Search results for: party nationalization

Authors: Shan Jiang

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China is a country with a distinct cultural system. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the central factor for everything, which naturally includes culture. There are quite a lot of cultural policies in China. The same goes for TV dramas. This paper traces the evolution of Chinese TV drama policy since 1986, examines the realistic situation behind the changes, and explores the structure and role of the government in shaping the process. Using historical documents and media reports, it first analyzes four key time nodes: 1986, 2003, 2012, and 2022. It shows how the policy shifts from restricting private production to opening up to public participation, from imposing one censorship to another, and from promoting some content to restricting some other area. It finds that the policy process is not simply rectilinear but rather wandering between deregulation and strengthening control. Secondly, it divides the policies into "basic" policies that establish the overall layout and more refined "strategic" policies that respond to more refined needs. It argues that the "basic" policy process is caused by China's political, economic, and cultural system reform, and then the "strategic" policy process is affected by more environmental factors, such as the government's follow-up development strategy, industrial development, technological innovation, and specific situations. Thirdly, it analysis the main body of the 104 policies from 2000 to 2021 and puts these subjects into China's power structure and cultural system, revealing that the policy issuers are all under the highest leadership of the Chinese Central Committee. Further, the paper challenges the typical description of Chinese cultural policy, which focuses on state control exclusively, identifies the forces within and outside the system that participate in or affect the policy-making process, and reveals the inter-subjective mechanism of policy change. In conclusion, the paper reveals that China's TV drama policy is under the unified leadership of the Party and the government, which greatly guarantees the consistency of the overall direction of cultural policy, that is, the right to speak firmly in the hands. The forces within the system can sometimes promote policy changes due to common development needs. However, folk discourse is only the object of control: when it breeds a certain amount of industrial space, the government will strengthen control over this space, suppress its potential "adverse effects", and instead provide protection and create conditions for the cultivation and growth of its mainstream discourse. However, the policy combination of basic policy and strategic policy, while having a strong effect and emergency capacity, also inhibits the innovation and diversification of the TV drama market. However, the state's substantial regulation will continue to exist in the future.

Keywords: TV Policy, China, policy process, cultural policy, culture management

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Authors: Mueller Jann, Hoffmann Christian Hugo

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Conventional quantitative risk management in banking is a risk factor of its own, because it rests on assumptions such as independence and availability of data which do not hold when rare events of extreme consequences are involved. There is a growing recognition of the need for alternative risk measures that do not make these assumptions. We propose a novel method for modeling the risk associated with investment products, in particular derivatives, by using a formal language for specifying financial contracts. Expressions in this language are interpreted in the category of values annotated with (a formal representation of) uncertainty. The choice of uncertainty formalism thus becomes a parameter of the model, so it can be adapted to the particular application and it is not constrained to classical probabilities. We demonstrate our approach using a simple logic-based uncertainty model and a case study in which we assess the risk of counter party default in a portfolio of collateralized loans.

Keywords: risk model, uncertainty monad, derivatives, contract algebra

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Authors: Michelle J. Miller

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In recent year, there has been a rise of two emerging issues that impact the global employment and business market that the legal community must review closer: offshore outsourcing and data privacy. These two issues intersect because employment opportunities are shifting due to offshore outsourcing and some States, like the United States, anti-outsourcing legislation has been passed or presented to retain jobs within the country. In addition, the legal requirements to retain the privacy of data as a global employer extends to employees and third party service provides, including services outsourced to offshore locations. For this reason, this paper will review the intersection of these two issues with a specific focus on data privacy.

Keywords: outsourcing, data privacy, international compliance, multinational corporations

