Search results for: political cases piracy

Authors: Melliti Rihab, Zaeid Sonia, Khechine Wiem, Daldoul Amira

Abstract:

Introduction: Lung cancer is the leading cause of cancer death. Its incidence is increasing, and its prognosis remains pejorative. We present the clinical, pathological, and therapeutic characteristics of bronchopulmonary cancer (BPC) in Tunisia. Methods: Retrospective study including patients followed in the oncology department of the University Hospital of Monastir between April 2014 and December 2021 suffering from lung cancer. Results: These are 117 patients, including 86.3% men and 13.7% women (sex ratio 6.3). The average age was 64 years ± 9 (37-83), with 95.7% being over 50 years old. Patients were smokers in 82% of cases. The clinical signs were dominated by chest pain (27.5%) and dyspnea in 21.1% of cases. In 6 patients, an episode of COVID-19 infection revealed the diagnosis. Half of the patients had a PS between 0 and 1. Small cell lung cancer was present in 18 patients (15.4%). The majority of non small cell lung cancer was of the adenocarcinoma type (68.7%). The diagnosis was late (stage IV) in 62.4% of cases. BPC was metastatic to bone (52%), contralateral lung (25.9%), and brain (27.3%). Patients were oligometastatic in 26% of cases. Surgery and radiotherapy were performed respectively in 14.5% and 23.1% of cases. Three-quarters of the patients had had nutrition (75.2%). The ROS1 mutation was present in 1 patient. PDL-1 expression was >40% in 2 patients. Survival was mean eight months ± 7.4. Conclusion: Lung cancer is diagnosed at a late stage in Tunisia. The lack of molecular study for non-small cell PBC and the lack of marketing authorization for tyrosine kinase inhibitors in Tunisia make the management incomplete.

Keywords: SCLC, NCSLC, ROS1, PDL1

Procedia PDF Downloads 51

Authors: B. Baba Ahmed, P. Yanogo, B. Djibryl. N. Medas

Abstract:

Introduction: Polio is a highly contagious viral infection, with children under 5 years of age being the most affected. It is a public health emergency of international concern. Polio surveillance in Mauritania has been ongoing since 1998 and has achieved "polio free" status in 2007. our objective is to analyse a pidemiological surveillance database of poliomyélitis in Mauritania from 2012-2019. Method: A transversal descriptive analysis of poliomyélitis database was carried out in Mauritania from 2012-2019.An exhaustive sampling was done on all suspected polio cases recorded in the database from 2012 -2019. This study used EPI-INFO 7.4 for frequency calculation for qualitative variables, mean and standard deviation for quantitative variables. Results: We found 459 suspected cases of polio over the study period with an average rate of acute non-polio flaccid paralysis of 25.4 cases/100,000 children under 15 years of age. The age group 0-6 years represented 75.2%. Males constituted 50.2%. Females represented 49.78% with a ratio of M/F=1.Among the 422 observations, the average age is 4 years +/- 3.38. The four regions, TIRIS-ZEMMOUR, INCHIRI, TAGANT, NOUACHCHOTT OUEST recorded the lowest percentages of notifications, respectively (3.28%; 3.93%; 4.37%; 4.8%). 99.34% [98.09-99.78] of cases presented acute flaccid paralysis. And 56.77% [52.19-61.23], had limb asymmetry. We showed that 82.93% [79.21-86.10], had fever. we found that 89.5% of suspected polio cases were investigated before 48 hours. And 88.39% of suspected cases had two adequate samples taken 48 hours apart and within 14 days after the onset of symptoms. Only 30.95% of samples arrived at the referral laboratory before 72 hours. Conclusion: This study has shown that Mauritania has achieved the objectives in most of the quantitative performance indicators of polio surveillance. This study has shown a low notification of cases in the northern and central regions of the country. There is a problem with the transport of samples to the laboratory.

