Search results for: democracy ideology

Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: Alexander G. Yushchenko

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From a multi-science point of view, we analyze threats to security resulting from globalization of international information space and information and communication aggression of Russia. A definition of Ruschism is formulated as an ideology supporting aggressive actions of modern Russia against the Euro-Atlantic community. Stages of the hybrid war Russia is leading against Ukraine are described, including the elements of subversive activity of the special services, the activation of the military phase and the gradual shift of the focus of confrontation to the realm of information and communication technologies. We reveal an emergence of a threat for democratic states resulting from the destabilizing impact of a target state’s mass media and social networks being exploited by Russian secret services under freedom-of-speech disguise. Thus, we underline the vulnerability of cyber- and information security of the network society in regard of hybrid war. We propose to define the latter a synergetic war. Our analysis is supported with a long-term qualitative monitoring of representation of top state officials on popular TV channels and Facebook. From the memetics point of view, we have detected a destructive psycho-information technology used by the Kremlin, a kind of information catastrophe, the essence of which is explained in detail. In the conclusion, a comprehensive plan for information protection of the public consciousness and mentality of Euro-Atlantic citizens from the aggression of the enemy is proposed.

Keywords: cyber and information security, hybrid war, psycho-information technology, synergetic war, Ruschism

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Authors: Mai Yen Nhi Doan, Viet Le, Chamindika Weerakoon

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Social enterprises have emerged as sustainable organisations that deliver social achievement along with long-term financial advancement. However, recorded financial barriers have urged social enterprises to divert to other financing methods due to the misaligned ideology with traditional financing capitalists, in which crowdfunding can be a promising alternative. Previous studies in crowdfunding have inadequately addressed crowdfunding for social enterprises, with conflicting results due to the unsuitable analysis of signals in isolation rather than in combinations, using the data from platforms that do not support social enterprises. Extending the signalling theory, this study suggests that crowdfunding success results from the collaboration between costly and costless signals. The proposed conceptual framework enlightens the interaction between costly signals as “organisational information”, “social entrepreneur’s credibility,” and “third-party endorsement” and costless signals as various sub-signals under the “campaign preparedness” signal to achieve crowdfunding success. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this study examined 45 crowdfunding campaigns run by Australian social enterprises on StartSomeGood and Chuffed. The analysis found that different combinations of costly and costless signals can lead to crowdfunding success, allowing social enterprises to adopt suitable combinations of signals to their context. Costless signal – campaign preparedness is fundamental for success, though different costless sub-signals under campaign preparedness can interact with different costly signals for the desired outcome. Third-party endorsement signal was found to be the necessary signal for crowdfunding success for Australian social enterprises.

Keywords: crowdfunding, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), signalling theory, social enterprises

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Authors: Sibonginkosi Mazibuko

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The “adoption” of the Freedom Charter in 1955 at Kliptown south of Johannesburg, South Africa represented a desire to create a society that is based on common citizenship, and democracy. The architects of the Charter had a vision of a society that lived in peace with itself. Today, the Charter is still promoted as the best thing that ever happened to a society ravaged by racism, dispossession, oppression and exploitation – a society divided in all aspects of its life. This paper moves from the understanding that land is fundamental to all life. It interrogates the Charter’s claim on land. At a time when the colonised world sought to free themselves from the chains of colonialism and Africans throughout the continent demanded Africa for the Africans, the Freedom Charter claimed South Africa for all who lived in it. To the extent that this paper problematizes the philosophical underpinnings of the Charter, it uses the methodology of dialectic materialism to understand the theoretical basis of the Freedom Charter. The paper argues that the understanding, desire and the vision of the Freedom Charter were, as they are today, irreconcilable. To that effect and in pursuit of narrow class interests, the Charter justified land dispossession and unsustainable living conditions for the dispossessed majority. The paper then concludes that, by misrepresenting the critically fundamental land question, the Charter tried to reconcile the dispossessed with their dispossession and thus reflected coloniality and whiteness long before colonialism and settler-colonialism came to an end in South Africa.

