Search results for: Subaltern

Authors: Sharon Lopez

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Much of critical thought dismisses the notion of subaltern women engaging in resistance because of her complex colonial identity. She is seen in postcolonial theory as being "doubly effaced" and removed from exercising control to speak up and taking part in defiance. This line of reasoning suggests a critical area in which engaging with issues unavoidably excludes subaltern women from the emerging resistance discourse. A position like this also suggests a closed-minded view of human experience and a desire to maintain subalternity. The argument here is that subaltern women might be understood as achieving agency when they engage in resistance and speak out about their circumstances, whether aloud or in silence. Using deductions from Mahasweta Devi's literary narratives such as Imaginary Maps and Breast Stories, the study investigates the tactics Devi employs to engage marginalised women into resistance and establishes that the 'body' emerges in her stories not just as a site of oppression but also as an important motif of power and resistance.

Keywords: subaltern woman, reproductive docy, breast giver, devi

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Nithin Raj Adithyan

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Rap music is a popular genre that features strong beats and rhythmic words. It was created by American disc jockeys and urban Black performers in the late 1970s. Additionally, it carries on West African oral traditions that were introduced to the Americas by Africans who were held as slaves and have impacted the narrative and rhythmic components of rap. Initially introduced in India in the late 1990s as mere entertainment, rap lacked the politicized undertones that it developed in the United States. However, recent years have witnessed a transformation, with Indian rap evolving into a vital tool for marginalized communities—particularly Dalits, Muslims, and tribal groups—to voice grievances against historical injustices, systemic discrimination, and caste-based oppression. This paper examines Indian rap's evolution into a potent medium for subaltern resistance, drawing from its origins in the black ghettos of America, where rap emerged as social commentary and an anti-racial political voice. Historically, music has served as an essential medium for subaltern groups in India to assert their identities and reclaim agency. Indian rap, in its current form, amplifies this function by offering a compelling platform to address issues of caste oppression, socio-economic marginalization, and symbolic exclusion. This paper examines how contemporary Indian rappers, often from Dalit and lower-caste backgrounds, leverage their art to confront systemic injustices and amplify voices that have historically been silenced. By analyzing key artists and their lyrics, this paper highlights the ways in which rap critiques the pervasive caste system, challenges social hierarchies, and fosters a sense of identity and solidarity among subaltern groups. This study uses Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “strategic essentialism” to explore how Indian rap fosters shared subaltern identity, uniting voices across regional and cultural divides. By situating Indian rap within the global hip-hop movement, the paper highlights how it contributes a unique perspective to global narratives of resilience and resistance, adapting international influences to articulate local struggles. Ultimately, this research highlights Indian rap’s role as a catalyst for change, examining its critique of caste violence, economic marginalization, and social exclusion and demonstrating how it contributes to the anti-caste movement. Through a close reading of this subaltern dimension of rap, the paper illuminates how Indian rap fosters identity, solidarity, and resistance, affirming the genre’s potential as a transformative force within the global legacy of hip-hop as an expression of subaltern agency and social dissent.

Keywords: caste oppression, hip-hop/rap, resistance, subaltern

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Authors: Achinthya Bandara

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The Portuguese were the first known European Nation to colonize Ceylon during the early 16th century. When the Portuguese set sail in the late 15th century towards the East and West, they first landed in Pondicherry (Pondicherry), an eastern coastal location of early India and established their trade in the Indian Oceanic regions. Sri Lanka (Ceylon until 1972) made its first contact with the Portuguese just a few years after they anchored in India, the Luso-Sri Lankan contact was initiated and became prominent across the time, even during the later colonial rules, i.e., Dutch and British. Such connections created a Luso-Asian hybrid culture in Ceylon that shared both Sri Lankan and European identities. Portuguese Creole communities were prominent among them as an ethnic group with Portuguese descent interwoven with local traditions and customs, yet outcast by the mainstream Portuguese colonials. Hugh Nevil, a British Civil Servant who served Ceylon in the early 1800s, had collected a considerable amount of such Luso-Asian Literature belonging to Sri Lankan Portuguese creole communities, including 180 Portuguese creole verses sung by the creole communities in Eastern Sri Lanka. Though the collection was studied to uncover literature traits, few or no known studies focused on the anti-colonial subaltern discourse appearing in the shades of this work. It is evident that these verses contain local anti-colonial ideologies that create a platform to place them as elements of Luso-Asian subaltern literature. This research explores how the language and content of these verses contradict the mainstream colonial ideologies we intend to position within a regional anti-colonial subaltern context. As this is part of a long-term research project that translates the whole collection into Sinhalese and Tamil, this study will show evidence from early 1800s verses to suggest how Luso-Asian communities create a unique subaltern linguistic and literary discourse.