Keywords: analysis, data base, Epi-Info, polio

Procedia PDF Downloads 149

Authors: Jose Carlos Montemayor, Kendrick Thomas Angelo Santos

Abstract:

Filipinos have been divided on President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership ever since his election in 2016. This study aimed to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of the opinions of Filipinos from different age and income brackets on these issues in order to address the lack of studies analysing the current Philippine political landscape. An interview tackling relevant national issues were conducted with twelve respondents from the intersections of four age groups and three income brackets. The government’s handling of some issues received mixed opinions, some had neutral viewpoints, while others had more unfavorable ones. The responses differed on three levels: (1) the general stance on an issue; (2) the strength of a stance; and (3) the factoring in of an issue in forming an overall perception on the administration’s performance. Contrary to previous studies on political thought, opinions varied greatly such that no unique set of viewpoints could be attributed to any of the defined age or income groups. These results will be most useful to political science researchers, political analysts, and candidates shaping their platforms for the upcoming elections. Future studies are recommended to tackle more national issues and to consider other factors that may affect political opinions and behavior.

Keywords: age groups, opinion formation, socioeconomic brackets, Philippine politics, Rodrigo Duterte

Procedia PDF Downloads 101

Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

Abstract:

This communication presents the preliminary emerging themes in a research on political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology; in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as young women. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. With respect to the first methodological steps, these have been: 1) collect and select stories of lived experience in political participation, 2) select descriptions of lived experience (DLEs) in political participation of the chosen stories, 3) to prepare phenomenological interviews from the selected DLEs, 4) to conduct phenomenological thematic analysis (PTA) of the DLEs. We have so far initiated the PTA on 5 vignettes. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. Phenomenology is a descriptive philosophy of pure experience and essences, through which we seek to capture an experience at its origins without categorizing, interpreting or theorizing it. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, may be defined as a philosophical current that can be applied to data analysis. Max Van Manen wrote that hermeneutic phenomenology is a method of abstemious reflection on the basic structures of the lived experience of human existence. In hermeneutic phenomenology we focus, then, on the way we experience “things” in the first person, seeking to capture the world exactly as we experience it, not as we categorize or conceptualize it. In this study, the empirical methods used were: Lived experience description (written) and conversational interview. For these short stories, participants were asked: “What was your lived experience of participation in politics as a young woman? Can you tell me any stories or anecdotes that you think exemplify or typify your experience?”. The questions were accompanied by a list of guidelines for writing descriptive vignettes. And the analytical method was PTA. Among the provisional results, we found preliminary emerging themes, which could in the advance of the investigation result in meaning structures of political participation of young women. They are the following: - Complicity may be inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Feelings may be essential/inherent in political participation as a young woman; - Hope may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Frustration may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Satisfaction may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - There may be tension between individual/collective inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Political participation as a young woman may include moments of public demonstration.

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

Procedia PDF Downloads 53

Authors: Ghada Esheba, Ghadeer Aldoobi, Salwa Almalk, Abrar Alshareef, Eman Al-khairi, Eman Yaseen

Abstract:

Background: In Saudi Arabia, ovarian cancer ranked seventh among female population and is the most common female genital tract malignancy after endometrial cancer. A slight increase in the incidence of ovarian cancer was observed from 2001–2008. Makkah, Riyadh, and the eastern region of Saudi Arabia had the highest incidence rate ratio for the number of ovarian cancer cases (1). Differentiating metastatic adenocarcinomas from primary ovarian carcinomas, especially those of endometrioid and mucinous type is clinically significant and a challenge for clinicians and pathologists, yet the distinction has important therapeutic and prognostic implications. Aim: To clarify the most important histopathological criteria to differentiate between primary ovarian surface epithelial tumors especially mucinous and endometrioid subtypes, and metastatic adenocarcinoma and to evaluate the value of a panel of antibodies consisting of CK7, CK20, and CDX-2 in the distinction between primary ovarian surface epithelial tumors and metastatic adenocarcinoma. Material and methods: This study was carried out on 26 cases of primary ovarian surface epithelial neoplasms and 14 cases of metastatic ovarian adenocarcinoma. All cases were studied immunohistochemically using CK7, CK20, and CDX-2. Results: All cases of primary ovarian adenocarcinoma were positive for CK7. 25% and 58% of mucinous borderline mucinous tumor and mucinous carcinoma respectively were positive for CK20. Only 42% of mucinous carcinoma were positive for CDX-2. All cases of endometrioid carcinomas were negative for both CK20 and CDX-2. All cases of metastatic adenocarcinoma from the colon were negative for CK7 and positive for CK20 and CDX-2. Conclusions: CK7 is an important positive marker for primary ovarian tumors, while CK20 and CDX-2 are useful markers for colorectal carcinoma metastatic to the ovary. Caution should be taken as primary ovarian mucinous tumors may stain positive for CK20, CDX-2, or both, however, they usually exhibit a focal pattern of reactivity.