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Authors: Raveena Naz

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The concept of ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’ (CSR) has often relied on firms thinking beyond their economic interest despite the larger debate of shareholder versus stakeholder interest. India gave legal recognition to CSR in the Companies Act, 2013 which promises better corporate governance. CSR in India is believed to be different for two reasons: the dominance of family business and the history of practice of social responsibility as a form of philanthropy (mainly among the family business). This paper problematises the actual structure of business houses in India and the role of CSR in India. When the law identifies each company as a separate business entity, the economics of institutions emphasizes the ‘business group’ consisting of a plethora of firms as the institutional organization of business. The capital owned or controlled by the family group is spread across the firms through the interholding (interlocked holding) structures. This creates peculiar implications for CSR legislation in India. The legislation sets criteria for individual firms to undertake liability of mandatory CSR if they are above a certain threshold. Within this framework, the largest family firms which are all part of family owned business groups top the CSR expenditure list. The interholding structures, common managers, auditors and series of related party transactions among these firms help the family to run the business as a ‘family business’ even when the shares are issued to the public. This kind of governance structure allows family owned business group to show mandatory compliance of CSR even when they actually spend much less than what is prescribed by law. This aspect of the family firms is not addressed by the CSR legislation in particular or corporate governance legislation in general in India. The paper illustrates this with an empirical study of one of the largest family owned business group in India which is well acclaimed for its CSR activities. The individual companies under the business group are identified, shareholding patterns explored, related party transactions investigated, common managing authorities are identified; and assets, liabilities and profit/loss accounting practices are analysed. The data has been mainly collected from mandatory disclosures in the annual reports and financial statements of the companies within the business group accessed from the official website of the ultimate controlling authority. The paper demonstrates how the business group through these series of shareholding network reduces its legally mandated CSR liability. The paper thus indicates the inadequacy of CSR legislation in India because the unit of compliance is an individual firm and it assumes that each firm is independent and only connected to each other through market dealings. The law does not recognize the inter-connections of firms in corporate governance structures of family owned business group and hence is inadequate in its design to effect the threshold level of CSR expenditure. This is the central argument of the paper.

Keywords: business group, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, family firm

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Authors: Sheyla Moroni

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A number of scholars around the world have analyzed the great architectural and urban planning revolution proposed by Skopje 2014, but so far, there are no readings of the parallels between the museums in the Balkan area (including Greece) that share the same name as the museum at the center of that political and cultural revolution. In the former FYROM (now renamed North Macedonia), a museum called "Macedonian Struggle" was born during the reconstruction of the city of Skopje as the new "national" capital. This new museum was built under the "Skopje 2014" plan and cost about 560 million euros (1/3 of the country's GDP). It has been a "flagship" of the government of Nikola Gruevski, leader of the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party. Until 2016 this museum was close to the motivations of the Macedonian nationalist movement (and later party) active (including terrorist actions) during the 19th and 20th centuries. The museum served to narrate a new "nation-building" after "state-building" had already taken place. But there are three other museums that tell the story of the "Macedonian struggle" by understanding "Macedonia" as a territory other than present-day North Macedonia. The first one is located in Thessaloniki and primarily commemorates the "Greek battle" against the Ottoman Empire. While the first uses a new dark building and many reconstructed rooms and shows the bloody history of the quest for "freedom" for the Macedonian language and people (different from Greeks, Albanians, and Bulgarians), the second is located in an old building in Thessaloniki and in its six rooms on the ground floor graphically illustrates the modern and contemporary history of Greek Macedonia. There are also third and fourth museums: in Kastoria (toward the Albanian border) and in Chromio (near the Greek-North Macedonian border). These two museums (Kastoria and Chromio) are smaller, but they mark two important borders for the (Greek) regions bordering Albania to the east and dividing it to the northwest not only from the Ottoman past but also from two communities felt to be "foreign" (Albanians and former Yugoslav Macedonians). All museums reconstruct a different "national edifice" and emphasize the themes of language and religion. The objective of the research is to understand, through four museums bearing the same name, what are the main "mental boundaries" (religious, linguistic, cultural) of the different states (reconstructed between the late 19th century and 1991). Both classical historiographic methodology (very different between Balkan and "Western" areas) and on-site observation and interactions with different sites are used in this research. An attempt is made to highlight four different political focuses with respect to nation-building and the Public History (and/or propaganda) approaches applied in the construction of these buildings and memorials tendency often that one "defines" oneself by differences from "others" (even if close).

