Search results for: Justice and Development Party

Authors: Natalia Selezneva

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The level of crime depends on a number of factors, such as political and economic instability, social inequality and ineffective legislation. A special place in the overall level of crime takes juvenile delinquency. United Nations Standard Minimum developed rules for the administration of juvenile justice (The Beijing Rules), in order to ensure the rights of juvenile offenders under the various legal systems. Most countries support these recommendations, and Russia is no exception. Russia's criminal code establishes the minimum age of criminal liability; types of crimes for which the possible involvement of minors to justice; punishment; sentencing and execution of punishment for minors. However, these provisions cause heated debates in the scientific literature. The high level of juvenile crime indicates the ineffectiveness of legal regulation of criminal liability of minors. In order to ensure compliance with international standards require new and modern approaches to improve national legislation and practice of its application. Achieving this goal will be achieved through the following tasks: 1. Create sub-branches of law regulating the legal status of minors; 2. Improving the types of penalties; 3. The possibility of using alternative measures; 4. The introduction of the procedure of extrajudicial settlement of the conflict. The criminal law of each country depends on the historical, national and cultural characteristics. The development of the Russian legislation taking into account international experience is extremely essential and will be a new stage in the formation of a legal state, especially in the sphere of protection of the rights of juvenile offenders.

Keywords: criminal law, juvenile offender, punishment, the age of criminal responsibility

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Authors: CarlyWill Sloan

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Racial disparities in criminal justice outcomes are well-documented. However, there is little evidence on the extent to which racial bias by prosecutors is responsible for these disparities. This paper tests for racial bias in conviction by prosecutors. To identify effects, this paper leverages as good as random variation in prosecutor race using detailed administrative data on the case assignment process and case outcomes in New York County, New York. This paper shows that the assignment of an opposite-race prosecutor leads to a 5 percentage point (~ 8 percent) increase in the likelihood of conviction for property crimes. There is no evidence of effects for other types of crimes. Additional results indicate decreased dismissals by opposite-race prosecutors likely drive my property crime estimates.

Keywords: criminal justice, discrimination, prosecutors, racial disparities

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Authors: Anita Afriana, Efa Laela Fakhriah

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The law of civil procedure which is currently in effect in Indonesia is still referring to the rules applicable at the time of the Dutch East Indies, that is Het Herziene Indonesisch Reglement (HIR) and Reglement Tot Regeling Van Het Rechtswezen In De gewesten Buiten Java En Madura (RBg). With the fact that the enactment of this has been very long, there are some things that are no longer suitable with the circumstances and needs of the community in seeking justice today. Therefore, a new regulation on the law of civil procedure is required and the discussions of the draft are currently being carried out. The fast examination of dispute in civil procedure is required to accelerate the growth of Indonesia’s economy by accelerating the dispute resolution method (time efficiency). With the provision of the quick examination on commercial disputes mentioned above, it is expected to benefit the community in order to obtain a tool of dispute resolution efficiently and effectively, so as making justice fast and inexpensive, especially for the resolution of commercial disputes.

Keywords: commercial dispute, civil law procedure, court, Indonesia

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Authors: Hitakshi Mahendru, Advait Tambe, Simran Chandok, Niharika Sanadhya

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After the Second World War had come to an end, the Founding Fathers of the United Nations recognized a need for a supreme peacekeeping mechanism to act as a mediator between nations and moderate disputes that might blow up, if left unchecked. It has been more than seven decades since the establishment of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). When it was created, there were certain aim and objectives that the ICJ was intended to achieve. However, in today’s world, with change in political dynamics and international relations between countries, the ICJ has not succeeded in achieving several of these objectives. The ICJ is the only body in the international scenario that has the authority to regulate disputes between countries. However, in recent times, with countries like China disregarding the importance of the ICJ, there is no hope for the ICJ to command respect from other nations, thereby sending ICJ on a slow, yet steady path towards redundancy. The authority of the judgements given by the International Court of Justice, which is one of the main pillars of the United Nations, is questionable due to the forthcoming reactions from various countries on public platforms. The ICJ’s principal role within the United Nations framework is to settle peacefully international/bilateral disputes between the states that come under its jurisdiction and in accordance with the principles laid down in international law. By shedding light on the public backlash from the Chinese Government to the recent South China Sea judgement, we see the decreasing relevance of the ICJ in the contemporary world scenario. Philippines and China have wrangled over territory in the South China Sea for centuries but after the recent judgement the tension has reached an all-time high with China threatening to prosecute anybody as trespassers while continuing to militarise the disputed area. This paper will deal with the South China Sea judgement and the manner in which it has been received by the Chinese Government. Also, it will look into the consequences of counter-back. The authors will also look into the Marshall Island matter and propose a model judgement, in accordance with the principles of international law that would be the most suited for the given situation. Also, the authors will propose amendments in the working of the Security Council to ensure that the Marshal Island judgement is passed and accepted by the countries without any contempt.