Keywords: adenoma, endometrioid, malignancy, ovarian

Procedia PDF Downloads 202

Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

Abstract:

Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

Procedia PDF Downloads 118

Authors: Ying-Jung Hsieh, Angela S. Huang, Chu-Ming Chiu, Yu-Min Chou, Chin-Hui Yang

Abstract:

Background and Objectives: Hepatitis A is primarily acquired by the fecal-oral route through person-to-person contact or ingestion of contaminated food or water. During 2010 to 2014, an average of 83 cases of locally-acquired disease was reported to Taiwan’s notifiable disease system. Taiwan Centers for Disease Control (TCDC) identified an outbreak of acute hepatitis A which began in June 2015. Of the 126 cases reported in 2015, 103 (82%) cases were reported during June–December and 95 cases (92%) of them were male. The average age of all male cases was 31 years (median, 29 years; range, 15–76 years). Among the 95 male cases, 49 (52%) were also infected with HIV, and all reported to have had sex with other men. To control this outbreak, TCDC launched a free hepatitis A vaccination program in January 2016 for close contacts of confirmed hepatitis A cases, including family members, sexual partners, and household contacts. Effect of the vaccination program was evaluated. Methods: All cases of hepatitis A reported to the National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System were included. A case of hepatitis A was defined as a locally-acquired disease in a person who had acute clinical symptoms include fever, malaise, loss of appetite, nausea or abdominal discomfort compatible with hepatitis, and tested positive for anti-HAV IgM during June 2015 to June 2016 in Taiwan. The rate of case accumulation was calculated using a simple regression model. Results: During January–June 2016, there were 466 cases of hepatitis A reported; of the 243 (52%) who were also infected with HIV, 232 (95%) had a history of having sex with men. Of the 346 cases that were followed up, 259 (75%) provided information on contacts but only 14 (5%) of them provided the name of their sexual partners. Among the 602 contacts reported, 349 (58%) were family members, 14 (2%) were sexual partners, and 239 (40%) were other household contacts. Among the 602 contacts eligible for free hepatitis A vaccination, 440 (73%) received the vaccine. There were 87 (25%) cases that refused to disclose their close contacts. The average case accumulation rate during January–June 2016 was 21.7 cases per month, which was 6.8 times compared to the average case accumulation rate during June–December 2015 of 3.2 cases per month. Conclusions: Despite vaccination program aimed to provide free hepatitis A vaccine to close contacts of hepatitis A patients, the outbreak continued and even gained momentum in transmission. Refusal by hepatitis A patients to provide names of their close contacts and rejection of contacts to take the hepatitis A vaccine may have contributed to the poor effect of the program. Targeted vaccination efforts of all MSM may be needed to control the outbreak among this population in the short term. In the long term, universal vaccination program is needed to prevent the infection of hepatitis A.

Keywords: hepatitis A, HIV, men who have sex with men, vaccination

Procedia PDF Downloads 231

Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

Abstract:

The process of speech production and transmission naturally implies the occurrence of certain defective assumptions and erroneous formulations which may be both spontaneous, caused by haste, carelessness, etc., or deliberate. Whether deliberate or not, fallacies always act by way of “faux pas”. In the latter case, we deal with fake or deceptive arguments which are the focus of the given paper. The paper departs from the assumption that fallacies are arguments that prove nothing. Additionally and more importantly, political discourse becomes the main domain for scholarly “cultivation” while pinning down fallacies. The fallacy of telling the truth but deliberately omitting important key details in order to falsify the larger picture called “the half truth” captures special attention in the given paper.

