Search results for: religious discourses

Authors: Pshtiwan Shafiq Ahmed

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The invasion of Iraq was a turning point in Iraq, destroying the economic infrastructure of several important strategic and historic cities, including Mosul, Anbar and Diyala, which will take decades to rebuild It left 18,805 people dead and 37,000 injured, destroying hundreds of villages and cities, displacing 2.3 million people, and increasing the number of orphans The increase in the number of windows and the destruction of society and the structure of the population so that the number of children, women and the elderly has increased. Religious clashes have increased and religious cleansing has begun, trying to eradicate Christianity, Yazidis and Kakais from the whole of Iraq, causing the largest number of Christians, Yazidis and Kakais to leave Iraq and many of them went missing.

Keywords: ISIS, population change, geographical change, Iraq

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Authors: Jelena Riznić

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Sexual violence is a social fact that is both ubiquitous and invisible. From the myth of Medusa and Lucretia, through legends about sexual violence in war conflicts, to Hollywood films and other productions — sexual violence exists as a motive, implicitly or explicitly. Many Hollywood films contain a scene of rape, and the media is increasingly reporting on cases of sexual violence, often not following the guidelines for sensitized and ethical reporting. On the other hand, sexual violence remains an invisible phenomenon if we are talking from the perspective of the survivors. Only the wave of women's testimonies that flooded social networks after the #MeToo campaign in 2017 pointed to the prevalence and to the existing ideas about sexual violence that persist at the level of myths in society, but also through formal norms in the hearing of justice systems. The problem is also in the way rape is defined in the criminal codes of different countries, and all of this affects the reproduction of sexual violence. Precisely because it is a deeply intimate experience of violence, but also a structural problem; on the other hand, understanding sexual violence requires sociological imagination. Accordingly, the subject of this paper is the presentation and analysis of various discourses on sexual violence throughout history — pre/anti-feminist, feminist and criminal law, with particular reference to the situation in Serbia. The paper uses a critical review and comparative analysis of various sources on sexual violence, as well as an analysis of the impact of these sources on the modern legal framework that regulates sexual violence. Research has shown that despite feminist contributions, myths about sexual violence persist and influence the treatment of women who have survived violence in criminal systems and society in general.

Keywords: sexual violence, gender-based violence, MeToo campaign, feminism, Serbia

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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Authors: Andreas Aceranti, Simonetta Vernocchi, Marco Colorato, Guido Bighiani, Lorenzo Moretti

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Internalized homo/biphobia refers to a set of negative feelings (feelings of guilt, contempt, anger, a sense of inferiority) that nonheterosexuals may feel towards themselves. We studied 22 young males struggling with their bisexuality or homosexuality. All have come to psychoanalysis/counselling because something was “not going right in their lives.” Even though they were all involved in heterosexual relations, they felt that the relationship was not satisfactory, and even tried having affairs with other women, they felt unsatisfied. All revealed that even though they felt sexually attracted to women, they fell in love with other men. When we investigated the main resistances, the answers were almost the same fearing rejection: four from their mates; six from their parents; eight both from mates and parents; the other four were unable to accept the “deviation for religious reasons.” During the sessions, we educated them about sexual orientation and affection, and we spent much time educating them about the normality of sexual orientation. We found out that the majority (20 subjects) were totally ignorant about sexual orientation and had evaluated themselves only on prejudice or religious approaches. After many sessions, 18 subjects stopped coming to sessions as they felt at peace with themselves. Interestingly the four patients who still come to therapy and are still struggling with themselves are the four subjects with religious issues. Based on our experience, the most destructive aspect of sexual orientation acceptance is the lack of education. Prejudice and religion, unfortunately, still play a big role in self-acceptance.

Keywords: prejudice, homophobia, sexual orientation, biphobia, acceptance, ignorance

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Authors: Ann Vibert, Heather Hemming

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This paper presentation summarizes the findings and implications of research on the plight and practices of women educational leaders in public school systems and in one university. The authors, both women university administrators, are also scholars and researchers of education. The research project on which this paper presentation is based proposed to examine how women educational leaders imagined, experienced, and carried out their leadership roles in the context of a growing local and global accountability-based performativity discourse which is reshaping educational work especially for women, we argue, in both public school and post-secondary sites. The research employed critical ethnographic interviews with 20 women educational leaders in P-12 school systems and three women university level educational leaders. Data were collected on women educational leaders’ perceptions of the effects of accountability and performativity discourses on the nature of their work. Specifically, leaders were asked to speak to whether they experienced a growth in managerial work as a consequence of increased accountability demands; how they experienced their work changing as a consequence of accountability and performativity demands; how these changes impacted the central values they enacted in their work as women educational leaders changes; and how they responded to/negotiated/accommodated changes in the nature of their work developing as a consequence of accountability and performativity frameworks. Findings from the research data and analyses confirm and extend recent scholarly work on the gendered nature of performativity and accountability discourses and frameworks, and their differential effects across differing genders. The oral presentation we propose here focusses on those findings in terms of similarities for women educational leaders across different educational contexts.

