Search results for: Colombian political discourse

Authors: Djehich Mohamed Yousri

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The field of political science is one of the sciences in which there is much controversy, in terms of the multiplicity of schools, trends, and goals. This overlap and complexity in the interpretation of the political phenomenon in political science has been linked to other disciplines associated with it, and the science of international relations and the huge amount of theories that have found a wide range and a decisive position after the national tide in the history of Western political thought, especially after the Westphalia Conference 1648, and as a result was approved The new foundations of international politics, the most important of which is respect for state sovereignty. Historical events continued and coincided with scientific, intellectual, and economic developments following the emergence of the industrial revolution, followed by the technological revolutions in all their contents, which led to the rooting and establishment of a comprehensive political system that is more complex and overlapping than it was in the past during the First and Second World Wars. The international situation has become dependent on the digital revolution and its aspirations in The comprehensive transformation witnessed by international political relations after the Cold War.

Keywords: theorizing, international relations, approaches to international relations, political science, the political system

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Authors: R. H. Bustos, L. Martinez, J. García, F. Suárez

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MRP1 (Multi-drug resistance associated protein 1) and MRP2 (Multi-drug resistance associated protein 2) are two proteins belonging to the transporters of ABC (ATP-Binding Cassette). These transporter proteins are involved in the efflux of several biological drugs and xenobiotic and also in multiple physiological, pathological and pharmacological processes. Evidence has been found that there is a correlation among different polymorphisms found and their clinical implication in the resistance to antiepileptic, chemotherapy and anti-infectious drugs. In our study, exonic regions of MRP1/ABCC1 y MRP2/ABCC2 were studied in the Colombian population, specifically in the region of the central Savannah (Cundinamarca) to determinate SNP (Single Nucleotide Polymorphisms) and determinate its allele frequency and its genomics frequency. Results showed that for our population, SNP are found that have been previously reported for MRP1/ABCC1 (rs200647436, rs200624910, rs150214567) as well as for MRP2/ABCC2 (rs2273697, rs3740066, rs142573385, rs17216212). In addition, 13 new SNP were identified. Evidences show an important clinic correlation for polymorphisms rs3740066 and rs2273697. The study object population displays genetic variability as compared to the one reported in other populations.

Keywords: ATP-binding cassette (ABCC), Colombian population, multidrug-resistance protein (MRP), pharmacogenetic, single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP)

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Authors: Natsuko D'Aprile

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The construction of Nation-States is a historical process that produces a type of national identity and culture that States nowadays mobilise for global outreach. National culture, as a set of norms and values influencing individuals’ actions and decisions, produces a type of policy making of various strategies that impact how a Nation is promoted overseas. The 1990s were marked by a resurgence of the debates on national identity. This period is believed to have paved the way for nationalism and witnessed increased attention to analytical approaches to identity. Public diplomacy is a concrete example of how national culture is mobilised to project a favourable image of a Nation abroad, especially in the narratives on national identity mobilised by diplomatic actors. Public diplomacy is understood as providing tools for States to build and project strategic narratives that represent events and identities in an attempt to influence domestic and foreign audiences, be they domestic or foreign. France and Japan received little attention on the matter. This research hence aims to investigate how France and Japan have mobilised narratives on national identity since the 1990s in the context of their public diplomacy. To understand how identities are framed, qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis has been performed on a corpus of various speeches held by French and Japanese political actors in which they present their diplomacy goals, as well as official documents provided by both Ministries of Foreign Affairs. This analysis showed that the French discourse integrates a narrative on France’s universal vocation, relying on the expression of a Nation whose model is worldly applicable and has the legitimacy to influence international decisions. The Japanese discourse does not concretely emphasise Japanese or Asian values, except for some narratives integrating Confucian and Shintō values. It rather revolves around the need for Japan to ensure its citizens’ security and prosperity, hence the need for the Government to contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region and the world.

Keywords: comparative politics, culture, discourse analysis, narratives, public diplomacy

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Authors: Theng Theng Ong

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This pilot study adopts a corpus-based discourse analysis to explore the construction of Malaysia airline tragedy MH370 in the selected Malaysian and United Kingdom (UK) newspapers. Fairclough’s three-dimensional model is adopted in the study to support the corpus-based analysis. The analysis aims to determine the ways in which Malaysian Airline tragedy MH370 is linguistically defined and constructed in terms of keywords and collocation. The study also seeks to identify the types of discourse that are presented in the news articles. In addition, the differences or similarities in terms of keywords, topics or issues covered by the selected Malaysian and UK news media are examined.