Keywords: nationalisms, museum, nation building, public history

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Authors: Hasan Alrashid

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The 2005 Hague Convention seeks to ensure legal certainty and predictability between parties in international business transactions. It harmonies exclusive choice of court agreements at the international level between parties to commercial transactions and to govern the recognition and enforcement of judgments resulting from proceedings based on such agreements to promote international trade and investment. Although the choice of court agreements is significant in international business transactions, the United Arab Emirates refuse to recognise it by Article 24 of the Federal Law No. 11 of 1992 of the Civil Procedure Code. A review of judicial judgments in United Arab Emirates up to the present day has revealed that several cases appeared before the Court in different states of United Arab Emirates regarding the recognition of exclusive choice of court agreements. In all the cases, the courts regarded the exclusive choice of court agreements as a direct assault on state authority and sovereignty and refused categorically to recognize choice of court agreements by refusing to stay proceedings in favor of the foreign chosen court. This has created uncertainty and unpredictability in international business transaction in the United Arab Emirates. In June 2011, the first Gulf Judicial Seminar on Cross-Frontier Legal Cooperation in Civil and Commercial Matters was held in Doha, Qatar. The Permanent Bureau of the Hague Conference attended the conference and invited the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) namely, The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait to adopt some of the Hague Conventions, one of which was the Hague Convention on Choice of Court Agreements. One of the recommendations of the conference was that the GCC states should research ‘the benefits of predictability and legal certainty provided by the 2005 Convention on Choice of Court Agreements and its resulting advantages for cross-border trade and investment’ for possible adoption of the Hague Convention. Up to today, no further step has been taken by the any of the GCC states to adapt the Hague Convention nor did they conduct research on the benefits of predictability and legal certainty in international business transactions. This paper will argue that the approach regarding the recognition of choice of court agreements in United Arab Emirates states can be improved in order to help the parties in international business transactions avoid parallel litigation and ensure legal certainty and predictability. The focus will be the uncertainty and gaps regarding the choice of court agreements in the United Arab Emirates states. The Hague Convention on choice of court agreements and the importance of harmonisation of the rules of choice of court agreements at international level will also be discussed. Finally, The feasibility and desirability of recognizing choice of court agreements in United Arab Emirates legal system by becoming a party to the Hague Convention will be evaluated.

Keywords: choice of court agreements, party autonomy, public authority, sovereignty

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Authors: Sthembile Mthethwa

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With the rise in the usage of internet in the past decades, this presented an opportunity for users to transact with each other over the use of internet. Cryptocurrencies have been introduced, which allows users to transact with each other without the involvement of a third party i.e. the bank. These systems are widely known as cryptocurrencies or digital currencies and the first system to be introduced was Bitcoin which has been receiving a lot of attention. Bitcoin introduced a new technology known as the blockchain technology. In the past years, blockchain has been getting attention; whereby new applications are introduced that utilize blockchain. Yet, most people are still hesitant about the adoption of blockchain and the adoption of cryptocurrencies at large. Some people still do not understand the technology. Thus, it leads to the slow adoption of this technology. In this paper, a review of the blockchain is provided, whereby the different types of blockchain are discussed in details. Details of the things that contribute to the hindrance of the process of adoption are discussed.

Keywords: bitcoin, blockchain, cryptocurrency, payment system

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Preeti Kumari, Ridhi Kapoor

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 In any communication, security is the most important issue in today’s world. In this paper, steganography is the process of hiding the important data into other data, such as text, audio, video, and image. The interest in this topic is to provide availability, confidentiality, integrity, and authenticity of data. The steganographic technique that embeds hides content with unremarkable cover media so as not to provoke eavesdropper’s suspicion or third party and hackers. In which many applications of compression, encryption, decryption, and embedding methods are used for digital image steganography. Due to compression, the nose produces in the image. To sustain noise in the image, the LSB insertion technique is used. The performance of the proposed embedding system with respect to providing security to secret message and robustness is discussed. We also demonstrate the maximum steganography capacity and visual distortion.

Keywords: steganography, LSB, encoding, information hiding, color image

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Authors: Eun-Jun Yoon

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Deniable authentication protocol is a new security authentication mechanism which can enable a receiver to identify the true source of a given message, but not to prove the identity of the sender to a third party. In 2013, Kar proposed a secure ID-based deniable authentication protocol whose security is based on computational infeasibility of solving Elliptic Curve Diffie-Hellman Problem (ECDHP). Kar claimed that the proposed protocol achieves properties of deniable authentication, mutual authentication, and message confidentiality. However, this paper points out that Kar's protocol still suffers from sender spoofing attack and message modification attack unlike its claims.