Keywords: women in educational leadership, gender and educational performativity, accountability and women leaders, gender and educational leadership

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Authors: Rose Hattab

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Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev, Durdana Jafarli

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the 9/11 attacks resulted in the global changes created a totally new geopolitical situation for the Muslim populated republics of the former Soviet Union. Located between great powers such as China and Russia, as well as theocratic states like Iran and Afghanistan, the newly independent Central Asian states were facing a dilemma to choose a new politico-ideological course for development. Policies dubbed Perestroyka and Glasnost leading to the collapse of the world’s once superpower brought about a considerable rise in the national and religious self-consciousness of the Muslim population of the USSR where the religion was prohibited under the strict communist rule. Moreover, the religious movements prohibited during the Soviet era acted as a part of national straggle to gain their freedom from Moscow. The policies adopted by the Central Asian countries to manage the religious revival and extremism in their countries vary dramatically from each other. As Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are located between Russia and China and hosting a considerable number of the Russian population, these countries treated Islamic revival more tolerantly trying benefit from it in the nation-building process. The importance of the topic could be explained with the fact that it investigates an alternative way of management of religious activities and movements. The recent developments in the Middle East, Syria and Iraq in particular, and the fact that hundreds of fighters from the Central Asian republics joined the ISIL terrorist organization once again highlights the implications of the proper regulation of religious activities not only for domestic, but also for regional and global politics. The paper is based on multiple research methods. The process trace method was exploited to better understand the Russification and anti-religious policies to which the Central Asian countries were subject during the Soviet era. The comparative analyse method was also used to better understand the common and distinct features of the politics of religion of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and the rest of the Central Asian countries. Various legislation acts, as well as secondary sources were investigated to this end. Mostly constructivist approach and a theory suggesting that religion supports national identity when there is a third cohesion that threatens both and when elements of national identity are weak. Preliminary findings suggest that in line with policies aimed at gradual reduction of Russian influence, as well as in the face of ever-increasing migration from China, the mentioned countries incorporated some Islamic elements into domestic policies as a part and parcel of national culture. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not suppress religious activities, which was case in neighboring states, but allowed in a controlled way Islamic movements to have a relatively freedom of action which in turn led to the less violent religious extremism further boosting national identity.

Keywords: identity, Islam, nationalism, terrorism

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Authors: Allya Koesoema, Arni Ariani

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While religion is only a very minor factor contributing to financial exclusion in most countries, the World Bank 2014 Global Financial Development Report highlighted it as a significant barrier for having a financial account in some Muslim majority countries. This is in part due to the perceived incompatibility between traditional financial institutions practices and Islamic finance principles. In these cases, the development of financial institutions and products that are compatible with the principles of Islamic finance may act as an important lever to increasing formal account ownership. However, there is significant diversity in the relationship between a country’s proportion of Muslim population and its level of financial inclusion. This paper combines data taken from the Global Findex Database, World Development Indicators, and the Pew Research Center to quantitatively explore the relationship between individual and country level religious and socioeconomic factor to financial inclusion. Results from regression analyses show a complex relationship between financial inclusion and religion-related factors in the population both on the individual and country level. Consistent with prior literature, on average the percentage of Islamic population positively correlates with the proportion of unbanked populations who cites religious reasons as a barrier to getting an account. However, its impact varies across several variables. First, a deeper look into countries’ religious composition reveals that the average negative impact of a large Muslim population is not as strong in more religiously diverse countries and less religious countries. Second, on the individual level, among the unbanked, the poorest quintile, least educated, older and the female populations are comparatively more likely to not have an account because of religious reason. Results also show indications that in this case, informal mechanisms partially substitute formal financial inclusion, as indicated by the propensity to borrow from family and friends. The individual level findings are important because the demographic groups that are more likely to cite religious reasons as barriers to formal financial inclusion are also generally perceived to be more vulnerable socially and economically and may need targeted attention. Finally, the number of Islamic financial institutions in a particular country is negatively correlated to the propensity of religious reasons as a barrier to financial inclusion. Importantly, the number of financial institutions in a country also mitigates the negative impact of the proportion of Muslim population, low education and individual age to formal financial inclusion. These results point to the potential importance of Islamic Finance Institutions in increasing global financial inclusion, and highlight the potential importance of looking beyond the proportion of Muslim population to other underlying institutional and socioeconomic factor in maximizing its impact.