Keywords: Luso Asian creoles, Luso Asian subalterns, anti-colonial ideologies, Sri Lanka Portuguese creole

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Authors: Khushboo Gokani, Renu Josan

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Mahasweta Devi and Toni Morrison are the two stalwarts of the Indian-English and the Afro-American literature respectively. The writings of these two novelists are authentic and powerful records of the lives of the people because much of their personal experiences have gone into the making of their works. Devi, a representative force of the Indian English literature, is also a social activist working with the tribals of Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal. Most of her works echo the lives and struggles of the subalterns as is evident in her 'best-beloved book' Chotti Munda and His Arrow. The novelist focuses on the struggle of the tribals against the colonial and the feudal powers to create their identity, thereby, embarking on the ideological project called Setting the Record Straight. The Nobel laureate Toni Morrison, on the other hand, brings to the fore the crucial issues of gender, race, and class in many of her significant works. In one of her representative works, Sula, the protagonist emerges as a non-conformist and directly confronts the notion of a ‘good woman’ nurtured by the community of the Blacks. In addition to this, the struggle of the Blacks against the White domination, also become an important theme of the text. The thrust of the paper lies in making a critical analysis of the portrayal of the heroic attempts of the subaltern protagonist and the artistic endeavor of the novelists in challenging the stereotypes.

Keywords: the struggle of the muted groups, subaltern, center and periphery, challenging the stereotypes

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Authors: Ahmed Tahsin Shams

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The right to dissent through any form of art has been facing challenges through various strict legal measures, particularly since 2018 when the Government of Bangladesh passed the Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA). Therefore, the references to ‘popular’ culture mostly include mainstream religious and national festivals and exclude critical intellectual representation of specific political allusions in any form of storytelling: whether wall art or fiction writing, since the post-DSA period in Bangladesh. Through inductive quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches, this paper aims to study the pattern of censorship, detention or custodial tortures against artists and the banning approach by the Bangladeshi government in the last five years, specifically against static visual arts, i.e., cartoon and wall art. The pattern drawn from these data attempts to redefine the popular notion of ‘pop culture’ as an unorganized folk or mass culture. The results also hypothesize how the post-DSA period forcefully constructs ‘pop culture’ as a very organized repetitive deception of enlightenment or entertainment. Thus the argument theorizes that this censoring trend is a fascist approach making the artists subaltern. So, in this socio-political context, these two similar and overlapping elements: culture and art, are vastly separated in two streams: the former being appreciated by the power, and the latter is a fearful concern for the power. Therefore, the purpose of art also shifts from entertainment to an act of rebellion, adding more layers to the new postmodern definition of ‘pop culture.’

Keywords: popular culture, visual arts, censoring trend, fascist approach, subaltern, digital security act

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Authors: Barnali Saha

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Dalit writing is the interventionalist voice of the dispossessed subaltern in the cultural economy of the society. As such, Dalit writing, including Dalit poetry, considers the contradictions that permeate the socio-cultural structure historically allocated and religiously sanctioned in the Indian subcontinent. As an epicenter of all Dalit experiences of trauma and violence, the poetics the Dalit body is deeply rooted in the peripheral space socially assigned to it by anachronistic caste-based litigation. An appraisal of Dalit creative-critical work by writers like Sharan Kumar Limbale, Arjun Dangle, Namdeo Dhasal, Om Prakash Valmiki, Muktibodh and others underscore the conjunction of the physical, psychical and the psychological in their interpretation of Dalit consciousness. They put forward the idea that Dalit poetry is begotten by the trauma of societal oppression and therefore, Dalit language and its revitalization are two elements obdurately linked to Dalit poetics. The present research paper seeks to read the problematization of the Dalit agency through the conduit of the Dalit voice wherein the anatomical category of the mouth is closely related to the question of Dalit identity. Theoretically aligned to Heidegger’s notion of language as the house of being and Bachelard’s assertion of a house as an ideal metaphor of poetic imagination and Dylan Trigg’s view of the coeval existence of space and body, the paper examines a series of selected poems by Dalit poetic voices to examine how their distinct Dalit point of view underscores Dalit speech and directs our attention to the historical abstraction of it. The paper further examines how speech as a category in Dalit writing places the Dalit somatic entity as a site of contestation with the ‘Mouth’ as a loaded symbolic category inspiring rebellion and resistance. And as the quintessential purpose of Dalit literature is the unleashing of Dalit voice from the anti-verbal domain of social decrepitude, Dalit poetry needs to be critically read based on the experience of the mouth and the patois.