Keywords: deniable authentication, elliptic curve cryptography, Diffie-Hellman problem, cryptanalysis

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Authors: Weena Eiamprapai

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The growth of Thai society in western style in the middle of Rattanakosin period can be defined as modernization /civilization. These terms had an influence on the development of the country in the reign of King Rama V owing to the governance reform, and cultures influenced by the West. Those were passed on until the reign of King Rama VI. The preference was not only for the renovation of architecture and arts based on Thai customs reflecting the prosperity and beauty of handicrafts but also for the acceptance of westernization. The remain of this acceptance includes the concept of such value as gentlemanly behavior like that in Victorian Era of the United Kingdom, and the support of women’s status. Moreover, the wide spread of modernization leads to the movement to change the country’s governance system from absolute monarchy to democracy by a group of people called Rattanakosin Era (R.E.) 130 party.

Keywords: art, culture, development period, modernization, King Rama VI

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Authors: Hsing-Hua Stella Chang, Mong-Ching Lin, Cher-Min Fong

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Using surrogate boycotts as a coercive tactic to force the offending party into changing its approaches has been increasingly significant over the last several decades, and is expected to increase in the future. Research shows that surrogate boycotts are often triggered by controversial international events, and particular foreign countries serve as the offending party in the international marketplace. In other words, multinational corporations are likely to become surrogate boycott targets in overseas markets because of the animosity between their home and host countries. Focusing on the surrogate boycott triggered by a severe situation animosity, this research aims to examine how social media influencers (SMIs) serving as electronic key opinion leaders (EKOLs) in an international crisis facilitate and organize a boycott, and persuade consumers to participate in the boycott. This research suggests that SMIs could be a particularly important information source in a surrogate boycott sparked by a situation of animosity. This research suggests that under such a context, SMIs become a critical information source for individuals to enhance and update their understanding of the event because, unlike traditional media, social media serve as a platform for instant and 24-hour non-stop information access and dissemination. The Xinjiang cotton event was adopted as the research context, which was viewed as an ongoing inter-country conflict, reflecting a crisis, which provokes animosity against the West. Through online panel services, both studies recruited Mainland Chinese nationals to be respondents to the surveys. The findings show that: 1. Social media influencer message is positively related to a negative attitude toward the offending country. 2. Attitude toward the offending country is positively related to boycotting participation. To address the unexplored question – of the effect of social media influencer influence on consumer participation in boycotts, this research presents a finer-grained examination of boycott motivation, with a special focus on a situational animosity context. This research is split into two interrelated parts. In the first part, this research shows that attitudes toward the offending country can be socially constructed by the influence of social media influencers in a situational animosity context. The study results show that consumers perceive different strengths of social pressure related to various levels of influencer messages and thus exhibit different levels of attitude toward the offending country. In the second part, this research further investigates the effect of attitude toward the offending country on boycott participation. The study findings show that such attitude exacerbated the effect of social media influencer messages on boycott participation in a situation of animosity.

Keywords: animosity, social media marketing, boycott, attitude toward the offending country

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Authors: Eva Chou

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This paper presents a case study of a historical moment in the city vs countryside relationship that is important in urban studies in China. Policies during the Cultural Revolution in China (1966-76) several times sent educated urban youths to the countryside. Initially, they were sent to “make revolution”: they were instructed to instigate powerful disruptions of established village relations. Later, they were “sent-down” to the countryside “to learn from the peasants.” Millions of urban youths “volunteered” to live as peasants did in the poverty of the countryside, thus resolving a political problem of urban unrest for the Party. Many had remained for decades before they were able to leave; others were never re-urbanized. Ballet troupes constituted a special case in both of these periods. This paper examines the differing experiences of individual “sent-down” ballet dancers on the one hand, and on the other hand, ballet troupes assigned to perform in the countryside.

Keywords: cultural revolution, reurbanized, sent-down youths, ballet

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Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

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The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

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Authors: Selman Selim Akyüz, Mete Kazaz

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Since The First Gulf War, USA, “Leader of The Free World” has been in trouble with terror. The USA created a complexity in The Middle East and paid the price with terrorist attacks in homeland. USA has made serious mistakes in terms of antiterrorism and fight against its supporters. Democrats have repaired damages caused by the Republican Party's management. Old methods about antiterrorism have been slowly abandoned. Hollywood, too, has played an important part in this war. Sometimes, Hollywood became an unquestioned patriot, sometimes it cried for the death of American Soldiers far away. In this study, messages in The Homeland, broadcast in the USA and a lot of countries around the world, are analyzed in terms of Washington’s foreign policy and position of the CIA in the fight against antiterrorism. The series reflect an orientalist viewpoint and has been criticized for offensive policy against the government. Homeland wanted to offer a perspective for the USA to be the “Leader of The Free World” again but with a liberal-democrat approach, dialogue and rational intelligence methods.