Keywords: break in the information chain, fallacy, half truth, political discourse

Procedia PDF Downloads 354

Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

Abstract:

This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

Procedia PDF Downloads 458

Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

Abstract:

Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

Procedia PDF Downloads 318

Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

Abstract:

Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

Procedia PDF Downloads 212

Authors: Zainab A. Alaghbri, Labiba A., Esam A.

Abstract:

Tuberculosis (TB) is the fourth leading cause of death in Yemen and is considered a major priority by the Ministry of Public Health. The war in Yemen has led to the emergence of one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. These circumstances may lead to exacerbate the situation of tuberculosis. This study aims to describe the trend and incidence of TB in north and east governorates, Yemen 2019-2021 and provide recommendations for interventions. A descriptive analysis was conducted during July to September 2022. Data of TB cases were obtained from the national tuberculosis program as soft copy. The Data included the TB case collected and diagnosed during 2019-2021. The data contains the following variables: Sex, age, governorates, smear-positive cases, extra-pulmonary cases, and treatment outcomes. 16791 TB cases were notified for an overall case notification rate 65.5/100000 for all forms (smear positive and Extra-pulmonary), There was a slightly declined in 2020 and 2021 by 1%. Both the pulmonary smear positive and Extra pulmonary rates were slightly decreased from 8.8 to 7.7 and 13.5 to 12.8 / 100, 000 populations respectively. For Tuberculosis cases by type of patient, the incidence of extra-pulmonary was the highest (12,9, 11.3 and 12,2/100000) over the three years. However, the incidence of pulmonary failure was the lowest. The majority of cases were in the age group 25-34. The overall treatment success rate for smear-positive patients was 88%. Of the 627 patients with documented unsuccessful outcomes (e.g., failure, death, and default), 165 (23%) died, 52 (8.3%) failed treatment, and 410 (65%) defaulted. Overall, the magnitude of tuberculosis decreased over the periods reviewed. The proportion of Extra-pulmonary TB was the highest. The success rate achieved after treatment was below the levels established by the WHO End Tuberculosis Strategy (90%). Failure to complete treatment may be responsible for the low success rate. Monitoring and addressing the risk factors that were associated with treatment outcomes and duration may help improve the likelihood of achieving favorable outcomes among cases of smear-positive pulmonary TB.

Keywords: tuberculosis, trend, incidence, yemen

Procedia PDF Downloads 62

Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

Abstract:

The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

Procedia PDF Downloads 103

Authors: Shpresa Agani, Nysret Agani

Abstract:

Studies have found that women, during the 1st stage of labour, respectively cervical effacement, experience anxiety. This study aims to measure the degree of anxiety during cervical effacement, using Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25 (HSCL-25) for measuring anxiety symptoms (HSCL-25). A randomized prospective study with 300 women during the 1st stage of labour was conducted where cervical effacement percentage in parallel with the symptoms of anxiety was examined. Anxiety degree levels were examined by HSCL-25. Results showed that 81% were primiparous, while 19% were multiparous. All participants experienced anxiety symptoms, and the degree of anxiety depended on the stage of the birth process. Groups-based modeling according to HSCL- 2 identified three distinct groups of anxiety symptoms: group 1 (low degree, 32 cases or 11%), group 2 (mild degree, 186 cases or 62%), and group 3 (high degree, 82 cases or 27%). Depending on the percentage of cervical effacement, the anxiety degree increased. In a cervical effacement of 0-60-%, 125 cases or 41.6% had symptoms of anxiety, while in a cervical effacement of 60-100%, 174 cases or 58.4% had symptoms of anxiety (Chi-Square X2 (4,N=300)=10.755, p=0.02). This study showed a correlation between cervical effacement and the degree of anxiety. Further, it was found that the majority of participants experienced symptoms of anxiety during the cervical effacement process. The degree of anxiety increased in direct proportion to the degree of the cervical effacement process. The higher the percentage of cervical effacement, the higher the degree of anxiety. A continuing assessment of the psychological well-being of women throughout the birth process.