Keywords: colonialism, contradictions, freedom charter, South Africa

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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In the United States and around the world, we see liberal democracies attacked, from within and without, on a number of grounds. One of the primary assaults on the liberal ideology of feminism has been to ban or severely curtail the teaching of and scholarship on gender as constructed rather than as a biological and binarist component of human identity. On every continent, women’s and gender studies at the university level have become targets of rightwing movements aligning with authoritarian regimes to suppress queer and trans people as well as feminist scholars and academics who define gender as fluid, contingent on culture, and as reflective of a political commitment rather than timeless, sacred, natural, biological, or god-given. Rightwing movements calling for an end to gender studies have put already-marginalized academic and scholarly projects under new scrutiny, in some cases resulting in the dismantlement of long-standing women’s and gender studies programs. This paper evaluates the cross-cultural effects such movements have had on our discipline worldwide and documents the strategic responses engaged in by gender studies scholars and leaders to resist the erasure of our field. Evidence is drawn from surveys of thousands of programs and dozens of interviews conducted in the past year with gender studies scholars, administrators, and practitioners. This paper’s main objective is to highlight the international linkages between movements aiming to suppress or erase gender studies as a field of research and teaching and to identify collaborative responses and promising solutions that can protect our discipline from these assaults.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, authoritarianism, movements, gender studies, globalization

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Authors: Trinh Hoang Hong Hue

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Citizen Participation has been largely considered as an important objective of improving democracy and government decision-making in Vietnam recently. The Public Administration Performance Index Survey data (PAPI) indicated that citizens in provinces that have a higher proportion of male often less participate in local governance than those in provinces that have lower proportion of male. That means Vietnamese women more actively participate at the local governance rather than men. Thus this study will explore factors involving gender differences that impact on citizen participation at the local level. Applying qualitative approach, mainly in-depth interview, this study explores four diverse perspectives on enhancing citizen participation for both women and men at the local governance including civic knowledge; the trust of citizens; suitable policies of local government; and the role of NGOs. Furthermore, this study also points out two crucial reasons that are leading to the gender differences of citizen participation at the local level. Firstly, because Vietnamese women play the main role in family financial management; then they are willing to highly contribute to ‘voluntary contributions’; one of the four sub-dimensions of the concept ‘citizen participation’ of PAPI. Secondly, in Vietnam, women are deeply prone to be interested in the small issues at the local governance; whereas men are much keen on the bigger issues at national and international governance.

Keywords: citizen participation, gender, women, local governance, PAPI, Vietnam

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Authors: Fauzik Lendriyono, Isbandi Rukminto Adi

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Muhammadiyah is an Islamic-based organization taking care to human suffering. The existence of Muhammadiyah organization is strong supported by its members. Muhammadiyah as the oldest Islamic organization in Indonesia, since its establishment has had main activities, such as in the fields of education, health, and social services, one of the form is Orphanage. However, at present, Muhammadiyah orphanage was in a dilemma because of differences in orientation and commitment of the caretaker-managers. This research on Muhammadiyah orphanage is very important because it is able to know the problem identification and to find the ideal concept for the better management of an orphanage in Muhammadiyah. This research is a phenomenology study by research subjects: caretaker of the orphanage in Muhammadiyah at Great Malang. The research data was obtained after the observation, in-depth interviews, review of documentation and the discussion focused. Data were analyzed with interpretative phenomenological analysis. Basic problems for causes of differences in orientation and commitment administrators of Muhammadiyah orphanage is the influence of organizational culture and organizational environment factors. Organizational culture factors include the Islamic-based value and organization ideology, so that the Islamic values and the values of Muhammadiyah are used as guidelines in the orphanage. Environmental factors include the demand for its organization sustainability as characterized by economically productive activities organized by Orphanage and a program to produce a cadre of Muhammadiyah. To support the social welfare of Muhammadiyah, the ideal Orphanage concept for Muhammadiyah is a missionary and self-sufficient orphanage.