Keywords: antiterrorism, CIA, homeland, USA

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Authors: Tatia Tavkhelidze

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The European agenda on multiculturalism has undermined Muslim communities through cultural repulsion. Muslims have been labeled as primitive and dangerous people. They experience discrimination at university, workplace, or in the public sphere on a daily basis. Keeping this in view, the proposed research argues that the coining of Muslimness as a problem in modern European societies indicates the crisis of multiculturalism and it could be explained by the anthropological theory of cultural othering. To prove this assumption, the research undertakes a content analysis of modern policy discourse about Muslims and Islam in different European countries (e.g. France, Austria, Denmark, and Hungary). It focuses on the speech of populist politicians, right-wing party leaders and state officials. The research findings are of great significance as they elucidate that the European societies forgot to respect their own values of toleration, religious liberty and democracy; and undermine the European motto 'unity in diversity.

Keywords: assimilation, islamophobia, multiculturalism, populism

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Authors: Hawre Hasan Hama, Choman Mahmood H. Rashid

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The four-year armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ended in September 1998 under the terms of the Washington Agreement. Since then, there has been a quarter-century of durable peace between the two combatant parties, though they have often been at odds politically. Based on interviews with Kurdish political leaders from both parties, this paper argues that sharing or dividing power across all four dimensions of state power — political, military, territorial, and economic — has played a vital role ensuring the durability of the peace settlement. The paper traces the KDP-PUK power sharing system through three stages: the transition stage (1998-2006), the “golden” period (2006-2013), the “weakening” period (2013 to present).

Keywords: peace settlement, enduring peace, power-sharing and power dividing, Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Authors: Azar Mahmoudi

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Despite the rise of global anti-corruption movements and the strong emergence of international and national anti-corruption laws, corrupt practices are still prevalent in most places, and countries still struggle to translate these laws into practice. On the other hand, in most countries, political and economic elites oppose anti-corruption reforms. In such a situation, the role of external actors, like the other States, international organizations, and transnational actors, becomes essential. Among them, Transnational Corporations [TNCs] can develop their own regime-like framework to govern their internal activities, and through this, they can contribute to the regimes established by State actors to solve transnational issues. Among various regimes, TNCs may choose to comply with the transnational anti-corruption legal regime to avoid the cost of non-compliance with anti-corruption laws. As a result, they decide to strenghen their anti-corruption compliance as they expand into new overseas markets. Such a decision extends anti-corruption standards among their employees and third-party agents and within their projects across countries. To better address the challenges posed by corruption, TNCs have adopted a comprehensive anti-corruption toolkit. Among the various instruments, anti-corruption clauses have become one of the most anti-corruption means in international commercial agreements. Anti-corruption clauses, acting as a due diligence tool, can protect TNCs against the engagement of third-party agents in corrupt practices and further promote anti-corruption standards among businesses operating across countries. An anti-corruption clause allows parties to create a contractual commitment to exclude corrupt practices during the term of their agreement, including all levels of negotiation and implementation. Such a clause offers companies a mechanism to reduce the risk of potential corruption in their dealings with third parties while avoiding civil and administrative penalties. There have been few attempts to examine the role of anti-corruption clauses in the fight against corruption; therefore, this paper aims to fill this gap and examine anti-corruption clauses in a specific sector where corrupt practices are widespread and endemic, i.e., the petroleum industry. This paper argues that anti-corruption clauses are a positive step in ensuring that the petroleum industry operates in an ethical and transparent manner, helping to reducing the risk of corruption and promote integrity in this sector. Contractual anti-corruption clauses vary in terms of the types commitment, so parties have a wide range of options to choose from for their preferred clauses incorporated within their contracts. This paper intends to propose a categorization of anti-corruption clauses in the petroleum sector. It examines particularly the anti-corruption clauses incorporated in transnational hydrocarbon contracts published by the Resource Contract Portal, an online repository of extractive contracts. Then, this paper offers a quantitative assessment of anti-corruption clauses according to the types of contract, the date of conclusion, and the geographical distribution.