Keywords: anxiety, cervical effacement, pregnancy, HSCL-25

Procedia PDF Downloads 178

Authors: Eran Gusacov

Abstract:

This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

Procedia PDF Downloads 39

Authors: Sumeyra Yakar

Abstract:

The idea of this research had its genesis from the writer's interest in Shi'i school and religio-political atmosphere in contemporary Iran. The research aims to identify how the past dynamics between political and legal figures and their relationship between each other affect contemporary relationship between political and religious authorities at the local and global level. It attempts to explore religio-politic Shi'i figures and their relationship with the official jurisprudence from the 15th century to the contemporary period. The mutual interaction between the opinion and acts of political figures and jurisprudential institutions enlightens the role of religious values to control the mass population. After the collapse of the Safawīd Dynasty, Shi'i believers lost their political guardian and legal independence, and the situation gave them the inspiration to create unique ideologies or political approaches to solve the governance crisis. The analysis of authoritative political figures and their scholastic contributions elucidate the connection between political powers and religious doctrines under the protection of sectarian oriented theocratic governments. Additionally, understanding the incremental influence of political (historical) Shi'i figures into religious doctrines shed lights on the chronological development of peculiar government style and authoritative hierarchy in contemporary Shi’i communities. The research as being interdisciplinary one offers to create an academic awareness between legal and political factors in Shi’i school of thought and encompasses political, religious, social, financial and cultural atmospheres of the countries in which the political figures lived. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society. Contemporary relationship between the political figures and religious authorities in Iran will be explained by religio-legal dimensions. The methodology that will be applied by the study has been chosen in order to acquire information and deduce conclusions from the opinions of the scholars. Thus, the research method is mainly descriptive and qualitative. Three lines of description are pursued throughout the study; the explanation of political ideas belonging to the religio-political figures theoretically depending on written texts; the description of approaches adopted by contemporary Iranian and Saudi scholars relating to the legal systems (theoretically); and the explanation of the responses of governmental authorities.

Keywords: clergy (‘ulamā), guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), Iran, Shi’i figures

Procedia PDF Downloads 101

Authors: Hussain Hameed Mayuuf

Abstract:

The study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual metonymies is used in political discourse about COVID-19. Thus, this study tries to analyze and investigate how the conceptual metonymies in Johnson's speech about coronavirus are constructed. This study aims at: Identifying how are metonymies relevant to understand the messages in Boris Johnson speeches and to find out how can conceptual blending theory help people to understand the messages in the political speech about COVID-19. Lastly, it tries to Point out the kinds of integration networks are common in political speech. The study is based on the hypotheses that conceptual blending theory is a powerful tool for investigating the intended messages in Johnson's speech and there are different processes of blending networks and conceptual mapping that enable the listeners to identify the messages in political speech. This study presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of four speeches about COVID-19; they are said by Boris Johnson. The selected data have been tackled from the cognitive-semantic perspective by adopting Conceptual Blending Theory as a model for the analysis. It concludes that CBT is applicable to the analysis of metonymies in political discourse. Its mechanisms enable listeners to analyze and understand these speeches. Also the listener can identify and understand the hidden messages in Biden and Johnson's discourse about COVID-19 by using different conceptual networks. Finally, it is concluded that the double scope networks are the most common types of blending of metonymies in the political speech.

Keywords: cognitive, semantics, conceptual, metonymical, Covid-19

Procedia PDF Downloads 83

Authors: Narender Banwala

Abstract:

The study critically evaluates that the politics of foreign aid and its effect on Afghanistan. The study argues that dynamics of foreign aid to Afghanistan are not driven solely by the Afghan political, social, and economic realities but much more by the ephemeral political goals of international donor countries. The objective of this paper is to find out the political reality of foreign aid given to Afghanistan in a post 9/11 era. The study analyses the gap between the donor countries' interests and the Afghan government's priorities in aid coordination and management. The aid given to Afghanistan has been accompanied by the political interests of the major powers and therefore violated the core principles of humanitarianism, i.e., humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. This research attempts to explain the areas which are of high priority, extremely vulnerable, and have been a neglected part since 2001. The study focuses on how as a result of politicization, foreign aid could not yield the expected results even after prolong presence of international donors in Afghanistan. Methodologically, the study includes both qualitative and quantitative data, which are collected by interviews with government officials and other government documents.