Keywords: Dalit, poetry, speech, mouth, subaltern, minority, exploitation, space

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Authors: Rezzan Alagoz, Seda Gonul

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This study examines the migration, work, and social life experiences of undocumented Afghan migrants employed as shepherds in Igdır. Despite their high visibility in informal labor markets, their undocumented status renders them invisible in everyday life. Their invisibility in both official status and social life, coupled with their vulnerability to exploitation in the labor market, renders them particularly susceptible to marginalization. This research employs the concept of the subaltern to examine the characteristics of Afghan migrants as unrepresented, unheard, and invisible. It also analyzes their experiences in the labor market based on the concept of biopolitics. Undocumented Afghan migrants are engaged in labor-intensive occupations such as shepherding, thereby addressing an essential gap in the workforce that local workers are reluctant to undertake. The reliance of employers on the labor of these employees is significant; however, the undocumented status of these workers leaves them vulnerable to exploitation. In addition to serving as a critical source of low-cost labor, these individuals are susceptible to exploitation in the form of non-payment for their work, extended and intensive work schedules, and, on some occasions, physical violence. In the event of a conflict between shepherds and their employers, undocumented workers are unable to seek legal recourse, which serves to reinforce their marginalized status further. The predominant practice among Afghan shepherds is to utilize the workplace as a place of residence. In the context of shepherding work, the prevailing conditions at the workplace frequently pose a significant threat to the health and well-being of the individuals engaged in such activities. As a result of their lack of official status, these individuals lack access to basic services such as healthcare, which has the consequence of rendering them invisible in public and institutional spaces. Attempts to engage with public systems carry the risk of deportation, reinforcing the already fragile and precarious nature of their existence. This study examines the socio-political implications of undocumented status and addresses these experiences in the context of national and international migration policies. In line with Agamben's concept of the "state of exception" undocumented migrants exist in a state where fundamental rights are effectively nullified, and they are rendered outside the protection of the law. This exclusion is further exacerbated by the intersection of economic exploitation, political and physical invisibility, and limited access to basic services, which collectively contribute to a cycle of vulnerability. This research is based on in-depth interviews with 18 Afghan shepherds in Igdir province in August 2024. The research contributes to the ongoing critical debates on migration, labor exploitation, and biopolitics by focusing on the experiences of Afghan shepherds. The article examines how undocumented migrants maneuver between visibility and invisibility within the context of a system that relies on exploitation in the labor market and migration policies. The research findings demonstrate the necessity for policy intervention to address the structural exclusion of undocumented Afghan migrants from national and international protection systems, as well as their indispensable role in local economies.

Keywords: Afghan migrants, biopolitics, border economy, informal labour market, migration policy, sheepherding, Subaltern

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Authors: Teju N. Adisa-Farrar

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In European cities, social, political and cultural geographies of blackness exist. Organizations create spaces to discuss, express, and expose the realities of young people of African descent creating an Afropean lifestyle with transnational affiliations. Focusing on black and brown spaces produced by and for the young people of African descent in Vienna and Brussels, it became clear a multidisciplinary approach would be necessary. Using Cultural Studies frameworks along with Communications Theories on Black Public Spheres and Social-Geography, a basis was created for exploring the creative, political, and economic responses of young people who are apart of the historically (and contemporary) oppressed and excluded groups of the African Diaspora. Through this intrinsic study, it became apparent that spaces created and reclaimed by young people of the African Diaspora were more inclusive and democratic than other spaces. The organizations studied have used city life as the platform to express their struggles and celebrations of their multicultural identity; clearly using historical, global black and Pan-African movements as the basis for local adaptation of an African Diaspora identity.