Keywords: anti-corruption, oil and gas, transnational corporations, due diligence, contractual clauses, hydrocarbon, petroleum sector

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Authors: Muñoz-Sanchez, Victor Manuel, Perez-Flores, Antonio Manuel

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The main objective of this paper is to establish the relationship between models of state organization and the various types of collective identity expressed by the Spanish. The question of nationalism and identity ascription in Spain has always been a topic of special importance due to the presence in that country of territories where the population emits very different opinions of nationalist sentiment than the rest of Spain. The current situation of sovereignty challenge of Catalonia to the central government exemplifies the importance of the subject matter. In order to analyze this process of interrelation, we use a secondary data mining by applying the multiple correspondence analysis technique (MCA). As a main result a typology of four types of expression of collective identity based on models of State organization are shown, which are connected with the party position on this issue.

Keywords: models of organization of the state, nationalism, collective identity, Spain, political parties

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Authors: William C. Bracken

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This paper discusses the forensic investigation of a fatality-involved catastrophic structure collapse and the special challenges faced when tasked with directing such an effort. While this paper discusses the investigation’s findings and the outcome of the event; this paper’s primary focus is on the challenges faced directing a forensic investigation that requires coordinating with governmental oversight while also having to accommodate multiple parties’ investigative teams. In particular the challenges discussed within this paper included maintaining on-site safety and operations while accommodating outside investigator’s interests. In addition this paper discusses unique challenges that one may face such as what to do about unethical conduct of interested party’s investigative teams, “off the record” sharing of information, and clandestinely transmitted evidence.

Keywords: catastrophic structure collapse, collapse investigation, Jacksonville parking garage collapse, forensic investigation

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Authors: Shishir Lamichhane

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Nepal neither is a party to any international refugee instruments nor does it have a national legislation to govern the refugee concerns legislated in the international legal instruments. In the absence of both of these, Nepal has adopted a rather ad hoc approach to dealing with refugees. Whereas Nepali state’s ad hocism seems to be paying off well with prominent (and mainstream) refugee populations of Bhutanese and Tibetans, urban refugees like Pakistani Ahmadiyya refugees have been left mostly at the odds. This paper is an attempt to reflect how the ad hoc approach taken by the host country (Nepal) is resulting in the further persecution of the Pakistani Ahmadiyya refugees and is lined up with arguments about how the basic rights of these refugees are being violated in the absence of a proper law. Relevant information regarding urban refugees residing in Kathmandu has been gathered by applying Empirical Research Methodology, while the paper also reviews pertinent literature already available on the case of Ahmadiya community.

Keywords: Pakistan, Ahmadiya community, Nepal, urban refugees

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Authors: Nasrin Akter, Prem Chhetri, Shams Rahman

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The present study tested Ajzen’s Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) model to explain the formation of business customers’ intention to use 3PL services in Bangladesh. The findings show that the TPB model has a good fit to the data. Based on theoretical support and suggested modification indices, a refined TPB model was developed afterwards which provides a better predictive power for intention. Consistent with the theory, the results of a structural equation analysis revealed that the intention to use 3PL services is predicted by attitude and subjective norms but not by perceived behavioral control. Further investigation indicated that the paths between (attitude and intention) and (subjective norms and intention) did not statistically differ between 3PL user and non-user. Findings of this research provide an evidence base to formulate business strategies to increase the use of 3PL services in Bangladesh to enhance productivity and to gain economic efficiency.

Keywords: Bangladesh, intention, third-party logistics, Theory of Planned Behavior

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Authors: P. S. Van Staden, M. M. Campbell

Abstract:

Vacant City of Cape Town-owned land lying un-utilized and -productive could be developed for land uses such as urban agriculture that may improve the livelihoods of low income families. The new City of Cape Town zoning scheme includes an Urban Agriculture zoning for the first time. Unstructured qualitative interviews among town planners revealed their optimism about this inclusion as it will provide low-income residents with opportunities to generate an income. An existing farming community at Philippi, located within the municipal boundary of the city, was approached and empirical data obtained through questionnaires provided proof that urban agriculture could be viable in a coastal metropolitan city such as Cape Town even if farmers only produce for their own households. The lease method proposed for urban agriculture is a usufruct agreement conferring the right to another party, other than the legal owner, to enjoy the use and advantages of the property.

