Search results for: place harmony

Authors: Fani Sakellariadou

Abstract:

The Blue Economy includes all marine-based and marine-related activities. They correspond to established, emerging as well as unborn ocean-based industries. Seabed mining is an emerging marine-based activity; its operations depend particularly on cutting-edge science and technology. The 21st century will face a crisis in resources as a consequence of the world’s population growth and the rising standard of living. The natural capital stored in the global ocean is decisive for it to provide a wide range of sustainable ecosystem services. Seabed mineral deposits were identified as having a high potential for critical elements and base metals. They have a crucial role in the fast evolution of green technologies. The major categories of marine mineral deposits are deep-sea deposits, including cobalt-rich ferromanganese crusts, polymetallic nodules, phosphorites, and deep-sea muds, as well as shallow-water deposits including marine placers. Seabed mining operations may take place within continental shelf areas of nation-states. In international waters, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) has entered into 15-year contracts for deep-seabed exploration with 21 contractors. These contracts are for polymetallic nodules (18 contracts), polymetallic sulfides (7 contracts), and cobalt-rich ferromanganese crusts (5 contracts). Exploration areas are located in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, the Indian Ocean, the Mid Atlantic Ridge, the South Atlantic Ocean, and the Pacific Ocean. Potential environmental impacts of deep-sea mining include habitat alteration, sediment disturbance, plume discharge, toxic compounds release, light and noise generation, and air emissions. They could cause burial and smothering of benthic species, health problems for marine species, biodiversity loss, reduced photosynthetic mechanism, behavior change and masking acoustic communication for mammals and fish, heavy metals bioaccumulation up the food web, decrease of the content of dissolved oxygen, and climate change. An important concern related to deep-sea mining is our knowledge gap regarding deep-sea bio-communities. The ecological consequences that will be caused in the remote, unique, fragile, and little-understood deep-sea ecosystems and inhabitants are still largely unknown. The blue economy conceptualizes oceans as developing spaces supplying socio-economic benefits for current and future generations but also protecting, supporting, and restoring biodiversity and ecological productivity. In that sense, people should apply holistic management and make an assessment of marine mining impacts on ecosystem services, including the categories of provisioning, regulating, supporting, and cultural services. The variety in environmental parameters, the range in sea depth, the diversity in the characteristics of marine species, and the possible proximity to other existing maritime industries cause a span of marine mining impact the ability of ecosystems to support people and nature. In conclusion, the use of the untapped potential of the global ocean demands a liable and sustainable attitude. Moreover, there is a need to change our lifestyle and move beyond the philosophy of single-use. Living in a throw-away society based on a linear approach to resource consumption, humans are putting too much pressure on the natural environment. Applying modern, sustainable and eco-friendly approaches according to the principle of circular economy, a substantial amount of natural resource savings will be achieved. Acknowledgement: This work is part of the MAREE project, financially supported by the Division VI of IUPAC. This work has been partly supported by the University of Piraeus Research Center.

Keywords: blue economy, deep-sea mining, ecosystem services, environmental impacts

Procedia PDF Downloads 65

Authors: Chiu-Yin Leung

Abstract:

This research investigates a complex assemblage among indigenous identities, socio-political organization and national apparatus in the border landscape of post-colonial Hong Kong. This former British colony had designated a transient mode of governance in its New Territories and particularly the northernmost borderland in 1951-2012. With a discriminated system of land provisions for the indigenous villagers, the place has been inherited with distinctive village-based culture, historic monuments and agrarian practices until its sovereignty return into the People’s Republic of China. In its latest development imperatives by the national strategic planning, the frontier area of Hong Kong has been identified as a strategy site for regional economic integration in South China, with cross-border projects of innovation and technology zones, mega-transport infrastructure and inter-jurisdictional arrangement. Contemporary literature theorizes borders as the material and discursive production of territoriality, which manifest in state apparatus and the daily lives of its citizens and condense in the contested articulations of power, security and citizenship. Drawing on the concept of assemblage, this paper attempts to tract how the border regime and infrastructure in Hong Kong as a city are deeply ingrained in the everyday lived spaces of the local communities but also the changing urban and regional strategies across different longitudinal moments. Through an intensive ethnographic fieldwork among the borderland villages since 2008 and the extensive analysis of colonial archives, new development plans and spatial planning frameworks, the author navigates the genealogy of the border landscape in Ta Kwu Ling frontier area and its implications as the milieu for new state space, covering heterogeneous fields particularly in indigenous rights, heritage preservation, rural sustainability and regional economy. Empirical evidence suggests an apparent bias towards indigenous power and colonial representation in classifying landscape values and conserving historical monuments. Squatter and farm tenants are often deprived of property rights, statutory participation and livelihood option in the planning process. The postcolonial bureaucracies have great difficulties in mobilizing resources to catch up with the swift, political-first approach of the mainland counterparts. Meanwhile, the cultural heritage, lineage network and memory landscape are not protected altogether with any holistic view or collaborative effort across the border. The enactment of land resumption and compensation scheme is furthermore disturbed by lineage-based customary law, technocratic bureaucracy, intra-community conflicts and multi-scalar political mobilization. As many traces of colonial misfortune and tyranny have been whitewashed without proper management, the author argues that postcolonial justice is yet reconciled in this fragmented border landscape. The assemblage of border in mainstream representation has tended to oversimplify local struggles as a collective mist and setup a wider production of schizophrenia experiences in the discussion of further economic integration among Hong Kong and other mainland cities in the Pearl River Delta Region. The research is expected to shed new light on the theorizing of border regions and postcolonialism beyond Eurocentric perspectives. In reassembling the borderland experiences with other arrays in state governance, village organization and indigenous identities, the author also suggests an alternative epistemology in reconciling socio-spatial differences and opening up imaginaries for positive interventions.