Keywords: cross country comparison, financial inclusion, Islamic banking and finance, quantitative methods, socioeconomic factors

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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The education plays an important role of political socialization in politics. In Korean and in France, religion in education is situated in an important place, but religious education in school is dealt differently in two countries. In this article, the author tries to reveal the reason why in France private Catholic schools can keep their religious discipline, but in Korea, private Christian schools cannot insist Christianism to their students. This is because of the different situation of their budget. In Korea, even though private schools are named ‘private’, they cannot be managed without government subsidy but in France, private Catholic schools are owned by private foundation and their budget is based on their own resource. That’s why French private schools do not need to follow governmental guidance but not in Korean case.

Keywords: religion, politics, South Korea, France

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Authors: Samaneh Eshraghi Ivaria, Torkild Thellefsenb

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The article discusses the significance of understanding the semiotics of future cities and recognizing the signs of cultural identity in contributing to the preservation of citizens' memories. The identities of citizens are conveyed through memories in urban planning, and with the rapid advancements in technology, cities are constantly changing. Therefore, preserving memories in the design of future cities is essential in maintaining a quality environment that reflects the citizens' identities. The article focuses on the semiotics of the movement pattern morphology in Mashhad city's historical area, using the historical interpretation method. The practice of walking to the shrine of Imam Reza as a religious building has been a historical and religious custom among Shiites from the past until now. By recognizing the signs that result from this religious and cultural approach on the morphology of the city, the aim of the research is to preserve the place of memories in future cities. Overall, the article highlights the importance of recognizing the cultural and historical significance of cities in designing future urban spaces. By doing so, it is possible to preserve the memories and identities of citizens, ensuring that the urban environment reflects the unique cultural heritage of a place.

Keywords: memories, future cities, movement pattern, mashhad, semiotics

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Authors: Tehmina Aslam

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South-Asian societies elicit a male-dominant hierarchy, socio-economically and politico-religiously. The aim of the study was to examine the contribution of gender to violent extremism in order to devise means for its control in Pakistan. A qualitative case study based on interviews was conducted of de-radicalized former militants who were affiliated to militant organizations such as Sipahe Sahaba Pakistan, Lashkare Jhangvi, Laskhare Taibah, and Jaishe Mohammad, and who resided in Sargodha and Jhang, cities of the Punjab. The study exuded three main findings: first, gender alone was insufficient to motivate a male youth to resort to violent extremism; second, gender segregation made a male youth more vulnerable to an extremist ideology; and third, male gender was more prone to the influence of an extremist misguided religious ideology that pandered to male chauvinistic (societal dogmas constructing a male identity) needs and offered a male youth an opportunity to reinforce male dominance in society. The conclusion drawn was that the confluence of societal dogmas and extremist (religious) ideologies offered the major resistance against preventing violent extremism and, without dealing with both of them simultaneously, the tendency in male youth to resorting to violent extremism could not be dissipated.

Keywords: violent extremism, countering violent extremism, preventing violent extremism, youth

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Authors: Ruoya Huang, Ruoxian Huang, Edgar Huang

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Based on a convenience sample of 2,092 participants from across all 50 states of the United States, a survey was conducted to explore Americans’ mask-wearing behaviors during COVID-19 according to their political convictions, religious beliefs, and ethnic cultures from late July to early September, 2020. The purpose of the study is to provide evidential support for government policymaking so as to drive up more effective public policies by taking into consideration the variance in these social factors. It was found that the respondents’ party affiliation or preference, religious belief, and ethnicity, in addition to their health condition, gender, level of concern of contracting COVID-19, all affected their mask-wearing habits both in March, the initial coronavirus outbreak stage, and in August, when mask-wearing had been made mandatory by state governments. The study concludes that pandemic awareness campaigns must be run among all citizens, especially among African Americans, Muslims, and Republicans, who have the lowest rates of wearing masks, in order to protect themselves and others. It is recommended that complementary cognitive bias awareness programs should be implemented in non-Black and non-Muslim communities to eliminate social concerns that deter them from wearing masks.

Keywords: COVID-19 pandemic, ethnicity, mask-wearing, policymaking implications, political affiliations, religious beliefs, United States

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Authors: Kenneth D. Aiello, M. Simeone, Manfred Laubichler

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It is increasingly difficult to analyze emerging scientific fields as contemporary scientific fields are more dynamic, their boundaries are more porous, and the relational possibilities have increased due to Big Data and new information sources. In biomedicine, where funding, medical categories, and medical jurisdiction are determined by distinct boundaries on biomedical research fields and definitions of concepts, ambiguity persists between the microbiome, metabolome, and metagenome research fields. This ambiguity continues despite efforts by institutions and organizations to establish parameters on the core concepts and research discourses. Further, the explosive growth of microbiome, metabolome, and metagenomic research has led to unknown variation and covariation making application of findings across subfields or coming to a consensus difficult. This study explores the evolution and variation of knowledge within the microbiome, metabolome, and metagenome research fields related to ambiguous scholarly language and commensurable theoretical frameworks via a semantic analysis of key concepts and narratives. A computational historical framework of cultural evolution and large-scale publication data highlight the boundaries and overlaps between the competing scientific discourses surrounding the three research areas. The results of this study highlight how discourse and language distribute power within scholarly and scientific networks, specifically the power to set and define norms, central questions, methods, and knowledge.