Keywords: International Court of Justice, international law, Marshall Islands, South China Sea, United Nations Charter

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Authors: Hafiz Awais Ahmad

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This paper aims to examine the root causes of gender-based violence (GBV) in Pakistan and proposes strategies to address this issue. Using a qualitative approach, this study analyzed data from various sources, including interviews with survivors of GBV and experts in the field. The findings revealed that GBV in Pakistan is deeply rooted in patriarchal attitudes and practices, economic insecurity, lack of education, and limited access to justice. The study recommends a multi-faceted approach to address GBV, including legislative reforms, awareness-raising campaigns, economic empowerment, and improved access to justice for survivors. Furthermore, the study highlights the importance of engaging men and boys in efforts to address GBV and promote gender equality. The findings of this study have important implications for policy-makers, practitioners, and researchers working towards ending GBV in Pakistan.

Keywords: gender-based violence, Pakistan, legislative reforms, advocacy

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Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

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The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

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Authors: Mariam Shah

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Stereotypes are not generally considered to be an acceptable influence upon any decision making process, particularly those involving judicial decision making outcomes. Yet, we are confronted with an uncomfortable truth that stereotypes may be operating to influence judicial outcomes. Variances in sentencing outcomes are not easily explained away by criminological, psychological, or sociological theorem, but may be answered via qualitative research produced within the field of phenomenology. This paper will examine the current literature pertaining to the effect of stereotypes on the criminal justice system within the UK, and will also discuss what the implications are for stereotypical influences upon decision making in the criminal justice system. This paper will give particular focus to shoplifting offences dealt with in UK criminal courts, but this research has long reaching implications for the criminal process more generally.

Keywords: decision making, judicial decision making, phenomenology, shoplifting, stereotypes

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Authors: Emad Eid Nemr Danyal

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the problem of respect for human rights in Southeast Asia has come to be a prime problem and is attracting the attention of the worldwide community. basically, the affiliation of Southeast Asian international locations (ASEAN) made human rights one in every of its fundamental problems and in the ASEAN constitution in 2008. in the end, the Intergovernmental fee on Human Rights ASEAN Human Rights (AICHR) changed into mounted. AICHR is the Southeast Asia Human Rights Enforcement fee charged with the responsibilities, capabilities and powers to sell and defend human rights. but, at the quit of 2016, the protective function assigned to the AICHR turned into no longer but fulfilled. that is shown through numerous cases of human rights violations which are still ongoing and have now not but been solved. One case that has lately come to mild is human rights violations in opposition to the Rohingya human beings in Myanmar. the use of a prison-normative technique, the take a look at examines the urgency of setting up a human rights tribunal in Southeast Asia able to making a decision binding on ASEAN members or responsible events. facts suggests ASEAN desires regional courts to cope with human rights abuses inside the ASEAN area. in addition, the observe additionally highlights 3 essential elements that ASEAN must recall when setting up a human rights tribunal, specifically: quantity. a full-size distinction in terms of democracy and human rights development most of the individuals, a regular implementation of the precept of non-interference and the economic difficulty of the continuation of the court.

Keywords: sustainable development, human rights, the right to development, the human rights-based approach to development, environmental rights, economic development, social sustainability human rights protection, human rights violations, workers’ rights, justice, security

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Authors: Journey Whitfield

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This study investigates the United States' ongoing violation of Black Americans' fundamental human rights, as evidenced by mass incarceration, social injustice, and economic deprivation. It argues that the U.S. contravenes Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights through policies that uphold systemic racism. The analysis dissects current practices within the criminal justice system, social welfare programs, and economic policy, uncovering the racially disparate impacts of seemingly race-neutral policies. This study establishes a clear lineage between past systems of oppression – slavery and Jim Crow – and present-day racial disparities, demonstrating their inextricable link. The thesis proposes that only a comprehensive reparations program for Black Americans can begin to redress these systemic injustices. This program must transcend mere financial compensation, demanding structural reforms within U.S. institutions to dismantle systemic racism and promote transformative justice. This study explores potential forms of reparations, drawing upon historical precedents, comparative case studies from other nations, and contemporary debates within political philosophy and legal studies. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods include historical analysis of legal frameworks and policy documents, as well as discourse analysis of political rhetoric. Quantitative methods involve statistical analysis of socioeconomic data and criminal justice outcomes to expose racial disparities. This study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on reparations, human rights, and racial injustice in the United States. It offers a rigorous analysis of the enduring consequences of historical oppression and advocates for bold, justice-centered solutions.