Keywords: heritage conservation, indigenous communities, post-colonial borderland, regional development, rural sustainability

Procedia PDF Downloads 191

Authors: Humaira Maheen, Elizabeth Hoban, Catherine Bennette

Abstract:

Background: Globally, role of Community Health Workers (CHW) as front line disaster health work force is underutilized. Developing countries which are at risk of natural disasters or humanitarian emergencies should lay down effective strategies especially to ensure adequate access to maternity care during crisis situation by using CHW as they are local, trained, and most of them possess a good relationship with the community. The Minimum Initial Service Package (MISP) is a set of universal guidelines that addresses women’s reproductive health needs during the first phase of an emergency. According to the MISP, pregnant women should have access to a skilled birth attendant and adequate transportation arrangements so they can access a maternity care facility. Pakistan is one of the few countries which has been severely affected by a number of natural disaster as well as humanitarian emergencies in last decade. Pakistan has a young and structured National Disaster Management System in place, where District Authorities play a vital role in disaster management. The District Health Department develops the contingency health plan for an emergency situation and implements it under the existing district health human resources (health workers and medical staff at the health facility) and infrastructure (health care facilities). Methods: A mixed methods study was conducted in rural villages of Sindh adjacent to the river Indus, and included in-depth interviews with 15 women who gave birth during the floods, structured interviews with 668 women who were pregnant during 2010-2014, and in-depth interviews with 25 community health workers (CHW) and 30 key informants. Results: Women said that giving birth in the relief camps during the floods was one of the most challenging times of their life. The district health department didn’t make transportation arrangement for labouring women from relief camp to the nearest health care facility. As a result 91.2% women gave birth in temporary shelters with the help of a traditional birth attendant (Dai) with no clean physical space available to birth. Of the 332 women who were pregnant at the time of the floods, 26 had adverse birth outcomes; 10 had miscarriages, 14 had stillbirths and there were four neonatal deaths. Conclusion: The district health department was not able to provide access to adequate maternity care during according to the international standard during the floods in 2011. We propose a model where CHWs will be used as frontline maternity care providers during any emergency or disaster situations in Pakistan. A separate "birthing station" should be mandatory in all district relief camps, managed by CHWs. Community midwives (CMW) would and the Lady Health Workers (LHW) would provide antenatal and postnatal care alongside, vaccination for pregnant women, neonates and children under five. There must be an ambulance facility for emergency obstetric cases and all district health facilities should have at least two medical staff identified and trained for emergency obstetric management. The District Health Department must provide clean birthing kits and regular and emergency contraceptives in the relief camps. Methods: A mixed methods study was conducted in rural villages of Sindh adjacent to the river Indus, and included in-depth interviews with 15 women who gave birth during the floods, structured interviews with 668 women who were pregnant during 2010-2014, and in-depth interviews with 25 community health workers (CHW) and 30 key informants. Results: Women said that giving birth in the relief camps during the floods was one of the most challenging times of their life. Nearly 91.2% women gave birth in temporary shelters with the help of a traditional birth attendant (Dai) with no clean physical space available to birth, and the health camp was mostly accessed by men and always overcrowded. There was no obstetric trained medical staff in the health camps or transportation provided to take women with complications to the nearest health facility. The rate of adverse outcome following disaster was 22.2% (95% CI: 8.62% – 42.2%) amongst 27 women who did not evacuate as compare to 7.91% (95% CI: 5.03% – 11.8%) among 278 women who lived in relief camp study participants. There were 27 women who evacuated on pre-flood warning and had 0% rate of adverse outcome. Conclusion: We propose a model where CHWs will be used as frontline maternity care providers during any emergency or disaster situations in Pakistan. A separate "birthing station" should be mandatory in all district relief camps, managed by CHWs. Community midwives (CMW) would and the Lady Health Workers (LHW) would provide antenatal and postnatal care alongside, vaccination for pregnant women, neonates and children under five. There must be an ambulance facility for emergency obstetric cases and all district health facilities should have at least two medical staff identified and trained for emergency obstetric management. The District Health Department must provide clean birthing kits and regular and emergency contraceptives in the relief camps.

Keywords: natural disaster, maternity care model, rural, Pakistan, community health workers

Procedia PDF Downloads 246