Keywords: land uses, urban agriculture, agriculture, food engineering

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Authors: Mohamed Raouf Benmakrelouf, Wafa Karouche, Joseph Rynkiewicz

Abstract:

In this paper, we propose an alternative method to construct a Bayesian Network (BN). This method relies on a convolutional neural network (CNN classifier), which determinates the edges of the network skeleton. We train a CNN on a normalized empirical probability density distribution (NEPDF) for predicting causal interactions and relationships. We have to find the optimal Bayesian network structure for causal inference. Indeed, we are undertaking a search for pair-wise causality, depending on considered causal assumptions. In order to avoid unreasonable causal structure, we consider a blacklist and a whitelist of causality senses. We tested the method on real data to assess the influence of education on the voting intention for the extreme right-wing party. We show that, with this method, we get a safer causal structure of variables (Bayesian Network) and make to identify a variable that satisfies the backdoor criterion.

Keywords: Bayesian network, structure learning, optimal search, convolutional neural network, causal inference

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Authors: B. Arend, P. Sunnen, P. Caire

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In a single case study, we show how a conversation analysis (CA) approach can shed light onto the sequential unfolding of human-robot interaction. Relying on video data, we are able to show that CA allows us to investigate the respective turn-taking systems of humans and a NAO robot in their dialogical dynamics, thus pointing out relevant differences. Our fine grained video analysis points out occurring breakdowns and their overcoming, when humans and a NAO-robot engage in a multimodally uttered multi-party communication during a sports guessing game. Our findings suggest that interdisciplinary work opens up the opportunity to gain new insights into the challenging issues of human robot communication in order to provide resources for developing mechanisms that enable complex human-robot interaction (HRI).

Keywords: human robot interaction, conversation analysis, dialogism, breakdown, museum

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Authors: Amira Kaddour, Hedia Teraoui, Khmayes Bougatef

Abstract:

The main purpose of this paper is to determine the major causes of the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia. Indeed, it’s surprising to note that Zitouna bank established in May 2010 is the first Islamic Tunisian bank although 99% of Tunisians are Muslim and Islam is the religion of the State according to the Constitution. So we rely in our paper on the opinions of number of professors of finance and economics as educated people to prove or reject our hypothesis that the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia can be explained by the ignorance of its main principles and advantages. Ours findings reveal that this branch of finance is still largely unknown, not only from public but also from professionals. The results obtained surprisingly show that this insignificance of Islamic banking cannot be explained by the fact that Tunisia has been governed since its independence by a secular left-wing party. Indeed, only 3% of respondents believe that legislation and regulation in Tunisia represent an obstacle to the development of Islamic finance. Moreover, respondents are not very optimistic about the future role of Islamic financing.

Keywords: Islamic banking, Islamic insurance (takaful), Islamic law (shariah), usury (riba)

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Authors: Rose Hattab

Abstract:

Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Yuan-lin Liu, Ye Li, Tian Xia

Abstract:

There are some shortcomings in Chinese existing taxi management modes. This paper suggests to establish the third-party comprehensive information management platform and put forward an evaluation model based on credit. Four indicators are used to evaluate the drivers’ credit, they are passengers’ evaluation score, driving behavior evaluation, drivers’ average bad record number, and personal credit score. A weighted clustering method is used to achieve credit level evaluation for taxi drivers. The management of taxi industry is based on the credit level, while the grade of the drivers is accorded to their credit rating. Credit rating determines the cost, income levels, the market access, useful period of license and the level of wage and bonus, as well as violation fine. These methods can make the credit evaluation effective. In conclusion, more credit data will help to set up a more accurate and detailed classification standard library.

Keywords: credit, mobile internet, e-hailing taxi, management mode, weighted cluster

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Authors: Ahmet Ekinci

Abstract:

The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term.

Keywords: hyper-presidentialism, Turkish presidentialism, presidential decree, concurrent election, Erdogan’s term limit, Turkish government system

Procedia PDF Downloads 115