Keywords: Black Americans, reparations, mass incarceration, racial injustice, human rights, united states

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Authors: Farhat Jabeen, Syed Asfaq Hussain Bukhari

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In the wake of the contemporary period the basic objective of the research paper points out that socio-cultural scenario of Pakistan reveals that gender-based violence is deep rooted in the society irrespective of language and ethnicity. This paper would reconnaissance the possibility reforms in Pakistan for diminishing of violence. Women are not given their due role, rights, and respect. Furthermore, they are treated as chattels. This presentation will cover the socio-customary practices in the context of discrimination, stigmatization, and violence against women. This paper envisages justice in a broader sense of recognition of rights for women, and masculine structure of society, socio-customary practices and discrimination against women are a very serious concern which needs to be understood as a multidimensional problem. The paper will specially focus on understanding the existing obstacles of women in Pakistan in the constitutional scenario. Women stumble across discrimination and human rights manipulations, voluptuous violation and manipulation including domestic viciousness and are disadvantaged by laws, strategies, and programming that do not take their concerns into considerations. This presentation examines the role of honour killings among Pakistani community. This affects their self-assurance and capability to elevation integrity campaign where gender inequalities and discrimination in social, legal domain are to be put right. This paper brings to light the range of practices, laws and legal justice regarding the status of women and also covers attitude towards compensations for murders/killings, domestic violence, rape, adultery, social behavior and recourse to justice.

Keywords: discrimination, cultural, women, violence

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

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On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Rizwan Rizwan

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This paper provides an overview of Federated Learning (FL) and its application in enhancing data security, privacy, and efficiency. FL utilizes three distinct architectures to ensure privacy is never compromised. It involves training individual edge devices and aggregating their models on a server without sharing raw data. This approach not only provides secure models without data sharing but also offers a highly efficient privacy--preserving solution with improved security and data access. Also we discusses various frameworks used in FL and its integration with machine learning, deep learning, and data mining. In order to address the challenges of multi--party collaborative modeling scenarios, a brief review FL scheme combined with an adaptive gradient descent strategy and differential privacy mechanism. The adaptive learning rate algorithm adjusts the gradient descent process to avoid issues such as model overfitting and fluctuations, thereby enhancing modeling efficiency and performance in multi-party computation scenarios. Additionally, to cater to ultra-large-scale distributed secure computing, the research introduces a differential privacy mechanism that defends against various background knowledge attacks.

Keywords: federated learning, differential privacy, gradient descent strategy, convergence, stability, threats

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Authors: Ibrahim Elshaer, Samar Kamel

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Organizational politics (OP) has received a great deal of attention in the management literature due to its popularity, mystery, and potential advantages for those how can use it. It involves the use of power and social networks within an organization to promote interests and gain potential benefits. Its implication for human resource (HR) management decisions is heretofore one of its least studied aspects, and awaits further investigation. Therefore, it is our intention to investigate certain relations between organizational politics and the validity of HR decisions in addition to the expected dysfunctional consequences. The study is undertaken on two HR management practices- Performance appraisal (measured by the distributive justice scale) and downsizing- depending on data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing Non-Western country, in which Political practices of HR management are common in public and private organizations. Data was obtained from a survey of 600 employees in the Egyptian hotel industry. A total of 500 responses were attained. 100 uncompleted questionnaires were excluded leaving 400 usable with response rate of around 80%. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the causal relationship between the research variables. The analysis of the current study data reveals that organizational politics is negatively linked to the perception of distributive justice of performance appraisal, additionally, the perception of distributive justice in performance appraisal is positively linked to the perception of validity in the downsizing decisions and finally the perception of OP is negatively linked to the perception of downsizing decisions validity. This study makes three important contributions. First although there have been several studies on OP, the majority of these studies have focused on examining its effect on employees’ attitudes in workplace. This empirical study helps in identifying the influence of OP on the effectiveness and success of HR decisions and accordingly the organizational system. Second, it draws attention to OP as an important phenomenon that influence HR management in hospitality industry, since empirical evidences concerning OP in the hospitality management literature are meager. Third, this study contributes to the existing downsizing literature by examining OP and low distributive justice as challenges of the effectiveness of the downsizing process. Finally, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no empirical study in the tourism and hospitality management literature has examined the effect of OP and distributive justice on the workplace using data gathered from the hotel industry in Egypt; a developing non-Western setting.