Keywords: orphanage, Muhammadiyah, misionary, Great Malang

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Authors: Karen V. Lee

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The significance of this study involves autoethnographic research about a music teacher learning about the socialization of gender issues in teaching. Mentorship involving intervention helps with the consequences influencing a transgendered music teacher. Basic storytelling methodology involves the qualitative method of research as a theoretical framework where the author provides a storied reflection about political issues surrounding teachers and the sociology of gender. Sub-themes involve counseling, adult education to ensure students and teachers receive social, emotional, physical, spiritual, and educational resources that evoke visceral, emotional responses from the audience. Major findings share how stories are helpful resources for others who struggle with the socialization of gender. It is hoped the research dramatizes an episodic yet incomplete story that highlights the circumstances surrounding the protagonist having his sex reassignment surgery during his undergraduate education degree. In conclusion, the research is a reflexive storied framework that embraces a positive outlook about a transgendered teacher during his masectomy. The sensory experience seeks verisimilitude by evoking lifelike and believable feelings from others. Thus, the scholarly importance of the sociology of gender and society provides transformative aspects that contributes to social change. Overall, the surgery surrounding the story about transgendered issues are not uncommon in society. Thus, continued education supports the moral mission to help teachers overcome and understand issues of gender that can socially impacts their professional lives as teachers.

Keywords: sociology of gender, transgender, music teachers, story, autoethnography as research, ideology

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Tareq M. Aziz Elven

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The issue of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia has become the serious problem and attract the attention of international community. Principally, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has mentioned the Human Rights as one of the focus and be a part of the ASEAN Charter in 2008. It was followed by the establishment of ASEAN Inter-Governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). AICHR is the commission of Human Rights enforcement in Southeast Asia which has a duty, function, and an authority to conduct dissemination and protection of Human Rights. In the end of 2016, however, the function of protection mandated to AICHR have not achieved yet. It can be proved by several cases of Human Rights violation which still exist and have not settled yet. One of case which attracts the public attention recently is human rights violation towards Rohingya in Myanmar. Using the juridical-normative method, the research aims to examine the urgency of Human Rights court establishment in Southeast Asia region which able to issue the decision that binds the ASEAN members or the violating parties. The data shows that ASEAN needs to establish a regional court which intended to settle the Human Rights violations in ASEAN region. Furthermore, the research also highlights three strong factors should be settled by ASEAN for establishing human rights court i.e. the significant distinction of democracy and human rights development among the members, the strong implementation of non-intervention principle, and the financial matter to sustain the court.

Keywords: AICHR, ASEAN, human rights, human rights court

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Authors: Hameda Suwaed

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Group work, time management and accepting others' opinions are practices rooted in the socio-political culture of democratic nations. In Libya, a country transitioning towards democracy, what is the impact of encouraging college students to use such practices in the English language classroom? How to encourage teachers to use such practices in educational system characterized by using traditional methods of teaching? Using action research and classroom research gathered data; this study investigates how teachers can use education to change their students' understanding of their roles in their society by enhancing their belonging to it. This study adjusts a model of change that includes giving students clear directions, sufficient motivation and supportive environment. These steps were applied by encouraging students to participate actively in the classroom by using group work and variety of activities. The findings of the study showed that following the suggested model can broaden students' perception of their belonging to their environment starting with their classroom and ending with their country. In conclusion, although this was a small scale study, the students' participation in the classroom shows that they gained self confidence in using practices such as group work, how to present their ideas and accepting different opinions. What was remarkable is that most students were aware that is what we need in Libya nowadays.

