Search results for: electoral quota

Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Abubakar Sulaiman

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The paper examines how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Over the years, election observation continues to play critical role in the electoral process specifically in Nigeria and Africa at large. Election observation keeps an eye on the electoral process and all the stakeholders during elections, to ensure that the process is fair to all contestants. While literature abound on this role of election observation on electoral process in Nigeria, scanty scholarly efforts have been made to appraise how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Also, while election observation may play a role in ensuring that the electoral process is credible, specifically, its role in prvoking and eliciting various electoral reforms in the country has not been explored. The paper adopts the explanatory research design using secondary data and document analysis. Preliminary findings show that election observation has influenced electoral reforms in Nigeria in no small measure. The paper concludes that election observation is critical for result oriented electoral reforms in Nigeria, albeit, such reforms have to be implemented to the latter.

Keywords: electoral reforms, election observation, electoral process, developing country

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Soliman Rosemary

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Despite the widespread movements towards democratization in most countries, women are still largely underrepresented at most levels of governments, especially in ministerial and other executive bodies. This paper is going to focus on the status quo of women political marginalization in Japan and the role social movements, feminist groups and campaigns play in raising the number of female politicians in administrative decision making process. The paper will raise some Japanese feminist groups such as ‘WIN WIN’ and ‘Q no Kai’ and other feminist groups as case studies. The study will help in furthering the understanding of women political empowerment in Japan and the strategies of contemporary social movements in raising the awareness of the importance of gender quota in the electoral system to be able to place new items on the political agenda that reflect and address women's gender-specific concerns, values and experiences, and providing new perspectives on mainstream political issues.

Keywords: feminist, political empowerment, quota, social movements

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Authors: Fred Fudah Moveh, Muhammad Abba Jallo

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Electoral fraud remains a persistent threat to democracy in Nigeria, undermining public trust and stalling political development. This study explores the role of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in curbing electoral fraud, focusing on its application in recent Nigerian elections. The paper identifies the main forms of electoral fraud, evaluates the effectiveness of ICT-based interventions like the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and the Bi-modal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), and discusses challenges such as poor infrastructure, voter intimidation, and legal inadequacies. Data was collected through structured questionnaires and interviews and analyzed using SPSS software. Results reveal that while ICT has mitigated some forms of fraud, systemic issues continue to hinder its full potential. The study concludes with recommendations for enhancing the application of ICT in Nigeria’s electoral process.

Keywords: ICT, electoral fraud, election process, Nigeria, political instability

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Authors: H. Shola Adeosun, D. Adeoye Odedeji, F. Ajoke Adebiyi

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This study examines the impact of media on the electoral process in Nigeria and the roles played by the media in the reform process. Survey research method was adopted as research methodology, and this enables the researcher to use questionnaire, and oral interview to elicit primary data from the respondents was interpreted, analysed and interpreted with statistical tools such as tables, figures, and percentages. The hypothesis formulated were tested with chi-square. The findings revealed that there is significant relationship between the media and electoral reform process in the 2011 and 2015 general elections in Nigeria. The study recommends that electoral committee should implement virile electoral system with the peaceful voting environment. The media should intensify efforts to expose violation of electoral laws; media should play an advocacy role for dialogue and debate on the reform recommendations. The study recommends that media should unite the nation through their reports on peace, national security, national integration and ethnoreligious tolerance and that adequate training should be given to media practitioners on how to report issues relating to elections.

Keywords: evaluation, impact, media, electoral reform process

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Nweke Kingsley

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From the times of ancient Greece to modern times, democratic elections have been associated with a higher number of participants. Sequel to this, politicians globally and incumbent governments appear concerned with understanding the personality traits that may assure them of unflinching support by electorates. The study examined how openness to experience predicted electoral behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka. One hundred and thirty-three non-teaching employees who volunteered were randomly selected for the study. Two instruments were used for data collection: The Electoral Behaviour Scale, and the Openness to Experience dimension of the Personality Trait Inventory. A correlational design was adopted for the study, and the data generated were statistically analyzed using Pearson Product Moment and linear regression statistics. Results revealed that Openness to Experience positively and significantly predicted Electoral Behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. It was recommended that politicians and stakeholders hold town hall meetings and seminars to increase awareness of the electoral perception of electorates with the Openness to Experience trait as this will increase their support and yield successive results during elections.