Keywords: organizational politics, performance appraisal, downsizing, structural equation modeling, hotel industry

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Authors: David Abrahams

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In October 2016 South Africa deposited its ‘instrument of withdrawal’ from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Rome Statute is the founding document of the treaty-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC has jurisdiction to hear cases where crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide have been committed, on the basis of individual criminal responsibility. It is therefore not surprising that one of the ICCs mandates is to ensure that the sufferings, due to gross human rights violations towards the civilian population is, in principle, brought to an end by punishing those individuals responsible, thus providing justice to the victims. The ICC is unable to effectively fulfill its mandate and thus depends, in part on the willingness of states to assist the Court in its functions. This requires states to ratify the Statute and to domesticate its provisions, depending on whether it is a monist or dualist state. South Africa ratified the Statute in November 2000, and domesticated the Statute in 2002 by virtue of the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002. South Africa thus remains under an obligation to cooperate with the ICC until the final date of withdrawal, which is October 2017. An AU Summit was hosted by South Africa during June 2015. Omar Al-Bashir, whom the prosecutor of the ICC has indicted on two separate occasions, was invited to the summit. South Africa made an agreement with the AU that it will honour its obligations in terms of its Diplomatic and Immunities Privileges Act of 2001, by granting immunity to all heads of state, including that of Sudan. This decision by South Africa has raised a plethora of questions regarding the status and hierarchy of international laws versus regional laws versus domestic laws. In particular, this paper explores whether a state’s international law treaty obligations may be suspended in favour of, firstly, regional peace (thus safeguarding the security of the civilian population against further atrocities and other gross violations of human rights), and secondly, head of state immunity. This paper also reflects on the effectiveness of the trias politca in South Africa in relation the manner in which South African courts have confirmed South Africa’s failure in fulfilling its obligations in terms of the Rome Statute. A secondary question which will also be explored, is whether the Rome Statute is currently an effective tool in dealing with gross violations of human rights, particularly in a regional African context, given the desire by a number of African states currently party to the Statute, to engage in a mass exodus from the Statute. Finally, the paper concludes with a proposal that there can be no justice for victims of gross human rights violations unless states are serious in playing an instrumental role in bringing an end to impunity in Africa, and that withdrawing from the ICC without an alternative, effective system in place, will simply perpetuate impunity.

Keywords: African Union, diplomatic immunity, impunity, international criminal court, South Africa

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Authors: Rowland Brucken

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This paper argues that nation-building theories that prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful post-independence development of Botswana. Three main competing schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits that economic development should receive foremost attention, while democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development. Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as the government also pursued economic diversification, mass education, and rural development in response to public needs. As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices that others should follow in attempting to reconstruct economically and politically unstable states.

Keywords: Botswana, democratization, economic development, nation-building

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Authors: Sadife Güngör, Sevilay Konya

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Sustainable development is an economic development scope which covers the economic growth included environmental factors. With the help of economic development, the needs of the future generations are going to be met the needs. As it is aimed the environmental conscious, sustainable development focuses on decreasing the damage of natural sources. From this point of view, while sustainable development is environmentally conscious, it also improving the life standards of individuals. The relationship between development and foreign trade on sustainable development is theoretically searched in this study. In the second part, sustainable development at world and EU is searched and in the last part, the sustainability of trade and development in Turkey is stated.