Keywords: educational change, students' motivation, group work, foreign language teaching

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Sarah Smail

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Algeria has been subject to countless conquests and invasions that resulted in having a diverse linguistic repertoire. The sociolinguistic situation of the country made linguistic landscape analysis pertinent. This in fact, has led to the growth of diverse linguistic landscape studies that mainly focused on identifying the sociolinguistic situation of the country through shop names analysis. The present research adds to the existing literature by offering another perspective to the analysis of signs by combining the physical and digital semiotic landscape. The powerful oil, gas and agri-food industries in Algeria make it interesting to focus on the commodification of natural resources for the sake of identifying the language and semiotic resources deployed in the Algerian public scene in addition to the identification of the visibility of linguistic inequalities and minorities in the business domain. The study discusses the semiotic landscape of three trade cities: Bejaia, Setif and Hassi-Messaoud. In addition to interviews conducted with business owners and graphic designers and questionnaires with business employees. Withal, the study relies on Gorter’s multilingual inequalities in public space (MIPS) model (2021) and Irvine and Gal’s language ideology and linguistic differentiation (2000). The preliminary results demonstrate the sociolinguistic injustice existing in the business domain, e.g., the exclusion of the official languages, the dominance of foreign languages, and the excessive use of the roman script.

Keywords: semiotic landscaping, digital scapes, language commodification, linguistic inequalities, business signage

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Authors: Ahlam A. Alghamdi

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For many years and until now, education based on gendered division is endorsed in the public Saudi schools starting from the primary grades (1,2, 3rd grades). Although preschool has no boys and girls segregation restrictions, children from first grade starting their first form of cultural ideology based on gender. Ensuring high-quality education serving all children -both boys and girls- is an aim for policymakers and early learning professionals in Saudi Arabia. The past five years have witnessed a major change in terms of shifting the paradigm to educating young children in the country. In May 2018, the Ministry of Education (MoE) had declared a commencement decision of inclusion schools serve both girls and boys in primary grades with a high-quality early learning opportunity. This study sought to shed light on one of the earliest schools that have implemented the inclusion experience. The methodological approach adopted is based on the qualitative inquiry of case study to investigate complex phenomena within the contexts of inclusion school. Data collection procedures included on-site visitations and semi-structured interviews with the teachers to document their thoughts, narratives, and living experiences. The findings of this study identified three themes based on cultural, educational, and professional interpretations. An overview of recommendations highlighted the benefits and possible challenges of future implementations of inclusion schools in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: early learning, gender division, inclusion school, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Omotayo Olalere

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The relevance of code-switching for intercultural communication through literary translation cannot be overemphasized. The translation of code-switching and its implications for translations studies have been studied in the context of African literature. In these cases, code-switching was examined in the more general terms of its usage in source text and not particularly in Ngugi’s novels and its translations. In addition, the functions of translation and code-switching in the lyrics of some popular African songs have been studied, but this study is related more with oral performance than with written literature. As such, little has been done on the German translation of code-switching in African works. This study intends to fill this lacuna by examining the concept of code-switching in the German translations in Ngugi’s Petals of Blood. The aim is to highlight the significance of code-switching as a phenomenon in this African (Ngugi’s) novel written in English and to also focus on its representation in the two German translations. The target texts to be used are Verbrannte Blueten and Land der flammenden Blueten. “Abrogration“ as a concept will play an important role in the analysis of the data. Findings will show that the ideology of a translator plays a huge role in representing the concept of “abrogration” in the translation of code-switching in the selected source text. The study will contribute to knowledge in translation studies by bringing to limelight the need to foreground aspects of language contact in translation theory and practice, particularly in the African context. Relevant translation theories adopted for the study include Bandia’s (2008) postcolonial theory of translation and Snell-Hornby”s (1988) cultural translation theory.