Keywords: biomedicine, conceptual change, history of science, philosophy of science, science of science, sociolinguistics, sociology of knowledge

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Authors: B. F. Espiritu

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This paper examines the resistance of the Lumad people, the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, Southern Philippines, and of environmental and human rights activists to the Philippine government's neoliberal policies and their call for justice and a new economic paradigm that will uphold peoples' rights and environmental protection in two alternative media online sites. The study contributes to the body of knowledge on indigenous resistance to neoliberal globalization and the quest for a new economic paradigm that upholds social justice for the marginalized in society, empathy and compassion for those who depend on the land for their survival, and environmental sustainability. The study analyzes the discourses in selected news articles from Davao Today and Kalikasan (translated to English as 'Nature') People's Network for the Environment’s statements and advocacy articles for the Lumad and the environment from 2018 to February 2020. The study reveals that the alternative media news articles and the advocacy articles contain statements that expose the oppression and violation of human rights of the Lumad people, farmers, government environmental workers, and environmental activists as shown in their killings, illegal arrest and detention, displacement of the indigenous peoples, destruction of their schools by the military and paramilitary groups, and environmental plunder and destruction with the government's permit for the entry and operation of extractive and agribusiness industries in the Lumad ancestral lands. Anchored on Christian Fuch's theory of alternative media as critical media and Bert Cammaerts' theorization of alternative media as counterhegemonic media that are part of civil society and form a third voice between state media and commercial media, the study reveals the counterhegemonic discourses of the news and advocacy articles that oppose the dominant economic system of neoliberalism which oppresses the people who depend on the land for their survival. Furthermore, the news and advocacy articles seek to advance social struggles that transform society towards the realization of cooperative potentials or a new economic paradigm that upholds economic democracy, where the local people, including the indigenous people, are economically empowered their environment and protected towards the realization of self-sustaining communities. The study highlights the call for justice, empathy, and compassion for both the people and the environment and the need for a new economic paradigm wherein indigenous peoples and local communities are empowered towards becoming self-sustaining communities in a sustainable environment.

Keywords: alternative media, environmental sustainability, human rights, indigenous resistance

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Authors: Jessica J. Gillies

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Human trafficking is a gross violation of human rights and thus invokes a strong response particularly throughout the global academic community. A longstanding tension throughout academic debate remains the question of a relationship between anti-trafficking policy and sex industry policy. In Australia, over the previous decade, many human trafficking investigations have related to the sexual exploitation of female victims, and convictions in Australia to date have often been for trafficking women from Thailand. Sex industry policy in Australia varies between states, providing a rich contextual landscape in which to explore this relationship. The purpose of this study was to deconstruct how meaning is constructed surrounding human trafficking throughout these supposedly related political discourses in Australia. In order to analyse the discursive construction of the problem of human trafficking in relation to sex industry policy, a discursive analysis was conducted. The methodology of the study was informed by a feminist theoretical framework, and included academic sources and grey literature such as organisational reports and policy statements regarding anti-trafficking initiatives. The scope of grey literature was restricted to Australian and Thai government and non-government organisation texts. The chosen methodology facilitated a qualitative exploration of the influence of feminist discourses over political discourse in this arena. The discursive analysis exposed clusters of active feminist debates interacting with sex industry policy within individual states throughout Australia. Additionally, strongly opposed sex industry perspectives were uncovered within these competing feminist frameworks. While the influence these groups may exert over policy differs, the debate constructs a discursive relationship between human trafficking and sex industry policy. This is problematic because anti-trafficking policy is drawn to some extent from this discursive construction, therefore affecting support services for survivors of human trafficking. The discursive analysis further revealed misalignment between government and non-government priorities, Australian government anti-trafficking policy appears to favour criminal justice priorities; whereas non-government settings preference human rights protections. Criminal justice priorities invoke questions of legitimacy, leading to strict eligibility policy for survivors seeking support following exploitation in the Australian sex industry, undermining women’s agency and human rights. In practice, these two main findings demonstrate a construction of policy that has serious outcomes on typical survivors in Australia following a lived experience of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The discourses constructed by conflicting feminist arguments influence political discourses throughout Australia. The application of a feminist theoretical framework to the discursive analysis of the problem of human trafficking is unique to this study. The study has exposed a longstanding and unresolved feminist debate that has filtered throughout anti-trafficking political discourse. This study illuminates the problematic construction of anti-trafficking policy, and the implications in practice on survivor support services. Australia has received international criticism for the focus on criminal justice rather than human rights throughout anti-trafficking policy discourse. The outcome of this study has the potential to inform future language and constructive conversations contributing to knowledge around how policy effects survivors in the post trafficking experience.