Keywords: development, sustainable development, foreign trade, Turkey

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Authors: Sevgi Karaca

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Since December 6, 2018, mediation has become mandatory for commercial disputes under the Turkish Commercial Code. Mandatory mediation became one of the “causes of action”, and being compulsory means starting the mediation process before going to court. As it contemplates looking at “the causes of the action”, the terminology may lead to misinterpretation of the core of the phrases. However, the terms pertain to a prerequisite for starting the lawsuit. The court will examine failure to comply with such requirements, and the case will be dismissed without further action. Türkiye’s use of obligatory mediation is highly unusual. It is neither judge-led nor judge-assisted mediation but rather a mediation conducted outside of court with the participation of a third party (mediators). What distinguishes it is the incorporation of obligatory mediation into the causes of actions listed in the Code of Civil Procedure. Being one of the causes of action in a legal case implies that the absence of any of them may result in the procedural dismissal of the case without any further action. The case must be presented to the mediator first, and if the parties are unable to reach an agreement, they must deliver the results of the mediation session. Other than submitting the minutes, parties are ineligible to file a lawsuit. However, despite a lengthy history of use in England and Wales, there are considerable reservations about making mediation mandatory. The Civil Procedure Code does not explicitly mention making mediation mandatory. For the time being, there is no Mediation Code, and case law limits the growth of obligatory mediation. Some renowned judges voiced their desire to re-evaluate the notion of required mediation, prompting the Civil Justice Council to release a study in 2021 on the significance of amending case law and the high value of mandatory mediation. By contrasting the approaches to mandatory mediation in England and Wales, the study will investigate the method of controlled mandatory mediation and its effects on the success of mediation in Türkiye.

Keywords: alternative dispute resolution, case law, cause of action, litigation process, mandatory mediation

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Authors: Yasser F. Hassan

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Social networking involves use of an online platform or website that enables people to communicate, usually for a social purpose, through a variety of services, most of which are web-based and offer opportunities for people to interact over the internet, e.g. via e-mail and ‘instant messaging’, by analyzing the voting behavior and ratings of judges in a popular comments in social networks. While most of the party literature omits the electorate, this paper presents a model where elites and parties are emergent consequences of the behavior and preferences of voters. The research in artificial intelligence and psychology has provided powerful illustrations of the way in which the emergence of intelligent behavior depends on the development of representational structure. As opposed to the classical voting system (one person – one decision – one vote) a new voting system is designed where agents with opposed preferences are endowed with a given number of votes to freely distribute them among some issues. The paper uses ideas from machine learning, artificial intelligence and soft computing to provide a model of the development of voting system response in a simulated agent. The modeled development process involves (simulated) processes of evolution, learning and representation development. The main value of the model is that it provides an illustration of how simple learning processes may lead to the formation of structure. We employ agent-based computer simulation to demonstrate the formation and interaction of coalitions that arise from individual voter preferences. We are interested in coordinating the local behavior of individual agents to provide an appropriate system-level behavior.

Keywords: voting system, rough sets, multi-agent, social networks, emergence, power indices

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Authors: Chien Yang Erdem

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This paper takes up the proliferating historical dramas and children’s programs featuring the Ottoman-Islamic legacy on Turkish television as a locus where the processes of subjectification take place. A critical analysis of this emergent cultural phenomenon reveals an alliance of neoliberal and neoconservative political rationalities based on which the Turkish media is restructured to transform society. The existing debates have focused on how the Ottoman historical dramas manifest the Justice and Development Party’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) neo-Ottomanist ideology and foreign policy. However, this approach tends to overlook the more complex relationship between the media, government, and society. Employing Michel Foucault’s notion of 'technologies of the self,' this paper aims to examine the governing practices that are deployed to regulate the media and to transform individual citizens into governable subjects in contemporary Turkey. First, through a brief discussion of recent development of the Turkish media towards an authoritarian model, the paper suggests that the relation between the Ottoman television drama and the political subject in question cannot be adequately examined without taking into account the force of the market. Second, by focusing on the managerial restructuring of the Turkish Television and Radio Corporation (Türkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Kurumu), the paper aims to illustrate the rationale and process through which the Turkish media sector is transformed into an integral part of the free market where the government becomes a key actor. The paper contends that this new sphere of free market is organized in a way that enables direct interference of the government and divides media practitioners and consumers into opposing categories through their own participation in the media market. On the one hand, a 'free subject' is constituted based on the premise that the market is a sphere where individuals are obliged to exercise their right to freedom (of choice, lifestyle, and expression). On the other hand, this 'free subject' is increasingly subjugated to such disciplinary practices as censorship for being on the wrong side of the government. Finally, the paper examines the relation between the restructured Turkish media market and the proliferation of Ottoman television drama in the 2010s. The study maintains that the reorganization of the media market has produced a condition where private sector is encouraged to take an active role in reviving Turkey’s Ottoman-Islamic cultural heritage and promulgating moral-religious values. Paying specific attention to the controversial case of Magnificent Century (Muhteşem Yüzyıl) in contrast with TRT’s Ottoman historical drama and children’s programs, the paper aims to identify the ways in which individual citizens are directed to conduct themselves as a virtuous citizenry. It is through the double movement between the governing practices associated with the media market and those concerning the making of a 'conservative generation' that a subject of citizenry of new Turkey is constituted.

