiricism. This paper first traces the background of how women were recognisably involved in artistic and cultural circulation within an historical perspective that is articulated by the notion of Sensibility. Then, the discussion turns to the confluence of the issues of female association, creativity and the feminisation of the aesthetic of the arts and culture employing an interdisciplinary perspective. Arts and culture can also classified by public and private social spheres and gender according to Jürgen Habermas. The relationship between women and the theatre became a public issue. Music-making such as playing the harpsichord, reading, and conversation within the ritualistic teatime space dominated many of the artistic and cultural activities within the domestic private sphere.

Keywords: theatre, arts, sensibility, 18th century England

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Authors: Firdous Nizar, Carmela Cucuzzella

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This paper explores how the integrated design process (IDP) was adopted for an architectural project. The IDP is a relatively new approach to collaborative design in architectural design projects in Canada. It has gained much traction recently as the closest possible approach to the successful management of low energy building projects and has been advocated as a productive method for multi-disciplinary collaboration within complex projects. This study is based on the premise that there are explicit and implicit dimensions of power within the integrated design process (IDP) in the green building industry that may or may not lead to irreconcilable differences in a process that demands consensus. To gain insight on the potential gap between the theoretical promises and practical realities of the IDP, a review of existing IDP literature is compared with a case study analysis of a competition-based architectural project in Canada, a first to incorporate the IDP in its overall design format. This paper aims to address the undertheorized power relations of the IDP in a real project. It presents a critical assessment through the lens of the combined theories of deliberative democracy by Jürgen Habermas, with that of agonistic pluralism by political theorist Chantal Mouffe. These two theories are intended to more appropriately embrace the conflictual situations in collaborative environments, and shed light on the relationships of power, between engineers, city officials, architects, and designers in this conventional consensus-based model. In addition, propositions for a shift in approach that embraces conflictual differences among its participants are put forth based on concepts of critical spatial practice by Markus Meissen. As IDP is a relatively new design process, it requires much deliberation on its structure from the theoretical framework built in this paper in order to unlock its true potential.

Keywords: agonistic pluralism, critical spatial practice, deliberative democracy, integrated design process

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Authors: Anna Rhodora A. Solar, Jan Emil N. Langomez

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Social Media plays a crucial role in influencing Philippine public opinion with regard to a variety of socio-political issues. This became evident in the massacre of 44 members of the Special Action Force (SAF 44) tasked by the Philippine government to capture one of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation’s most wanted terrorists. The incident was said to be perpetrated by members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. Part of the online discourse within Philippine cyberspace sparked intense debates on Filipino Muslim identity, with several Facebook viral posts linking Islam as a factor to the tragic event. Facebook is considered to be the most popular social media platform in the Philippines. As such, this begs the question of the extent to which social media, specifically Facebook, shape the perceptions of Filipinos on Filipino Muslims. This study utilizes Habermas’ theory of communicative action as it offers an explanation on how public sphere such as social media could be a network for communicating information and points of view through free and open dialogue among equal citizens to come to an understanding or common perception. However, the paper argues that communicative action which is aimed at reaching understanding free from force, and strategic action which is aimed at convincing someone through argumentation may not necessarily be mutually exclusive since reaching an understanding can also be considered as a result of convincing someone through argumentation. Moreover, actors may clash one another in their ideas before reaching common understanding, hence the presence of force. Utilizing content analysis on the Facebook posts with Islamic component that went viral after the massacre of the SAF 44, this paper argues that framing the image of Filipino Muslims through Facebook reflects both communicative and strategic actions. Moreover, comment threads on viral posts manifest force albeit implicit.

Keywords: communication, Muslim, Philippines, social media

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Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

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The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

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Authors: Martin Bloomfield

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This paper examines frictions that lie at the heart of any pragmatist conception of religion and moral progress. I take moral progress to require the ability to correctly analyse social problems, provide workable solutions to these problems, and then rationally justify the analyses and solutions used. I take religion here to involve, as a minimal requirement, belief in the existence of God, a god, or gods, such that they are recognisable to most informed observers within the Western tradition. I take pragmatism to belong to, and borrow from, the philosophical traditions of non-absolutism, anti-realism, historicism, and voluntarism. For clarity, the relevant brands of each of these traditions will be examined during the paper. The friction identified in the title may be summed up as follows: those who, like Cornel West (and, when he was alive, Hilary Putnam), are theistic pragmatists with an interest in realising moral progress, have all been aware of a problem inherent in their positions. Assuming it can be argued that religion and moral progress are compatible, a non-absolutist, anti-realist, historicist position nevertheless raises problems that, as Leon Wieseltier pointed out, the pragmatist still believes in a God who isn’t real, and that the truth of any religious statement (including “God exists”) is relative not to any objective reality but to communities of engaged interlocutors; and that, where there are no absolute standards of right and wrong, any analysis of (and solution to) social problems can only be rationally justified relative to one or another community or moral and epistemic framework. Attempts made to universalise these frameworks, notably by Dewey, Gadamer, and Bernstein, through democracy and hermeneutics, fall into either a vicious and infinite regress, or (taking inspiration from Habermas) the problem of moral truths being decided through structures of power. The paper removes this friction by highlighting the work of Christian pragmatist Cornel West through the lens of the philosopher of religion Eleanore Stump. While West recognises that for the pragmatist, the correctness of any propositions about God or moral progress is impossible to rationally justify to any outside the religious, moral or epistemic framework of the speakers themselves without, as he calls it, a ‘locus of truth’ (which is itself free from the difficulties Dewey, Gadamer and Bernstein fall victim to), Stump identifies routes to knowledge which provide such a locus while avoiding the problems of relativism, power dynamics, and regress. She describes “Dominican” and “Franciscan” knowledge (roughly characterised as “propositional” and “non-propositional”), and uses this distinction to identify something Bernstein saw as missing from Gadamer: culture-independent norms, upon which universal agreement can be built. The “Franciscan knowledge” Stump identifies as key is second-personal knowledge of Christ. For West, this allows the knower to access vital culture-independent norms. If correct, instead of the classical view (religion is incompatible with pragmatism), Christianity becomes key to pragmatist knowledge and moral-knowledge claims. Rather than being undermined by pragmatism, Christianity enables pragmatists to make moral and epistemic claims, free from troubling power dynamics and cultural relativism.

Keywords: Cornel West, Cultural Relativism, Gadamer, Philosophy of Religion, Pragmatism

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