Keywords: code switching, german translation, ngugi wa thiong’o, petals of blood

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Authors: Mauricio Filho, Carina Castro

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The object of this project is to analyze long-time public agents that passed through several governments and see themselves in the position of having to deliberate with new agents, recently settled in the public administration. For theoretical ends, internal deliberation is understood as the one practiced on the public administration agencies, without any direct participation from the general public in the process. The assumption is: agents with longer periods of public service tend to step away from momentary political discussions that guide the current administration and seek to concentrate on institutionalized routines and procedures, making the most politically aligned individuals with the current government deliberate with less "passion" and more exchanging of knowledge and information. The theoretical framework of this research is institutionalism, which is guided by a more pragmatic view, facing the fluidity of reality in ways showing the multiple relations between agents and their respective institutions. The critical aspirations of this project rest on the works of professors Cass Sunstein, Adrian Vermeule, Philipp Pettit and in literature from both institutional theory and economic analysis of law, greatly influenced by the Chicago Law School. Methodologically, the paper is a theoretical review and pretends to be unfolded, in a future moment, in empirical tests for verification. This work has as its main analytical tool the appeal to theoretical and doctrinaire areas from the Juridical Sciences, by adopting the deductive and analytical method.

Keywords: institutions, state, law, agencies

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Authors: Naziema Begum Jappie

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This paper explores the relationship between educational transformation and gender equity in higher education. It draws on various policies and experiences and investigates the paradox of increased female leadership in higher education and the persistence of gender discrimination in the sphere of work. The paper will also address specific aspects of culture and education in post-colonial South Africa. Traditional features of past education systems were not isolated, they became an essential component of the education system, post-democracy. This is currently contested through the call for decolonizing the education system. The debates and discussions seek to rectify the post-colonial education structure within which women suffered triple oppression. Using feminist critical policy analysis and post-colonial theory, the paper examines how transformation over the past two decades has impacted on gender equity and how educational reform is itself gendered. It considers the nature of gender restructuring and key developments in gender equity policy. The social inequality in education is highlighted throughout this discussion. Through an analysis of research and interviews, this paper argues that gender can no longer be privileged when identifying and responding to educational and workplace inequality. In conclusion, the paper discusses the important assumptions that support how social and educational change deliver equity and how social justice may inform equity policy and practice in a culturally diverse educational framework.

Keywords: culture, educational leadership, gender inequality in the workplace, policy implementation

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Authors: Ahmad Qabaha

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This paper teases out the ways in which the constructs of placelessness and mobility are articulated in modern exilic Palestinian literature and American expatriate writing. The mode of placelessness embodied by the characters of each of my two authors (expatriation in Paris Montparnasse for Hemingway's characters and involuntary exile in Europe for Jabra's) will be elicited from the orientations of their mobility. This paper argues that the proclivity of Hemingway's characters for centrifugal motion (moving away from the centre) is a strategy to increase their sense of freedom that space (expatriation), rather than place, secures. By contrast, the movement of Jabra's characters is centripetal (moving or tending to move towards the centre). It echoes his Palestinian characters' recurrent futile attempts to return to Palestine, and it expresses their resistance to the lures of exile. This paper asserts that the involuntarily exiled character (the Palestinian in this case) is a figure obsessed with and ache for a place, roots and 'a dwelling' from which he was uprooted - a place that defines his authentic existence and frames his understanding of the world in Martin Heidegger's, Simone Weil's and Gaston Bachelard's senses. In parallel, this paper explains that the expatriate character (the American in this case) views place as confining, restrictive and disagreeable, while mobility as a figure of freedom, resistance, wealth, self-fashioning and understanding/inhabiting the world. Place in this sense is associated with past, tradition, ideology, existence and being. Mobility is equivalent with modernity, progression, innovation, self-fashioning and freedom.