Keywords: Afganistan, aid, politics, security

Procedia PDF Downloads 97

Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

Abstract:

Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

Procedia PDF Downloads 223

Authors: John Hardy

Abstract:

The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

Procedia PDF Downloads 150

Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

Abstract:

Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

Procedia PDF Downloads 121

Authors: Tony See

Abstract:

Although much has been devoted to Deleuze’s ethics of difference, relatively little has been focused on how his political perspective is informed by his appropriation of religious ideas and theological concepts. The bulk of the scholarly works have examined his political views with the assumption that they have little or nothing to do with his ideas of religions at all. This is in spite of the fact that Deleuze has drawn heavily from religious and theological thinkers such as Duns Scotus, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This dimension can also be traced in Deleuze’s later works, when he collaborated with Felix Guattari in creating an anti-Oedipal philosophy of difference after May 68. This paper seeks to reverse the tendency in contemporary scholarship ignore Deleuze’s ‘religious’ framework in his understanding of the ethical and the political. Towards this aim, we will refer to key texts in Deleuze’s corpus such as Expressionism in Philosophy, A Thousand Plateaus and others.

Keywords: difference, haeccities, identity, religion, theology

Procedia PDF Downloads 329

Authors: Noha E. Hassan

Abstract:

Little is known regarding the influence of lymphatic microvessel density (LMVD) on prognosis in endometrial cancer. Prospective study was done in tertiary education and research hospital (Shatby Alexandria university hospital) on sixty patients presented with endometrial carcinoma underwent complete surgical staging. Our aim was to assess the intratumoral and peritumoral Lymphatic microvessel density (LMVD) of endometrial carcinomas identified by immunohistochemical staining using an antibody against podoplanin and to investigate their association with classical clinicopathological factors and prognosis. The result shows that high LMVD was associated with endometroid type of tumors, lesser myometrial, adnexal, cervical and peritoneal infiltration, lower tumor grade and stage and lesser recurrent cases. There is lower lymph node involvement among cases with high intratumoral LMVD and cases of high peritumoral LMVD; that reach statistical significance only among cases of high intratumoral LMVD. No association was seen between LMVD and lymphovascular space invasion. On the other hand, low LMVD was associated with poor outcome. Finally, we can conclude that increased LMVD is associated with favorable prognosis in endometrial cancer patients.

Keywords: endometrial carcinoma, lymphatic microvessel, microvessel density, prognosis

Procedia PDF Downloads 109

Authors: Pratyusha Das

Abstract:

A paradigm shift has been noticed in the interpretation of DNA evidence for determining paternity. Sometimes DNA evidence has been accepted while sometimes it was rejected by the Indian Courts. Courts have forwarded various justifications for acceptance and rejection of such evidence through legal and scientific means. Laws have also been changed to accommodate the necessities of society. Balances between both the legal and scientific approaches are required, to make the best possible use of DNA evidence for the well-being of the society. Specifications are to be framed as to when such evidence can be used in the future by pointing out the pros and cons. Judicial trend is to be formulated to find out the present situation. The study of cases of superior courts of India using an analytical and theoretical approach is driving the questions regarding the shared identity of the legal and scientific approaches. To assimilate the differences between the two approaches, the basic differences between them have to be formulated. Revelations are required to access the favorable decisions using the DNA evidence. Reasons are to be forwarded for the unfavorable decisions and the approach preferred in such cases. The outcome of the two methods has to be assessed in relation to the parties to the dispute, the society at large, the researcher and from the judicial point of view. The dependability of the two methods is to be studied in relation to the justice delivery system. A highlight of the chronological study of cases along with the changes in the laws with the aid of presumptions will address the questions of necessity of a method according to the facts and situations. Address is required in this respect whether the legal and scientific forces converge somewhere pushing the traditional identification of paternity towards a fundamental change.