Keywords: neoconservatism, neoliberalism, ottoman historical drama, technologies of the self, Turkish television

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Authors: Zoe Polk

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In cities across the US, race continues to predict an individual’s likelihood to be employed, to receive a quality education, to live in a safe neighborhood, to life expectancy to contacts with the criminal justice system. Deep and pervasive disparities exist despite laws enacted at the federal, state and local level to eliminate discrimination. This paper examines the strengths of the U.S. civil rights movement in making discrimination a moral issue. Following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, cities throughout the US adopted laws that mirror the language, theories of practice and enforcement of the law. This paper argues that while those laws were relevant to the way discrimination was conducted in that time, they are limited in their ability to help cities address discrimination today. This paper reviews health indicators This paper concludes that in order for cities to create environments where race no longer predicts one’s success, cities must conduct institutional and structural racism audits.

Keywords: racism, racial equity, constitutional law, social justice

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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This paper addresses initial teacher formation as a formative space in which pedagogy students develop a pedagogical agency capacity to contribute to social justice, considering ethical, political, and epistemic dimensions. This paper is structured by discussing first the concepts of agency, pedagogical interaction, and social justice from a critical perspective; and continues offering preliminary results on the capacity of pedagogical agency in novice teachers after the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodology. This study is motivated by the concern that responding to the current neoliberal scenario, many initial teacher formation (ITF) programs have reduced the meaning of education to instruction, and pedagogy to methodology, favouring the formation of a technical professional over a reflective or critical one. From this concern, this study proposes that the restitution of the subject is an urgent task in teacher formation, so it is essential to enable him in his capacity for action and advance in eliminating institutionalized oppression insofar as it affects that capacity. Given that oppression takes place in human interaction, through this work, I propose that initial teacher formation develops sensitivity and educates the gaze to identify oppression and take action against it, both in pedagogical interactions -which configure political, ethical, and epistemic subjectivities- as in the hidden and official curriculum. All this from the premise that modelling democratic and dialogical interactions are basic for any program that seeks to contribute to a more just and empowered society. The contribution of this study lies in the fact that it opens a discussion in an area about which we know little: the impact of the type of interactions offered by university teaching at ITF on the capacity of future teachers to be pedagogical agents. For this reason, this study seeks to gather evidence of the result of this formation, analysing the capacity of pedagogical agency of novice teachers, or, in other words, how capable the graduates of secondary pedagogies are in their first pedagogical experiences to act and make decisions putting the formative purposes that they are capable of autonomously defining before technical or bureaucratic issues imposed by the curriculum or the official culture. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I am currently developing in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, social justice, hidden curriculum

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Authors: Ivana Prochazkova

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Cognitive linguistics offers biblical scholarship a specific methodological tool for analysis and interpretation of metaphorical expressions. Its methodology makes it possible to study processes involved in constructing the meaning of individual metaphorical expressions and whole conceptual metaphors; to analyze their function in the text; to follow the semantic development of concepts and conceptual domains, and to trace semantic changes and their motivation. The legal language in the Hebrew canon is extremely specific and formalized. Especially in the preambles to the collections of laws in the Pentateuch, more general considerations of the motif of keeping and breaking the law are encountered. This is also true in the psalms and wisdom literature. Legal theory and the philosophy of law deal with these motifs today. Metaphors play an important role in texts that reflect on more general issues. The purpose of this conference contribution is to write all over the central metaphorical concept, conceptual metaphor ךרד תורה (TORAH/LAW IS A JOURNEY), its function in the Torah and principal trends of the further development in the Prophets and the Writings. The conceptual metaphor תורה ךרד (TORAH/LAW IS A JOURNEY) constitutes a coherent system in conjunction with other metaphors that include e.g., conceptual metaphors נחה תורה (TORAH/LAW LEADS); its variant רעה תורה (TORAH IS A SHEPHERD/GUIDE); מקור תורה (TORAH/LAW IS A FOUNTAIN/A SOURCE OF LIFE). Some conceptual metaphors are well known, and their using are conventional (עשׁר תורה TORAH/LAW IS RICHES, שׂשׂון תורה TORAH/LAW IS DELIGHT, דבשׁ תורה TORAH/LAW IS HONEY, שׁמשׁ תורה TORAH/LAW IS SUN ). But some conceptual metaphors are by its occurrence innovative and unique (e.g., שׁריון תורה TORAH /LAW IS BODY ARMOR, כובע תורה TORAH /LAW IS A HELMET, בגד תורה TORAH/LAW IS A GARMENT, etc.). There will be given examples. Conceptual metaphors will be described by means of some 'metaphorical vehicles,' which are Hebrew expressions in the source domain that are repeatedly used in metaphorical conceptualizations of the target domain(s). Conceptual metaphors will be further described by means of 'generic narrative structures,' which are the particular aspects of a conceptual metaphor that emerge during the metaphorical structuring of concepts. They are the units of the metaphorical vehicles – the Hebrew expressions in the source domain – that structure concepts in much the same way that the conceptual metaphor in the target domain does. And finally, they will be described by means of the network of correspondences that exist between metaphorical vehicles – or generic metaphorical structures – and the Hebrew expressions in the target domain.