Keywords: American expatriate literature, exilic Palestinian literature, mobility, place, placelessness

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Authors: Ntokozo C. Mthembu

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The notion of sustainable chemistry has become significant in the discourse for a global post-colonial era, including South Africa, especially when it comes to access to the general health system and related policies in relation to disease or ease of human life. In view of the stubborn vestiges of coloniality in the daily lives of indigenous African people in general, the fundamentals of present Western medical and traditional medicine systems and related policies in the democratic era were examined in this study. The situation of traditional healers in relation to current policy was also reviewed. The advent of democracy in South Africa brought about a variety of development opportunities and limitations, particularly with respect to indigenous African knowledge systems such as traditional medicine. There were high hopes that the limitations of previous narrow cultural perspectives would be rectified in the democratic era through development interventions, but some sections of society, such as traditional healers, remain marginalised. The Afrocentric perspective was explored in dissecting government interventions related to traditional medicine. This article highlights that multiple medical systems should be adopted and that health policies should be aligned in order to guarantee mutual respect and to address the remnants of colonialism in South Africa, Africa and the broader global community.

Keywords: traditional healing system, healers, pluralist healthcare system, post-colonial era

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Authors: Yasemin Gulsen Yilmaz, Suleyman Hakan Yilmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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The new communication technologies have gradually improved its efficiency in all fields of life and made its presence irreplaceable. These technologies which appear in every aspect of life differently showed itself during the failed coup attempt in Turkey too. The evening of July 15, 2016, have already taken its place in the Turkish political history. In the evening of July 15, Turkish nation confronted to a coup attempted by a group within the Turkish Armed Forces. That evening, the scene of the confrontation between the coup attempters and the resisting civilians were watched minute-by-minute by the people using the new communication technologies. Pro-coup soldiers and the resisting groups that came face to face in the streets of metropolitan cities, made their in-group communications by using new media tools very actively. New media turned into the most important weapon both for coup plotters and for those who resisted. In the morning of next day, whoever used these tools better had the upper hand. The civilians were successful in protecting democracy not only by resisting against tanks and bullets but also by following the internet, organising in social media, sharing information-photos on the net and telling large masses their experiences through these technologies. In this study, we focused on and analysed the use of new media both by coup soldiers and resisting civilians during the failed coup attempt in July 15. Within the scope of this study, coup attempt news that took place in printed media within one week were examined; the information about the use of new media tools during the night of failed coup were compiled; and it was determined how, to what extend and what for these tools were used and how effective they were.

Keywords: communication, July 15, new media, media

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: Serkan Tezgel

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The two qualities of the sea, as a medium of transportation and as a resource, necessitate maritime security for economic stability and good order at sea. The borderless nature of the sea makes it one of the best platforms to contribute to regional peace and international order. For this reason, the establishment of maritime security in East Mediterranean will enhance the security-peace-democracy triangle in the region. This paper proposes the application of the Smart Security Concept in the East Mediterranean. Smart Security aims to secure critical infrastructure, such as hydrocarbon platforms, against asymmetrical threats. The concept is based on Anti Asymmetrical Area Denial (A3D) which necessitates limiting freedom of action of maritime terrorists and piracy by founding safe and secure maritime areas through sea lines of communication using short range capabilities. Smart Security is a regional maritime cooperation concept for the narrow seas. Cooperation and interoperability are essential attributes of this regional security concept. Therefore, multinational excellence centers such as Multinational Maritime Security Center of Excellence-Aksaz in Turkey, which will determine necessary capabilities and plan/coordinate workshops, training and exercises, are bound to be the principal characteristic of Smart Security concept and similar regional concepts. Smart Security, a crucial enabler of energy and regional security, can provide an enduring approach for operating in the challenging environment of narrow seas and for countering asymmetrical threats.