Keywords: Australia, discursive analysis, government, human trafficking, non-government, Thailand

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Authors: Dung Jidong, Rachel Tribe, Poul Rohlerder, Aneta Tunariu

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Cultural understandings of mental health problems are frequently overshadowed by the western conceptualizations. Research on culture and mental health in the Nigerian context seems to be lacking. This study examined the linguistic understandings and cultural beliefs that have implications for mental health among the Berom, Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo people of Nigeria. A purposive sample of 53 participants underwent semi-structured interviews that lasted approximately 55 minutes each. Of the N=53 participants, n=26 were psychology-aligned practitioners and n=27 ‘laypersons’. Participants were recruited from four states in Nigeria, Plateau, Kaduna, Ekiti, and Enugu. All participants were self-identified as members of their ethnic groups who speak and understand their native-languages, cultural beliefs, and also are domiciled within their ethnic communities. Thematic analysis using socio-constructionism from a critical-realist position was employed to explore the participants’ beliefs about mental health, and the clash between western trained practitioners’ views and the cultural beliefs of the ‘laypersons’. Data analysis found three main themes that re-emerged across the four ethnic samples: (i) beliefs about mental health problems as a spiritual curse (ii) traditional and religious healing are used more often than western mental health care (iii) low levels of mental health awareness. In addition, the Nigerian traditional and religious healing are also revealed to be helpful as the practice gives prominence to the native-languages, religious and cultural values. However, participants described the role of ‘false’ traditional or religious healers in communities as being potentially harmful. Finally, due to the current lack of knowledge about mental health problems, awareness creation and re-orientation may be beneficial for both rural and urban Nigerian communities.

Keywords: beliefs cultures, health mental, languages religions, values

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Authors: Ayman Mohammed, Abdul Raffay Ilyas, Syeda Rohma Sadia, Zuha Durrani, Fareeha Kamal, Shaheryar Syed, Arshiya Shareef, Mukarram Zaidi

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On June 16, 2019, Coalition Avenir de Québec (CAQ) passed Bill 21, a controversial bill impacting many Canadians. The Bill prohibits workers in the Quebec provincial sector from wearing any form of religious articles. While the Bill claims to treat all religious symbols equally, those with distinctive items of dress such as hijabs, kippahs, and turbans become targets of the discriminatory nature of the Bill. With the rise in xenophobic behaviour across Canada and the West, Think For Actions conducted a study of Bill 21. The study included responses from Indigenous, Muslims, Sikhs and Jewish people residing in Calgary. The focus was on the recent passing of Bill 21, their opinions on the perceived attitudes of intolerance, and the perceptions of common stereotypes. The data collection and analysis happened over 9 weeks. The method of data collection was semi-structured interviews held in focus groups in different religious institutions and cultural/community centres in Calgary. The focus groups generated unanimously negative responses to the Bill. Participants described the Bill as “hateful” and one which “targets minority religions”. The participants had hopes that the Bill would be defeated and Quebec residents would be protected by their basic rights to practice their religion.

Keywords: Bill 21, Islamophobia, Quebec, minorities, discrimination

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Authors: Kuntalee Vaitayavanich

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This study aimed to look into roles of culture heroes of monks in Buddhism in Songkhla province during the last 50 years. Qualitative study, in-depth interviews, participatory observation and non-participatory observation were employed for this study. The results of the study indicated that culture heroes in Songkhla province would act as the followings. 1) For secular matters, monks would do something beneficial to the community. 2) For religious matters, monks would behave to follow Buddhism discipline strictly and unambitiously. At the same time, monks would not neglect to teach Buddhists to give respect to Lord Buddha by doing meditation and praying. However, when some of those culture heroes passed away, villagers in the community would show gratitude and appreciation by arranging a religious death anniversary ceremony, having icon, or having narrative to recognize those, continuously.