Keywords: cognitive theology, conceptual metaphor in the Old Testament, conceptual metaphors of the Torah, conceptual domain of law, righteousness, and justice

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Authors: Nourah Almulhim

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This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Giya Erina

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Linguists have analyzed the rhetorical structure of various forensic genres, but only a few have investigated the complete structure of death row statements. Unlike other forensic text types, such as suicide or ransom notes, the focus of death row statement analysis is not the authenticity or falsity of the text, but its intended meaning and its communicative purpose. As it constitutes their last statement before their execution, there are probably many things that inmates would like to express. This study mainly examines the rhetorical moves of 200 death row statements from the Texas Department of Criminal Justice website using rhetorical move analysis. The rhetorical moves identified in the statements will be classified based on their communicative purpose, and they will be grouped into moves and steps. A move structure will finally be suggested from the most common or characteristic moves and steps, as well as some sub-moves. However, because of some statements’ atypicality, some moves may appear in different parts of the texts or not at all.

Keywords: Death row statements, forensic linguistics, genre analysis, move analysis

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Authors: dr. Bendes Ákos

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Digital skepticism, a critical stance towards digital technology and its pervasive influence on society, presents significant challenges when analyzed from a legal philosophical perspective. This abstract aims to explore the intersection of digital skepticism and legal philosophy, emphasizing the implications for justice, rights, and the rule of law in the digital age. Digital skepticism arises from concerns about privacy, security, and the ethical implications of digital technology. It questions the extent to which digital advancements enhance or undermine fundamental human values. Legal philosophy, which interrogates the foundations and purposes of law, provides a framework for examining these concerns critically. One key area where digital skepticism and legal philosophy intersect is in the realm of privacy. Digital technologies, particularly data collection and surveillance mechanisms, pose substantial threats to individual privacy. Legal philosophers must grapple with questions about the limits of state power and the protection of personal autonomy. They must consider how traditional legal principles, such as the right to privacy, can be adapted or reinterpreted in light of new technological realities. Security is another critical concern. Digital skepticism highlights vulnerabilities in cybersecurity and the potential for malicious activities, such as hacking and cybercrime, to disrupt legal systems and societal order. Legal philosophy must address how laws can evolve to protect against these new forms of threats while balancing security with civil liberties. Ethics plays a central role in this discourse. Digital technologies raise ethical dilemmas, such as the development and use of artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms that may perpetuate biases or make decisions without human oversight. Legal philosophers must evaluate the moral responsibilities of those who design and implement these technologies and consider the implications for justice and fairness. Furthermore, digital skepticism prompts a reevaluation of the concept of the rule of law. In an increasingly digital world, maintaining transparency, accountability, and fairness becomes more complex. Legal philosophers must explore how legal frameworks can ensure that digital technologies serve the public good and do not entrench power imbalances or erode democratic principles. Finally, the intersection of digital skepticism and legal philosophy has practical implications for policy-making. Legal scholars and practitioners must work collaboratively to develop regulations and guidelines that address the challenges posed by digital technology. This includes crafting laws that protect individual rights, ensure security, and promote ethical standards in technology development and deployment. In conclusion, digital skepticism provides a crucial lens for examining the impact of digital technology on law and society. A legal philosophical approach offers valuable insights into how legal systems can adapt to protect fundamental values in the digital age. By addressing privacy, security, ethics, and the rule of law, legal philosophers can help shape a future where digital advancements enhance, rather than undermine, justice and human dignity.