Keywords: electoral-behaviour, employees, non-teaching, openness-to-experience

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Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Okpanachi Linus Odiji, Chris Ogwu Attah

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Election is no doubt widely assumed as one of the most suitable means of resolving political quagmires even though it has never been bereft of conflict which can manifest before, during, or after polls. What, however, advances democracy and promotes electoral integrity is the existence and effectiveness of institutional frameworks for electoral conflict management. Electoral conflicts are no doubt unique in the sense that they represent the struggles of people over the control of public resources. In most cases, the stakes involved are high and emotional that they do not only undermine inter-group relationship but also threaten national security. The need, therefore, for an effectively functional conflict management apparatus becomes imperative. While at the State level, there exist numerous governmental initiatives at various electoral stages aimed at managing conflicts, this paper examines the activities of the mass media, which is another prominent stakeholder in the electoral process. Even though media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on its utility in the management of conflicts. Guided by the social responsibility theory of media reporting and drawing data from observed trends in Kogi state, the paper, which context analyses the 2019 gubernatorial election coverage in the state, observes both conflict escalation and de-escalation roles in the media. To mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, therefore, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and ordered by the National Broadcasting Commission as well as the Nigerian Press Council. This should be garnished with the training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure.

Keywords: conflict management, electoral conflict, mass media, media reporting

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Authors: Murat Can Pehlivanoglu

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Historically, gender equality has been mainly defended in the legal arenas of constitutional law and employment law. However, social and economic progress has required corporate law to provide gender equality on corporate boards. Recently, following the trend in Europe, the State of California (United States) enacted a law requiring that every publicly traded corporation based in California should have women on its board of directors. Still, the legal, social and economic implications of this law are yet to be discovered. The contractarian view of corporate law is predominant in the U.S. jurisprudence. However, gender quota law may not be justified through contractarian theory grounds. Therefore, the conformity of gender quota law with the general principles of U.S. corporate law remains questionable, and the immunity of close corporations from the scope of gender quota legislation provides support for the discrepancy. The methodology employed in this paper in the discussion of the rule’s conformity with corporate law is doctrinal, and American case law and legal scholarship are the basis for this discussion. This paper uses the aforementioned California law as sample legislation to evaluate the gender quota laws’ conformity with the contractarian theory of corporate law. It chooses California law as the sample due to its newness and the presence of pending shareholder lawsuits against it. Also, since California is home to global companies, the effect of such law is expected to be wider. As alternative theories laid down by corporate law may already be activated to provide gender equality on boards of publicly traded corporations, enacting a specific gender quota law would not be justified by an allegedly present statutory deficiency based on contractarian theory. However, this theoretical reality would not enable shareholders to succeed in their lawsuits against such law on corporate law grounds, and investors will have limited options against its results. This will eventually harm the integrity of the marketplace. Through the analysis of the contractarian theory of corporate law and California gender quota law, the major finding of this paper is that the contractarian theory of corporate law does not permit mandating board room equality through corporate law. In conclusion, it expresses that the issue should be dealt with through separate legislation with a different remedial structure, to preserve the traditional rationale of corporate law in U.S. law.

Keywords: board of directors, gender equality, gender quota, publicly traded corporations

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Deepti Kohli, Meeta Keswani Mehra

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The paper develops a theoretical model of electoral competition with purely opportunistic candidates and a uni-dimensional policy using the probability voting approach while focusing on the aspect of lobby formation to analyze the inherent complex interactions between centripetal and centrifugal forces and their effects on equilibrium policy platforms. There exist three types of agents, namely, Left-wing, Moderate and Right-wing who comprise of the total voting population. Also, it is assumed that the Left and Right agents are free to initiate a lobby of their choice. If initiated, these lobbies generate donations which in turn can be contributed to one (or both) electoral candidates in order to influence them to implement the lobby’s preferred policy. Four different lobby formation scenarios have been considered: no lobby formation, only Left, only Right and both Left and Right. The equilibrium policy platforms, amount of individual donations by agents to their respective lobbies and the contributions offered to the electoral candidates have been solved for under each of the above four cases. Since it is assumed that the agents cannot coordinate each other’s actions during the lobby formation stage, there exists a probability with which a lobby would be formed, which is also solved for in the model. The results indicate that the policy platforms of the two electoral candidates converge completely under the cases of no lobby and both (extreme) formations but diverge under the cases of only one (Left or Right) lobby formation. This is because in the case of no lobby being formed, only the centripetal forces (emerging from the election-winning aspect) are present while in the case of both extreme (Left-wing and Right-wing) lobbies being formed, centrifugal forces (emerging from the lobby formation aspect) also arise but cancel each other out, again resulting in a pure policy convergence phenomenon. In contrast, in case of only one lobby being formed, both centripetal and centrifugal forces interact strategically, leading the two electoral candidates to choose completely different policy platforms in equilibrium. Additionally, it is found that in equilibrium, while the donation by a specific agent type increases with the formation of both lobbies in comparison to when only one lobby is formed, the probability of implementation of the policy being advocated by that lobby group falls.