Keywords: narrative of monks, culture heroes, Songkhla province, social sustainability

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Authors: George Hikah Benson

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The promotion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and Intersex (LGBTQIs) rights within the continent of Africa in general and Ghana, in particular, has for some time now, met the fiercest of resistance; premised mainly on socio-cultural-religious factors. This phenomenon contrasts with notions of countries of the Global North where persons within the context of their fundamental freedoms and rights have the right to sexual choices and preferences. A Private Member’s Bill was introduced to the Ghanaian Parliament in 2021, seeking to criminalize the promotion and advocacy of LGBTQIs related activities. This paper in assessing public views on the matter also seeks to ascertain the security implications regarding the passage of the law at the community level. The study also evaluates LGBTQIs rights vis-a-vis the provisions of Chapter 5 of the 1992 Ghana Constitution and global legal jurisprudence on fundamental human rights. To that end, the study adopted a mixed design approach (quantitative and qualitative) to gather data from 1,550 respondents from all ‘walks of life, across all sixteen regions of Ghana. The main findings are that first, over 85% of Ghanaians abhor the practices of LGBTQIs in keeping with the societal, cultural and religious beliefs of Ghanaians, and will go any length to prevent its survival in the country. Further, the time is not ripe for the acceptance of LGBTQ rights in Ghana as the activities will disrupt family values and poison the existing peace that Ghanaians are currently enjoying. However, it is generally believed that when the bill is passed into law, Ghana’s international image will be dented, and 60% of participants and respondents will be unmoved. Against this hostile, intolerant backdrop regarding LGBTQIs rights in the country and in many other African countries, the study foremost recommends that such a law, when passed, should come with a ‘human face’ that will not just seek to be punitive of LGBTQIs persons but corrective. Additionally, the law should be one that offers them support in line with their rights as Ghanaian and African citizens. Moreover, religious and traditional bodies should endeavor to engage LGBTQIs persons in a friendlier, corrective and loving manner rather than in the current hostile environment that society exposes them to.

Keywords: Ghanaian parliament, LGBTQIs rights, perceptions, socio-culture-religious

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Authors: Sidi Ahmed Berrabah

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English as a Medium of Instruction (EMI) is expanding rapidly in the world. A growing volume of research has been dedicated to investigating its introduction, with findings that describe a complex picture and suggest that the practicality and effectiveness of EMI are still the subjects of debate. However, considerably less attention has been given to understanding EMI in a context where its introduction has been discussed but not yet put into practice. One such context is Algeria, where discourses about a potential introduction of EMI have been going on for some time. It is likely that the first courses where EMI is introduced are Business degree programmes. This study aims to examine the current discourses and attitudes towards the potential implementation of EMI and the language practices in Business degree programmes in three Algerian universities. The research is conducted in three different universities in three different regions in Algeria with the aim of including both ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’ Algerian universities. In order to achieve the previous aims, a mixed research paradigm is used. Questionnaires, semi structured interviews, and classroom observations are used to gather data from three participant cohorts: university students of Business, lecturers of Business, and lecturers of English for specific purposes. The findings showed that students and lecturers of Business are found in favour of the introduction of English instead of French or standard Arabic as a medium of instruction. The reason is that English is seen as having internationalisation and instrumental benefits, while French was too closely linked to the colonial history of the country. The favourable attitudes towards EMI, however, seem to contrast with the daily classroom practices at the departments of Business studies, where students and lecturers make practical choices of using their language repertoire based on their linguistic background and skills. Classrooms in the three Algerian universities featured fluid and translanguaging practices that cannot be reduced to a monolingual EMI policy.

Keywords: EMI, Algerian universities, business degree programmes, translanguaging

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Authors: Lola Rosalia Saavedra Guzman, Plamen Neytchev Netchev

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In general, agnosticism is perceived as an uncertainty between a well-structured (religious) belief (in some Christian or pagan deity) and its absolute and total absence, often causing the suspicion that an agnostic is an atheist, which is "reinsured" in case if their personal belief is wrong. All of this, along with the prevailing view among the naturalists that science has already demonstrated the inexistence of God, has compelled us to seek the foundation of agnosticism and faith in the contemporary formal human logic, advanced mathematics, and the natural sciences. Along the way, we will find that no natural science can demonstrate the existence of God, nor could it discard it for rational considerations, which show that there is something beyond. After all, it seems that the human intellect is insufficient to respond surely with yes or no to the existence of higher intelligences leaving unconditional faith as the only path to God for Christians and transcendent techniques, for pagan religious beliefs.