Keywords: legal philosophy, privacy, security, ethics, digital skepticism

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Authors: Carlos Joel Tchawouo Mbiada

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At the back of the apartheid era, South Africa embarked on a democratic drive of all its institution underpinned by a social justice perspective to eradicate past injustices. These democratic values based on fundamental human rights and equality informed all rights enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This means that all rights are therefore infused by social justice perspective and labour rights are no exception. Labour law is therefore regulated to the extent that it is viewed as too rigid. Hence a call for more flexibility to enhance investment and boost job creation. This view articulated by the Free Market Foundation fell on deaf ears as the opponents believe in what is termed regulated flexibility which affords greater protection to vulnerable workers while promoting business opportunities and investment. The question that this paper seeks to examine is to what extent the regulation of labour law will go to protect employees. This question is prompted by the recent Constitutional Court’s judgment of National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa v Trenstar which barred the employer from employing labour replacement in response to the strike action by its employees. The question whether employers may use replacement labour and have recourse to lock-outs in response to strike action is considered in the context of the dichotomy between the Free market foundation and social justice perspectives which are at loggerheads in the South African collective bargaining process. With the current unemployment rate soaring constantly, the aftermath of the Covid 19 pandemic, the effects of the war in Ukraine and lately the financial burden of load shedding on companies to run their businesses, this paper argues for a policy shift toward deregulation or a lesser state and judiciary intervention. This initiative will relieve the burden on companies to run a viable business while at the same time protecting existing jobs.

Keywords: labour law, replacement labour, right to strike, free market foundation perspective, social justice perspective

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Authors: Emma Charlene Lubaale

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) operates based on the principle of complementarity. On the basis of this principle, states enjoy the primary right to prosecute international crimes, with the ICC intervening only when a state with jurisdiction over an international crime is unable or unwilling to prosecute. To ably exercise their primary right to prosecute international crimes domestically, a number of states are taking steps to criminalise international crimes in their national laws. Significant to note, many of the laws enacted are not being applied in the prosecution of the international crimes allegedly committed. Kenya, Uganda and Sudan are some notable states where commission of international crimes is documented. All these states have recently enacted laws on international crimes. Kenya enacted the International Crimes Act in 2008, Uganda enacted the International Criminal Court Act in 2010 and in 2007, Sudan made provision for international crimes under its Armed Forces Act. However, in all these three states, the enacted national laws on international crimes have thus far not featured in any of the proceedings before these states’ courts. Instead, these states have either relied on ordinary crimes to prosecute international crimes or not prosecuted international crimes altogether. This paper underscores the limitations of the enacted laws, explaining why, even with efforts taken by these states to enact national laws on international crimes, these laws cannot be relied on to advance accountability for the international crimes. Notably, the laws in Kenya and Uganda do not have retroactive application. In Sudan, despite the 2007 reforms, the structure of military justice in Sudan has the effect of placing certain categories of individuals beyond the reach of international criminal justice. For Kenya and Uganda, it is concluded that the only benefit that flows from these enactments is reliance on them to prosecute future international crimes. For Sudan, the 2007 reforms will only have the desired impact if reforms are equally made to the structure of military justice.

Keywords: complementarity, national laws, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda, international crimes, limitations

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Ziyu Liu, Martin Buijsen

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Although great achievements have been made since the beginning of the Chinese healthcare system reform in 1978, there still remain unresolved problems. Currently, the two leading social issues are accessibility and affordability of healthcare. Facing those challenges, Chinese government initiated the third round of healthcare system reform, accompanied by an array of measures. The newly launched strategies show a tendency to deliver healthcare as welfare goods, achieving equality through an ex-post perspective instead of an ex-ante view. However, if the reform efforts rely solely on the notion of “welfare”, the wrong idea of the government as the only duty-bearer in healthcare will arise. Several major threats, such as high costs as a result of inefficiencies and free riding then become imminent. Therefore, on the basis of Dworkin’s theory, this paper argues that individual responsibility should be introduced when constructing a sustainable healthcare system. And it should be equally highlighted as the duties of government. Furthermore, the notion of individual responsibility is believed to be necessary for promoting the justice of a healthcare system.

Keywords: Chinese healthcare system reform, individual responsibility, right to healthcare, social justice

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