Keywords: electoral competition, equilibrium policy platforms, lobby formation, opportunistic candidates

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Authors: Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers

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Since the early 1990’s voter turnout in Jamaica has been abysmal. More troubling, the group less interested in voting are the ‘articulate minority’ (educated youths, aged 18-35). Using surveys, media commentaries and data from the Electoral Commission of Jamaica, this study explores the relationship between educated youths and traditional politics in Jamaica. Specifically, it raises questions about why the ‘articulate minority’ did not vote in the 2016 general election. This will be done by highlighting the political and socio-economic reasons affecting their participation in the electoral process, their opinions of who is responsible for low voter turnout in Jamaica, and what they think needs to be done to encourage people in general to vote. The findings reveal that lack of interest in the democratic and electoral process by the ‘articulate minority’ is due to their growing distrust of politicians and political parties, and lack of confidence in the political process.

Keywords: articulate minority, Jamaica, voter apathy, voter turnout

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Authors: Aishatu Shuaibu

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It is expected that electronic voter registration and verification in Nigeria will enhance the integrity of elections, which is vital for democratic development; it is also expected to enhance efficiency, transparency, and security. However, the reasons for citizens' intentions with respect to behavioral use of such platforms have not been studied in the literature much. This paper, therefore, intends to look into significant characteristics affecting the acceptance and use of e-voter technology among Nigerian residents. Data will be collected using a structured questionnaire from several local government areas (LGAs) around Nigeria to evaluate the influence of demographic characteristics, technology usability, security perceptions, and governmental education on the intention to implement e-voter systems. The results will offer vital insights into the barriers and drivers of voter technology acceptance, aiding in policy suggestions to enhance voter registration and verification processes within Nigeria's electoral framework. This study is designed to aid electoral stakeholders in devising successful strategies for encouraging the broad deployment of e-voter systems in Nigeria.

Keywords: e-governance, e-voting, e-democracy, INEC, Nigeria

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Authors: Yanto Santosa, Dede Aulia Rahman, Cory Wulan, Abdul Haris Mustari

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The global demand for long-tailed macaques for medical experimentation has continued to increase. Fulfillment of Indonesian export demands has been mostly from natural habitats, based on a harvesting quota. This quota has been determined according to the total catch for a given year, and not based on consideration of any demographic parameters or physical environmental factors with regard to the animal; hence threatening the sustainability of the various populations. It is therefore necessary to formulate a method for calculating a sustainable harvesting quota, based on population parameters in natural habitats. Considering the possibility of variations in habitat characteristics and population parameters, a time series observation of demographic and physical/biotic parameters, in various habitats, was performed on 13 groups of long-tailed macaques, distributed throughout the West Java, Lampung and Yogyakarta areas of Indonesia. These provinces were selected for comparison of the influence of human/tourism activities. Data on population parameters that was collected included data on life expectancy according to age class, numbers of individuals by sex and age class, and ‘ratio of infants to reproductive females’. The estimation of population growth was based on a population dynamic growth model: the Leslie matrix. The harvesting quota was calculated as being the difference between the actual population size and the MVP (minimum viable population) for each sex and age class. Observation indicated that there were variations within group size (24 – 106 individuals), gender (sex) ratio (1:1 to 1:1.3), life expectancy value (0.30 to 0.93), and ‘ratio of infants to reproductive females’ (0.23 to 1.56). Results of subsequent calculations showed that sustainable harvesting quotas for each studied group of long-tailed macaques, ranged from 29 to 110 individuals. An estimation model of the MVP for each age class was formulated as Log Y = 0.315 + 0.884 Log Ni (number of individual on ith age class). This study also found that life expectancy for the juvenile age class was affected by the humidity under tree stands, and dietary plants’ density at sapling, pole and tree stages (equation: Y= 2.296 – 1.535 RH + 0.002 Kpcg – 0.002 Ktg – 0.001 Kphn, R2 = 89.6% with a significance value of 0.001). By contrast, for the sub-adult-adult age class, life expectancy was significantly affected by slope (equation: Y=0.377 = 0.012 Kml, R2 = 50.4%, with significance level of 0.007). The infant to reproductive female ratio was affected by humidity under tree stands, and dietary plant density at sapling and pole stages (equation: Y = -1.432 + 2.172 RH – 0.004 Kpcg + 0.003 Ktg, R2 = 82.0% with significance level of 0.001). This research confirmed the importance of population parameters in determining the minimum viable population, and that MVP varied according to habitat characteristics (especially food availability). It would be difficult therefore, to formulate a general mathematical equation model for determining a harvesting quota for the species as a whole.