Keywords: agnosticism, formal logic, axioms and postulates, Gödel theorems, and logical faults

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Authors: Mohammed Jemal Ahmed

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Some anti-Islam attributes, such as alcoholism and voyeurism, have become de facto manifestations of the tourism sector. This eventually causes a paradoxical relationship between tourism and Islam. Hence, on the one hand, Islam inherently encourages Muslims to engage in tourism, the interest of Muslims to engage in tourism is steadily increasing. On the other hand, haram activities and products that are not allowed to Muslims as per the Islamic law and doctrine have surrounded tourism. Therefore, halal tourism has emerged as the best mediator to reconcile the conflicts between secular interests and religious values. Recent studies have confirmed that halal tourism is an emerging cultural phenomenon and secular rather than religious. The central aim of halal tourism is to have delighted customers irrespective of their religious and cultural backgrounds while promoting environmental conservation and social coexistence. This study appraises halal tourism development in Ethiopia from commercial, socio-cultural and diplomatic perspectives. Employing qualitative methodologies, the study, firstly, tried to clarify the existing terminological ambiguities between halal tourism and Islamic tourism and redefine both concepts. Then, it assessed perceptions of local communities and stakeholders towards halal tourism and identified halal tourism resources of Ethiopia. Accordingly, five clusters of halal visitor attractions and five potential halal tourism routes were identified and proposed. Furthermore, the comparative advantages of Ethiopia in terms of halal tourism development and potential barriers to halal tourism development in the country were rigorously appraised. The findings of this study reveal that halal tourism could inject hard currency into the national economy and create job opportunities for the locals. It could also support the mainstream tourism industry through product diversification and curving seasonality. Moreover, socially, halal tourism reinforces interreligious cohesion, relationship and coextensive in multi-religious, multicultural and multiethnic Ethiopia. Politically, it strengthens Ethiopia's foreign diplomatic relationship with the Islamic world and its near and distant neighbor Muslim Countries.

Keywords: halal-conscious travelers, halal tourism, Islamic tourism, tourism resources

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Authors: Carla O'Connor, Shanta' Robinson, Alaina Neal, Elan Hope, Adam Hengen, Samantha Drotar

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In this paper, we provide a preliminary analysis of the stories teachers tell about their Black students in their efforts to make sense of and professionally resolve the underperformance of Black students in their district. The teachers themselves hail from three demographically distinct districts that participate in the state coordinated inter-district school choice system. The districts are Varuna Hills (a pseudonym, as are all other names in this manuscript), a district that serves a predominantly White and affluent community; Newport, a district that serves a socioeconomically diverse but still majority White population; and Aspen, a district in which the student body is predominantly Black and predominantly working to lower middle class. Relying upon teacher focus group interviews in each of these districts which share a common reform context, we show how teachers’ everyday and narrative discourse makes meaning of the bodies and achievement of Black students and their families. More specifically, we show that these discourses construct Black students as interlopers, as suffering from extraordinary neediness, and in dire need of proper parenting. Our analysis reveals that there are nuances by which the teachers articulate these discourses with the nuances being a function of how the schools of choice reform context intersects with the demographics of each school and beliefs about the demographics of the schools of choice population. We unpack the racialized and classed nature of these narratives and the implications for teachers’ personal practical knowledge.

Keywords: black achievement, educational access and opportunity, race and schooling, teacher knowledge and education

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: James Ormrod

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This paper is concerned with volunteer livestock checking. Based on a pilot study consisting of ‘go-along’ interviews with livestock checkers, it argues that there are limitations to the insights that can be generated from approaches to ‘discourse analysis’ that would focus only on the verbalizable aspects of the practice. Volunteer livestock checking takes place across Europe as part of conservation projects aimed at maintaining particular habitats through the reintroduction of grazing animals. Volunteers are variously called ‘urban shepherds’, because these practices often take place on urban fringes, or ‘lookerers’, as their role is to make visual checks on the animals. Pilot research that took place on the South Downs (a chalk downland habitat on the South Coast of the UK) involved researchers accompanying volunteers as they checked on livestock. They were asked to give an account of what they were doing and then answer semi-structured interview questions. Participants drew on popular discourses on conservation and biodiversity, as framed by the local council who run the programme. They also framed their relationships to the animals in respect to the more formal limitations of their role as identified through the conservation programme. And yet these discourses, significant as they are, do not adequately explain why volunteers are drawn to, and emotionally invested in, lookering. The methodology employed allowed participants instead to gesture to features of the landscape and to recall memories, and for the researchers to see how volunteers interacted with the animals and the landscape in embodied and emotionally loaded ways. The paper argues that a psychosocial perspective that pays attention to the contradictions and tensions made visible through this methodology helps develop a fuller understanding of volunteer livestock checking as a social practice.