Keywords: cases, evidence, legal, scientific

Procedia PDF Downloads 223

Authors: Masashi Kanazawa, Takaaki Nakano, Masaaki Takemoto, Tomonori Imamura, Mamiko Sugimura, Toshitaka Ito

Abstract:

Introduction: We experienced a massive disaster due to inhalation of water-soluble paint. Sixteen patients were brought to our emergency room, and pulmonary edema was revealed on the CT images of 12 cases. Purpose: Transition of chest CT-scan findings in cases with pulmonary edema was examined. Method: CT-scans were performed on the 1st, 2nd, 5th, and 19th days after the inhalation event. Patients whose pulmonary edema showed amelioration or exacerbation were classified into the improvement or the exacerbation group, respectively. Those with lung edema findings appearing at different sites after the second day were classified into the changing group. Results: Eight, one and three patients were in the improvement, exacerbation and changing groups, respectively. In all cases, the pulmonary edema had disappeared from CT images on the 19th day after the inhalation event. Conclusion: Inhalation of water-soluble paints is considered to be relatively safe. However, our observations in these emergency cases suggest that, even if pulmonary edema is not severe immediately after the exposure, new lesions may appear later and existing lesions may worsen. Follow-up imaging is thus necessary for about two weeks.

Keywords: CT scan, intoxication, pulmonary edema, water-soluble paint

Procedia PDF Downloads 150

Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

Abstract:

In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

Procedia PDF Downloads 241

Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

Abstract:

This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

Procedia PDF Downloads 20

Authors: Abdul Nasir Zamir

Abstract:

After the downfall of Ottoman Caliphate, it scattered into different small Muslim states. Muslim leaders, intellectuals, revivalists as well as modernists started trying to boost up their nation. Some Muslims are also trying to establish the caliphate. Every Muslim country has its own political system, i.e., kingship, dictatorship or democracy, etc. But these are not in their original forms as the historian or political science discussed in their studies. The laws and their practice are mixed, i.e., others with Islamic laws, e.g., Saudi Arabia (K.S.A) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, etc. There is great conflict among the revivalist Muslim parties (groups) and governments about political systems. The question is that the subject matter is Sharia or political system? Leaders of Modern Muslim states are alleged as disbelievers due to neglecting the revelation in their laws and decisions. There are two types of laws; Islamic laws and management laws. The conflict is that the non-Islamic laws are in practice in Muslim states. Non-Islamic laws can be gradually changed with Islamic laws with a legal and peaceful process according to the practice of former Muslim leaders and scholars. The bloodshed of Muslims is not allowed in any case. Weak Muslim state is a blessing than nothing. The political system after Muhammad and guided caliphs is considered as kingship. But during this period Muslims not only developed in science and technology but conquered many territories also. If the original aim is in practice, then the Modern Muslim states can be stabled with different political systems. Modern Muslim states are the hope of survival, stability, and development of Muslim Ummah. Islam does not allow arm clash with Muslim army or Muslim civilians. The caliphate is based on believing in one Allah Almighty and good deeds according to Quran and Sunnah. As faith became weak and good deeds became less from its standard level, caliphate automatically became weak and even ended. The last weak caliphate was Ottoman Caliphate which was a hope of all the Muslims of the world. There is no caliphate or caliph present in the world. But every Muslim country or state is like an Amarat (a part of caliphate or small and alternate form of the caliphate) of Muslims. It is the duty of all Muslims to stable these modern Muslim states with tolerance.

Keywords: caliphate, conflict resolution, modern Muslim state, political conflicts, political systems, tolerance

Procedia PDF Downloads 125

Authors: Simon Tsipis

Abstract:

In this study, we propose to analyze Russian foreign policy conduct by applying the theory of Political Realism and the qualitative comparative method of analysis. We find that the paradigm of Political Realism supplies us with significant insights into the sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy conduct since the power factor was and remains an integral element in Russian foreign policies, especially when we apply comparative analysis and compare it with the behavior of its Soviet predecessor. Through the lens of the Realist theory, a handful of Russian foreign policy-making becomes clearer and much more comprehensible.

Keywords: realism, Russia, cold war, Soviet Union, European security

Procedia PDF Downloads 87

Authors: Luisa Peirano

Abstract:

What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

Procedia PDF Downloads 176