Keywords: harvesting, long-tailed macaque, population, quota

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Authors: Karen Lesley Webster, Charles Crothers

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As the population of the Auckland region in New Zealand becomes markedly more super-diverse, the question of fair and effective representation becomes increasingly relevant. This paper explores who stood and who was elected to local office, in the three Auckland triennial local elections, following the 2010 amalgamation of the regions local authorities. It addresses the question of how representative the electoral candidates and elected members of local government in Auckland were of the diverse population they serve. A quantitative analysis of the gender and ethnicity of the Auckland Council candidates and elected members in 2013, 2016, and 2019 triennial elections was undertaken, and the gender and ethnicity compared with that of the Auckland population. Our findings show that under the two-tiered shared governance model established by the Local Government Act (Auckland Council) 2009, electoral candidates have become more ethnically and gender representative of Aucklanders at the local level, while at the regional level, divergence from predominantly New Zealand European, male local representatives is emerging, albeit with less pace. These findings warrant further investigation, but overall, the research presents a cautiously optimistic picture of Auckland local democracy in terms of increasing representational diversity.

Keywords: local government, representation, diversity, gender, ethnicity

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Felix O. Omosele

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Several studies have established that electronic voting machines are prone to multi-faceted challenges. One of which is their capacity to lose votes after the ballots might have been cast. Therefore, the international consensus appears to favour the use of electronic voting machines that are accompanied with verifiable audit paper audit trail (VVPAT). At present, there is no known study that has evaluated the impacts (or otherwise) of this verification and auditing on the authentication, admissibility and evidential weight of electronically-obtained electoral data. This legal inquiry is important as elections are sometimes won or lost in courts and on the basis of such data. This gap will be filled by the present research work. Using the United States of America as a case study, this paper employed a qualitative legal analysis of several of its appellate courts’ judicial opinions. This analysis equally unearths the necessary statutory rules and regulations that are important to the research problem. The objective of the research is to highlight the roles played by VVPAT on electoral evidence- as seen from the eyes of the court. The preliminary outcome of this qualitative analysis shows that the admissibility and weight attached to ‘Computer Evidence from e-voting machines (CEEM)’ are often treated with general standards applied to other computer-stored evidence. These standards sometimes fail to embrace the peculiar challenges faced by CEEM, particularly with respect to their tabulation and transmission. This paper, therefore, argues that CEEM should be accorded unique consideration by courts. It proposes the development of a legal standard which recognises verification and auditing as ‘weight enhancers’ for electronically-obtained electoral data.

Keywords: admissibility of computer evidence, electronic voting, qualitative legal analysis, voting machines in the USA

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Authors: Patricia Agboro

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The dominant strands of pedagogic ideas are often western in origin/orientation. This is the case because of the hegemony of the western world in global academia. For this reason, peculiarities and considerations of context are often swept to the margins as educational thinkers emphasize patently Eurocentric and one-size-fits-all solutions to the problems of effective teaching. This paper takes as a starting point the notion that pedagogy must be context specific and pragmatic in its application. It is from this perspective that it focuses on the challenges of teaching philosophy to students in the Nigerian tertiary institutions. Philosophy students in Nigeria usually come across philosophy for the first time at the tertiary level. This raises the problem of inadequate exposure. Beyond this, a substantial number of candidates are admitted into the philosophy program based on the Nigerian version of ‘affirmative action’ which is known as the quota system. This paper addresses the problems highlighted above and hosts of other issues as well as provides recommendations that can improve effectiveness of teaching philosophy at the university level.