Keywords: African diaspora, black public sphere, identity, spaces, geographies

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Authors: Sumaira Mukhtar

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The present research aims at the discussion of the subversion of the hegemony of the feminine self in the text Moth Smoke by a Pakistani novelist Mohsin Hamid. It presents the notion of the subversion of the grand narratives of the ‘positioning’ of feminine identity in Pakistani patriarchal society by presenting a de-stereotyped personality of Mumtaz, the protagonist in Moth Smoke. The dominant masculine traits in Mumtaz’s personality have been negotiated since she is an untraditional female character in the novel. In this regard, the researcher has taken a feministic stance in this study by presenting the proposition that subaltern can also speak. Mumtaz’s character reminds one of Hedda from Henrik Ibsen’s play Hedda Gabler. So, the masculine traits in Mumtaz’s personality have also been compared with Hedda’s. Besides, the research study will also bring into notice that how that in the postmodern scenario, marginalization of the women have been responded back by women and hereby Mumtaz by uplifting her social status and class. Her de-stereotyped feminine self has been reinforced by the dialogues and incidents in the text. This research is qualitative in design and is based on the textual analysis. An interpretive research method has also been utilized since the researcher has tried to decode the text in supporting the notion of de-stereotyping of feminine self. This research would add to the body of Pakistani literature and Feministic theory.

Keywords: de-stereotyped, feminine identity, marginalization, masculine traits

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Authors: Bitopi Dutta

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Development Induced Displacement (DID) of subaltern groups has been an issue of intense debate in India. This research will do a gender analysis of displacement induced by the mining projects in tribal indigenous societies of North East India, centering on the primary research question which is 'How does DID reorder gendered relationship in tribal matrilineal societies?' This paper will not focus primarily on the impacts of the displacement induced by coal mining on indigenous tribal women in the North East India; it will rather study 'what' are the processes that lead to these transformations and 'how' do they operate. In doing so, the paper will locate the cracks in traditional social systems that the discourse of displacement manipulates for its own benefit. DID in this sense will not only be understood as only physical displacement, but also as social and cultural displacement. The study will cover one matrilineal tribe in the state of Meghalaya in the North East India affected by several coal mining projects in the last 30 years. In-depth unstructured interviews used to collect life narratives will be the primary mode of data collection because the indigenous culture of the tribes in Meghalaya, including the matrilineal tribes, is based on oral history where knowledge and experiences produced under a tradition of oral history exist in a continuum. This is unlike modern societies which produce knowledge in a compartmentalized system. An interview guide designed around specific themes will be used rather than specific questions to ensure the flow of narratives from the interviewee. In addition to this, a number of focus groups will be held. The data collected through the life narrative will be supplemented and contextualized through documentary research using government data, and local media sources of the region.

Keywords: displacement, gender-relations, matriliny, mining

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Authors: Selma Aitsaid

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Disney canon texts, mainly animations, are believed to have authority over children’s identities. However, most research on Disney tends to focus either on textual analysis, or Western and non-western adult audiences. In fact, there is a lack of scholarship on Disney child audiences from non-western countries though children are believed to be Disney‘s main target audience, and Disney is a global corporation that appeals to audiences from all over the world as well. Therefore, qualitative research was conducted by interviewing around twenty five Algerian disabled tweens between the age 11 to 14 on their familiarity and identification with Disney animations. The reason behind choosing disabled children is because minority groups have not been interviewed on their possible interpretations of Disney animations despite the fact that these texts have been interpreted by some scholars as being inclusive of minority groups such as queer and disabled people. To that end, this project aims to decolonize disability and Global Southern Academia by three ways. The first way is to uncover inequalities of the metropolitan thought enshrined in the global power of the metropole vis a vis the subaltern. This approach was called postcolonialism. The second way is to value non-western academic and non-academic resources. This is the project of ‘indigenous knowledge. The third way is to analyse the forms of knowledge that were produced by intellectuals in colonized countries as a response to Western Academic hegemony. Consequently, this research endeavored to unravel the inequality, the dynamics of neocolonialism and subordination to colonial discourses within the Algerian discourse on disability and other knowledge such as tweenhood, childhood and non-western viewership, which are mainly defined through Western lenses. Algerian resources were included with the aim of enhancing an academic collaboration between the North and South as well. The findings showed that the postcolonial context had an impact on how children perceive Disney animations. They also demonstrated that children are able to negotiate the meaning of Disney texts within their own context.