Keywords: security, cooperation, asymmetrical, area denial

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Authors: Cory A. Logston

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It is imperative researchers continue to explore every transformative strategy to increase empathy and awareness of racial bias. Racism is a social and political concept that uses stereotypical ideology to highlight racial inequities. Everyone has biases they may not be aware of toward disparate out-groups. There is some form of racism in every profession; doctors, lawyers, and teachers are not immune. There have been numerous successful and unsuccessful strategies to motivate and transform an individual’s unconscious biased attitudes. One method designed to induce a transformative experience and identify implicit bias is virtual reality (VR). VR is a technology designed to transport the user to a three-dimensional environment. In a virtual reality simulation, the viewer is immersed in a realistic interactive video taking on the perspective of a Black man. The viewer as the character experiences discrimination in various life circumstances growing up as a child into adulthood. For instance, the prejudice felt in school, as an adolescent encountering the police and false accusations in the workplace. Current research suggests that an immersive VR simulation can enhance self-awareness and become a transformative learning experience. This study uses virtual reality immersion and transformative learning theory to create empathy and identify any unintentional racial bias. Participants, White teachers, will experience a VR immersion to create awareness and identify implicit biases regarding Black students. The desired outcome provides a springboard to reconceptualize their own implicit bias. Virtual reality is gaining traction in the research world and promises to be an effective tool in the transformative learning process.

Keywords: empathy, implicit bias, transformative learning, virtual reality

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Authors: Aspalella A. Rahman

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It is widely accepted that the investigation of money laundering and the tracing and confiscation of criminal proceeds have intruded into the principles of banking secrecy. The inroads into banking secrecy present serious threats to democracy, and more importantly, to the traditional banker-customer relationship. It is generally accepted that the fight against money laundering is in conflict with the secrecy rule. Banking secrecy is a customer privilege whereas combating crime is critical for public safety and security. Indeed, achieving a proper balance is a desirable goal. But how we go about achieving such a balance is a question encountered by many law enforcement authorities. Therefore, this paper examines the effect of disclosure under the Malaysian anti-money laundering laws on the traditional duty of banks to keep the customer’s information confidential. It also analyzes whether the Malaysian laws provide a right balance between a duty to keep customer’s information secret and a duty to disclose such information in the fight against money laundering. On closer inspection, it is submitted that the Malaysian laws provide sufficient safeguards to ensure that the disclosure of customer’s information is carried out in a manner that is not prejudicial to the interest of legitimate customers. This is a positive approach that could protect the innocent customers from being mistreated by the law. Ultimately, it can be said that the growing threat of global money laundering and terrorism makes the overriding of banking secrecy justified because without a flow of information from the banks, the effective prevention of the menace is not possible.

Keywords: anti-money laundering law, banker-customer relationship, banking secrecy, confidentiality, money laundering

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

Abstract:

Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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Authors: Alieu B. Sanneh

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In a country where there are minimal economic opportunities, with a declining living condition of the people, do electorates in Africa’s newest democracy reevaluate their support for a candidate based on issues or ethnicity. In the 2016 presidential election in The Gambia, the opposition coalition party had successfully managed to overthrow an authoritarian government, which has ruled the country for 22 years. The results of the election are not only surprising but also presented an interesting theoretical puzzle that raises important this paper is going to address. An important fact is that dictator had organized an election which he lost, and this paper will assess the voting decisions of Gambian electorates to determine whether they were more concerned with issues such as status of the economy, human rights abuses by the Jammeh administration or the ethnicities of the contestants who took part in the election. This study uses field survey data, conducted six months after this historic vote, to evaluate the opinion of the electorates. Contrary to the notion of the prevalence of ethnic voting in African elections, an argument made by many scholars, this study concluded that Gambian voters were more concerned with issues such as the economy and human rights under the Jammeh administration than they were for the ethnicities of the candidates. The election was issue-based, and that Jammeh lost the polls due to the concern the electorate had on human rights abuses by his government.