Keywords: conservation, human-animal relations, lookering, volunteering

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Authors: Tünde Puskás, Anita Andersson

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This study is part of a research project about whether religion is considered as part of Swedish cultural heritage in Swedish preschools. Our aim in this paper is to explore how a Swedish preschool balance between keeping the education non-confessional and at the same time teaching children about a particular tradition, Easter.The paper explores how in a Swedish preschool with a religious profile teachers balance between keeping education non-confessional and teaching about a tradition with religious roots. The point of departure for the theoretical frame of our study is that practical considerations in pedagogical situations are inherently dilemmatic. The dilemmas that are of interest for our study evolve around formalized, intellectual ideologies, such us multiculturalism and secularism that have an impact on everyday practice. Educational dilemmas may also arise in the intersections of the formalized ideology of non-confessionalism, prescribed in policy documents and the common sense understandings of what is included in what is understood as Swedish cultural heritage. In this paper, religion is treated as a human worldview that, similarly to secular ideologies, can be understood as a system of thought. We make use of Ninian Smart's theoretical framework according to which in modern Western world religious and secular ideologies, as human worldviews, can be studied from the same analytical framework. In order to be able to study the distinctive character of human worldviews Smart introduced a multi-dimensional model within which the different dimensions interact with each other in various ways and to different degrees. The data for this paper is drawn from fieldwork carried out in 2015-2016 in the form of video ethnography. The empirical material chosen consists of a video recording of a specific activity during which the preschool group took part in an Easter play performed in the local church. The analysis shows that the policy of non-confessionalism together with the idea that teaching covering religious issues must be purely informational leads in everyday practice to dilemmas about what is considered religious. At the same time what the adults actually do with religion fulfills six of seven dimensions common to religious traditions as outlined by Smart. What we can also conclude from the analysis is that whether it is religion or a cultural tradition that is thought through the performance the children watched in the church depends on how the concept of religion is defined. The analysis shows that the characters of the performance themselves understood religion as the doctrine of Jesus' resurrection from the dead. This narrow understanding of religion enabled them indirectly to teach about the traditions and narratives surrounding Easter while avoiding teaching religion as a belief system.

Keywords: non-confessional education, preschool, religion, tradition

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Authors: Emmanuel Anim

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Ghana has been touted as an oasis of peace in Africa following her relatively peaceful democratic elections, proliferated number of the media, and freedom of speech. Besides, the former Gold Coast country is yet to experience any major incidence of terrorism. Nevertheless, the somewhat occasional simmering violence and conflicts arising from political, religious and chieftaincy skirmishes, largely at its northern part portrays that it is not immune to the political violence of terrorism. The predominantly-based qualitative research reveals that current conditions of socio-politico-economic, and religious issues in Ghana places the West African country on the possible sidelines of the phenomenon of terrorism, when its status quo is juxtaposed with the factors enumerated to have culminated in the rise of Boko Haram, and its accompanying insurgency in Nigeria. Arguing from the perspective of the theory of Social Movement, the analyses and discussions note that the current state of affairs in Ghana could foster domestic terrorism in the country. What is more, the research shows that Ghana faces threats from transnational terrorism given the tendency for elements in Ghana to sympathize and subscribe to the ideological dictates and appeals from Boko Haram and other terrorist organizations. As a consequence, the study recommends that adverse conditions of poverty, poor governance, unemployment, and rising levels of (Islamic) religious radicalization should be remedied by economic improvements, good governance, job creation, and de-radicalization programs by government officials to aid mitigate the incidence of terrorism in the country.

Keywords: Boko Haram, Ghana, Nigeria, terrorism

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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Authors: Diptimayee Nayak

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Ecotourism has been recognised as a popular component of alternative tourism, which claims to guard host local environment and economy. This concept of ecological tourism (eco-tourism) has become more meaningful in evaluating the recreational function and services of any pristine ecosystem in context of ‘The Economics of Ecosystem and Biodiversity (TEEB)’. This ecotourism is said to be a local solution to the global problem of conserving ecosystems and optimising the utilisations of their services. This paper takes a case of recreational services of an Indian protected area ecosystems ‘Bhitarakanika mangrove protected area’ discussing how ecotourism is functioning taking the perspectives of different stakeholders. Specific stakeholders are taken for analysis, viz., tourists and local people, as they are believed to be the major beneficiaries of ecotourism. The stakeholders’ analysis is evaluated on the basis of travel cost techniques (by using truncated Poisson distribution model) for tourists and descriptive and analytical tools for local people. The evaluation of stakeholders’ analysis of ecotourism has gained its impetus after the formulation of Ecotourism guidelines by the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), Government of India. The paper concludes that ecotourism issues and challenges are site-specific and region-specific; without critically focussing challenges of ecotourism faced at local level the discourses of ecotourism at global level cannot be tackled. Mere integration and replication of policies at global level to be followed at local level will not be successful (top down policies). Rather mainstreaming the decision making process at local level with the global policy stature helps to solve global issues to a bigger extent (bottom up).

Keywords: ecosystem services, ecotourism, TEEB, economic valuation, stakeholders, travel cost techniques

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