Keywords: child audiences, Algeria, childhood, disability, Disney animations, global South, postcolonialism, tweens, Western hegemony

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Authors: Sandra Maria Cerqueira Da Silva

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In Brazil, women are the majority of the country's population. They have advanced in terms of years of education and professional training. However, this has not prevented the differences in the labor market from being sustained, particularly the wage gap and inequalities concerning the access to command positions and promotions, i.e., in the gender relations and treatment. One of the conditions which constitute a barrier to career advancement is the necessary support chain to support women when they are in the labor market. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to demonstrate, describe, and criticize some of the current conformations of support chains and how these compete to promote the phenomenon known as glass ceiling in the country. However, this support may come even from inside a woman's own home, with a fairer division of household activities between men and women. Such behavior can free an entire network of women within the same family. In addition, it can serve as pressure to structure better conditions for women as a whole, improving the living conditions of the poor population. This can occur through programs and projects for qualification and retraining of adult women. In answer to the question that guides this study, it is concluded that a family support system is critical to the success of women in management positions. To meet this demand, one of the ways could be the development of specific gender policies by the public authorities, in accordance with the emerging global economic policies, in order to provide and structure the necessary support. This would respond to feminist manifestations - which should go on pointing needs – although the legislative assembly should also propose ideas to change this picture. This is a qualitative research, with a poststructuralist approach, featuring a cutout corpus of three interviews carried out with women holding leadership positions in the academia. Questions related to this very discussion are many. New studies could address points as the promotion of qualification and expansion of skills of women in subaltern condition. There is also need to investigate possible support systems, considering the inequalities and local economic conditions.

Keywords: gender and labor market, glass ceiling, post-structuralism, support chain

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Authors: Tomas Macsotay

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If monument removal and monument effacement may call to mind a Nietzschean proposal for vitalist disregard of conventional morality, it remains the case that it is often only by a willingness to go “beyond good and evil” in inherited monument politics that truthful, be it unexpected aspects of our co-existence with monuments can finally start to rise into fuller consciousness. A series of urgent questions press themselves in the panorama created by the affirmative idea that we can, as a community, make crucial decisions with regard to monumental preservation or discontinuation. Memorials are not the core concern for decolonial and racial dignity movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM), which have repeatedly shown they regard these actions as a welcome, albeit complementary, part of a reckoning with a past of racial violence and injustice, slavery, and colonial subaltern existence. As such, the iconoclastic issue of “rights and prohibitions of images” only tangentially touches on a cultural movement that seems rather question dominant ideas of history, pertinence, and the long life of the class, gender, and racial conflict through ossified memorial cultures. In the recent monument insurrection, we face a rare case of a new negotiation of rights of existence for this particular tract of material culture. This engenders a debate on how and why we accord rights to objects in public dominion ― indeed, how such rights impinge upon the rights of subjects who inhabit the public sphere. Incidentally, the possibility of taking away from monuments such imagined or adjoined rights has made it possible to tease open a sphere of emotionality that could not be expressed in patrimonial thinking: the reality of atmospheres as settings, often dependent on pseudo-objects and half-conscious situations, that situate individuals involuntarily in a pathic aesthetics. In this way, the unique moment we now witness ― full of the possibility of going “beyond good and evil” of monument preservation ― starts to look more like a moment of involuntary awaking: an awakening to the encrypted gaze of the monument and the enigma that the same monument or memorial site can carry day-to-day habits of life for some bystanders, while racialized and disenfranchised communities experience discomfort and erosion of subjective life in the same sites.