Keywords: justice, quota system, pedagogy, federal character

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Authors: Antonin Ponsich, Eric Alfredo Rincon Garcia, Roman Anselmo Mora Gutierrez, Miguel Angel Gutierrez Andrade, Sergio Gerardo De Los Cobos Silva, Pedro Lara Velzquez

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The electoral zone design problem consists in redrawing the boundaries of legislative districts for electoral purposes in such a way that federal or state requirements are fulfilled. In Mexico, this process has been historically carried out by the National Electoral Institute (INE), by optimizing an integer nonlinear programming model, in which population equality and compactness of the designed districts are considered as two conflicting objective functions, while contiguity is included as a hard constraint. The solution technique used by the INE is a Simulated Annealing (SA) based algorithm, which handles the multi-objective nature of the problem through an aggregation function. The present work represents the first intent to apply a classical Multi-Objective Evolutionary Algorithm (MOEA), the second version of the Non-dominated Sorting Genetic Algorithm (NSGA-II), to this hard combinatorial problem. First results show that, when compared with the SA algorithm, the NSGA-II obtains promising results. The MOEA manages to produce well-distributed solutions over a wide-spread front, even though some convergence troubles for some instances constitute an issue, which should be corrected in future adaptations of MOEAs to the redistricting problem.

Keywords: multi-objective optimization, NSGA-II, redistricting, zone design problem

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.

Keywords: citizens readiness, e-government, electronic voting, technology acceptance model (TAM)

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Authors: Sifiso Vilakazi, Lerato Mzenzi

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The incorporation of technology has brought about a considerable evolution in election management, providing answers to persistent issues with fraud, inefficiency, and logistical complexity. The paper offers a comparative review of the effects of technology advancements on election logistics and fraud prevention in Uganda and Nigeria. Both nations have embraced technology such as digital fraud prevention systems, biometric voter registration, and electronic results transmission while having different political environments and electoral problems. Nevertheless, these innovations' varied results raise important concerns about how technology can enhance vote integrity. For improved transparency and lower voter fraud, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of Nigeria has deployed electronic voting machines, biometric voter identification, and the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal. Despite these developments, technological setbacks and logistical difficulties, particularly during the 2023 elections, uncovered weaknesses that stoked distrust and electoral conflicts by exposing flaws, including device breakdowns, insufficient cybersecurity protections, and transmission delays in results. Comparably, Uganda has used electronic result transmission technologies and biometric voter verification since 2016 to increase election efficiency and combat ballot stuffing and impersonation. Nevertheless, problems, including remote logistical challenges and internet outages during the 2021 elections, have reduced the efficacy of these tools. This paper maintains that while technology might reduce election-related stress and potentially reduce fraud, its efficacy depends on several variables, such as political will, public confidence, and infrastructure. Furthermore, it draws attention to the necessity of more robust legislative frameworks, ongoing investments in cybersecurity, and implementation plans that are customized to the particular difficulties presented by each nation's voting system locally. The results imply that although technology can help Ugandan and Nigerian election management, it cannot guarantee electoral integrity and must be used in conjunction with more extensive institutional changes. Through providing insights into how African nations might use technological advancements to improve democratic governance while addressing context-specific problems, the research adds to the expanding body of literature on the use of technology in election management.

Keywords: elections, Nigeria, Uganda, Africa, management, innovation

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Authors: Amanda Andrea Beatrix Brita, Dominic J. Buenaventura, Charmaine A. Seromines, Antonne Noel V. Chua, Ma. Luisa G. Badilles

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Online ranting, or the act of forcefully expressing your opinion towards other people over the Internet, has been an ongoing issue ever since the creation of the Internet. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the rise of active users has been observed to have increased during this time, thus increasing the number of people being engaged in online activities, which consequently affects the number of individuals who participate in online ranting. However, with all that is observed, what is usually not a topic being discussed about this event are the motivations that lead people to do online ranting. The study was undertaken to discover the level of aggression, Satisfaction, and online engagement in their environment. We utilized 2 researcher-made questionnaires that were validated by three experts, namely for the Satisfaction and engagement levels. We adapted Cyber-Aggression Typology Questionnaire (CATQ) for the level of aggression. Quota sampling was used in determining the respondents. A quota of 250 students was recommended. The results showed that the students in every institution have a deficient level of aggression, and the majority of the institution has a shallow level of Satisfaction when it comes to online ranting. Similar findings are presented in the level of engagement; 2 out of 3 of the institution students have shallow engagement in the general settings that expound students' engagement. Although the result shows deficient levels, there are still instances and possibilities that students may still engage in an online rant regarding various circumstances when triggered. Researchers assumed that there are restrictions on movements likely to show opinions online because of consequences.

Keywords: aggression, satisfaction, online rant engagement, online rant

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