Keywords: election, issue, ethnicity, regime change

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Authors: Amós García Montaño

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In a democracy, a public policy must be developed within the regulatory framework and considering citizen participation in its planning, design, execution, and evaluation stages, necessary factors to have both legal support and sufficient legitimacy for its operation. However, the complexity and magnitude of certain public problems results in difficulties for the generation of consensus among society members, leading to unstable and unsuccessful scenarios for the exercise of the right to citizen participation and the generation of effective and efficient public policies. This is the case of public policies against corruption, an issue that in Mexico is difficult to define and generates conflicting opinions. To provide a possible solution to this delicate reality, this paper analyzes the principle of reasonableness as a tool for identifying the basic elements that guarantee a fundamental level of the exercise of the right to citizen participation in the fight against corruption, adopting elements of human rights indicator methodologies. In this sense, the relevance of having a legal framework that establishes obligations to incorporate proactive and transversal citizen participation in the matter is observed. It is also noted the need to monitor the operation of various citizen participation mechanisms in the decision-making processes of the institutions involved in the fight and prevention of corruption, which lead to an increase in the improvement of the perception of the citizen role as a relevant actor in this field. It is concluded that the principle of reasonableness is presented as a very useful tool for the identification of basic elements that facilitate the fulfillment of human rights commitments in the field of public policies.

Keywords: anticorruption, public participation, public policies, reasonableness

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Authors: Sarah Ledoux

Abstract:

This paper analyses the quantitative effects of political content consumption in social media platforms on self-reported ideological preference across the Latin American region. Initially praising the democratic potential of the internet and its social networking websites, digital politics scholars have transitioned their discourse to warning against the undemocratic side-effects it cultivates, such as hate speech, filter bubbles, and ideological polarisation. Holding technology solely responsible for political trends worldwide is an oversimplification of the factors influencing social change. Nonetheless, widespread use of social media in new democracies raises questions on the reproduction of recent trends that have been observed in the US and Western Europe. Through the analysis of ordered logistic regressions on data from the 2018 AmericasBarometer survey, this study examines the extent to which the relationship between the consumption of political content on social media is related to ideological polarisation in Latin America. The findings indicate that there is a close link between consumption of political information on social media, specifically on Facebook and WhatsApp, and ideological positioning on the extremes of the political left- and right-wings. This relation holds when controlling for individual-level demographic and attitudinal factors, as well as country-level effects. These results demonstrate with empirical evidence that viewing political content on social media has a significant positive effect on the likelihood that citizens position themselves on the extreme ends of the left-right ideological spectrum and implies that political polarisation is a phenomenon that accompanies politically driven social media use.

Keywords: Latin America, polarisation, political consumption, political ideology, social media, survey

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Authors: Julian David Rios Acuna

Abstract:

This paper seeks to argue that the phenomenon of ‘paramilitarism’ in Colombia exhibits the role of violence as constitutive of the political process of state formation in the country. In order to do this, it takes as its point of departure a landmark moment in the long history of private armies known as the ‘paramilitary’ in Colombia. In 2001, paramilitary commanders, politicians, and members of the military and other branches of state power singed what is known as the ‘Pact of Ralito.’ In this pact, the paramilitary appropriated constitutional and legal language. The paper argues that this appropriation shows that the paramilitary and the state express the same claim to sovereign power and therefore have the same foundation. More precisely, paramilitary power shows itself to base its power on the same foundation as the legal order, namely, extreme forms of violence where death is generative of power. In this sense, the paper shows how, by sharing its foundation, Colombian paramilitarism exhibits that state power in Colombia can be characterized as necro-power as Achille Mbembe understands it. The paper argues that paramilitarism shows state power as necro-power by constituting itself as a symptom understood, following Zizek, as that which both shows and overthrows its own foundation. In this way, paramilitarism shows the foundation of the state, thereby reconfiguring this very state. This reconfiguration, explicitly based on necro-power, the paper concludes, transforms the state into a form more appropriate to the political demands of neo-liberalism. By exhibiting its foundation in necro-power through paramilitarism, the Colombian State turns from a liberal into a (neo)liberal democracy.

Keywords: necro-power, necropolitics, paramilitarism in Colombia, state formation, state power, sovereign power

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