Keywords: monument, memorial, atmosphere, racial justice, decolonialism

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Authors: Thomas Njuguna Kibutu

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The ability to access justice is an important facet of securing peaceful, just, and inclusive societies, as recognized by Goal 16 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Goal 16 calls for peace, justice, and strong institutions to promote the rule of law and access to justice at a global level. More specifically, Target 16.3 of the Goal aims to promote the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensure equal access to justice for all. On the other hand, it is now widely recognized that Alternative Dispute Resolution (hereafter, ADR) represents an efficient mechanism for resolving disputes outside the adversarial conventional court system of litigation or prosecution. ADR processes include but are not limited to negotiation, reconciliation, mediation, arbitration, and traditional conflict resolution. ADR has a number of advantages, including being flexible, cost-efficient, time-effective, and confidential, and giving the parties more control over the process and the results, thus promoting restorative justice. The methodology of this paper is a desktop review of books, journal articles, reports and government documents., among others. The paper recognizes that ADR represents a cornerstone of Africa’s, and more specifically, Kenya’s, efforts to promote inclusive, accountable, and effective institutions and achieve the objectives of goal 16. In Kenya, and not unlike many African countries, there has been an outcry over the backlog of cases that are yet to be resolved in the courts and the statistics have shown that the numbers keep on rising. While ADR mechanisms have played a major role in reducing these numbers, access to justice in the country remains a big challenge, especially to the subaltern. There is, therefore, a need to analyze the opportunities and challenges facing the application of ADR mechanisms as tools for accessing justice in Kenya and further discuss various ways in which we can overcome these challenges to make ADR an effective alternative to dispute resolution. The paper argues that by embracing ADR across various sectors and addressing existing shortcomings, Kenya can, over time, realize its vision of a more just and equitable society. This paper discusses the opportunities and challenges of the application of ADR in Kenya with a view to sharing the lessons and challenges with the wider African continent. The paper concludes that ADR mechanisms can provide critical pathways to justice in Kenya and the African continent in general but come with distinct challenges. The paper thus calls for concerted efforts of respective stakeholders to overcome these challenges.

Keywords: mediation, arbitration, negotiation, reconsiliation, Traditional conflict resolution, sustainable development

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Authors: Ana Alvarenga De Castro

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Food sovereignty has been brought by the international peasants’ movement, La Via Campesina, as a precondition to food security, speaking about the right of each nation to keep its own supply of foods respecting cultural, sustainable practices and productive diversity. The political conceptualization nowadays goes beyond saying that this term is about achieving the rights of farmers to control the food systems according to local specificities, and about equality in the access to natural resources and quality food. The current feminization of agroecosystems and of food insecurity identified by researchers and recognized by international agencies like the UN and FAO has enhanced the feminist discourse into the food sovereignty movement, considering the historical inequalities that place women farmers in subaltern positions inside the families and rural communities. The current tendency in many rural areas of more women taking responsibility for food production and still facing the lack of access to natural resources meets particular aspects in Latin America due to the global economic logic which places the Global South in the position of raw material supplier for the industrialized North, combined with regional characteristics. In this context, Latin American countries play the role of commodities exporters in the international labor division, including among exported items grains, soybean paste, and ores, to the expense of local food chains which provide domestic quality food supply under more sustainable practices. The connections between gender inequalities and global territorial inequalities related to the access and control of food and natural resources are pointed out by feminist political ecology - FPE - authors, and are linked in this article to the potentialities and limitations of women farmers to reproduce diversified agroecosystems in the tropical environments. The work brings the importance of local practices held by women farmers which are crucial to maintaining sustainable agricultural systems and their results on seeds, soil, biodiversity and water conservation. This work presents an analysis of documents, releases, videos and other publicized experiences launched by some peasants’ organizations in Latin America which evidence the different technical and political answers that meet food sovereignty from peasants’ groups that are attributed to women farmers. They are associated with articles presenting the empirical analysis of women farmers' practices in Latin America. The combination drove to discuss the benefits of peasants' conceptions about food systems and their connections with local realities and the gender issues linked to the food sovereignty conceptualization. Conclusion meets that reality on the field cannot reach food sovereignty's ideal homogeneously and that agricultural sustainable practices are dependent on rights' achievement and social inequalities' eradication.

Keywords: food sovereignty, gender, diversified agricultural systems, access to natural resources

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

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This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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