Keywords: corpus, CDA, newspapers, airline tragedies

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Authors: Ibrahim Sani

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This paper examines the use of English discourse markers with the aim of investigating their communicative functions on Facebook as used by UMYUK members of academic staff. The paper uses the qualitative approach and relevance theory by Sperber and Wilson (1995) to highlight and examine DMs in different communicative contexts. In the course of data collection, five (5) academic staff from the five faculties of the university who are already Facebook friends of the researcher are used as the participants with their consent. The paper examines the communicative functions of English DMs among UMYUK academic staff on Facebook and reveals a number of communicative functions used in different contexts. One of the major findings indicates that 'contrastive markers' such as 'but', 'however', 'although' etc. are the dominant communicative functions employed by UMYUK academic staff on Facebook with 42% occurrence; it also shows that a single DM can function differently in the same linguistic environment.

Keywords: role, communicative, discourse markers, facebook, academic staff

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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Authors: Noah Yusuf

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The present paper examined the current level of socio-political and economic development in Africa. Models and experiences from other regions of the world, especially, developing ones with similar historical experience with Africa, were explored. The paper concluded that recommendations emanating from past conferences, seminars and symposia on the continent’s socio-economic and political challenges have been poorly implemented because of lack of strong political will; the donor syndrome; weak resource base; capacity constraints in institutions; and lack of accountability, transparency and poor governance. It is, therefore, recommended that African countries need implement sound policies and reforms on a comprehensive basis, if they are to achieve the desired socio-economic and political transformation; and the African in Diasporas represent critical instruments in attaining the socio-economic and political objectives of the continent.

Keywords: Africa, political transformation, economic transformation, Africans in diasporas

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Authors: Sevgi Balkan-Sahin

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The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has included nuclear power as a major component of Turkey’s new energy strategy by promoting it as the only alternative for Turkey to diversify energy resources, trigger economic growth, and boost competitiveness of the country. The effective promotion of such a framing has created a hegemonic discourse around nuclear energy in Turkey. However, fiercely opposing the nuclear initiative of the government, the Turkish anti-nuclear platform (ANP) composed of more than 50 civil society groups has challenged the hegemonic discourse of the AKP government by presenting nuclear energy as dangerous for human health, human rights, and the protection of environment. Based on an engagement between Gramscian perspective and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, this paper considers the discourses of the Turkish anti-nuclear platform and its associated activities as a counter-hegemonic strategy to change the ‘common sense’ on nuclear energy in Turkey. Analyzing the data from interviews with the representatives of the anti-nuclear platform coupled with primary sources, such as Parliamentary Records and official statements by civil society organizations, the paper highlights how the anti-nuclear platform exercises power through counter-hegemonic discourses in terms of the delegitimization of nuclear energy in Turkey.

Keywords: counter-hegemony, discourse, nuclear energy, Turkey

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Authors: Bharti Yadav

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Global migration and the rise of far-right parties have expanded the significance of political discussions enclosing multiculturalism. This research paper will focus on the rise of far-right political parties in Europe over the last nearly two decades and how right-wing politics affect multiculturalism in a detrimental way; major European leaders have publicly stated that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. This paper also discusses the main reasons for right-wing politics is normalizing in Europe. Far-right political parties are the fastest-growing parties in Europe, and multiculturalism is an unescapable significant political issue. The rise of far-right anti-immigrant parties diminishes mainstream party support for multiculturalism. Mainstream parties are more receptive to both increasing in ethnic minorities’ electoral power and the rise of far-right parties.

Keywords: political parties, far-right, migration, multiculturalism

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Authors: Jinghui Wang, Minjie Xing

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The increasing number of international students for doctoral education has brought vitality and diversity to the educational environment in China, and at the same time constituted a new challenge to the English teaching in the higher education as the majority of international students come from developing countries where English is not their first language. To make their contribution to knowledge development and technical innovation, these international doctoral students need to present their research work in English, locally and globally. This study reports an exploratory study with an emphasis on the cognition and construction of academic discourse in the multicultural context. The present study aims to explore ways to better prepare them for international academic exchange in English. Voluntarily, all international doctoral students (n = 81) from 35 countries enrolled in the English Course: Speaking and Writing as a New Scientist, participated in the study. Two research questions were raised: 1) What did these doctoral students say about their cognition and construction of English academic discourses? 2) How did they manage to develop their productive skills in a multicultural context? To answer the research questions, data were collected from self-reports, in-depth interviews, and video-recorded class observations. The major findings of the study suggest that the participants to varying degrees benefitted from the cognition and construction of English academic discourse in the multicultural context. Specifically, 1) The cognition and construction of meta-discourse allowed them to construct their own academic discourses in English; 2) In the light of Swales’ CARS Model, they became sensitive to the “moves” involved in the published papers closely related to their study, and learned to use them in their English academic discourses; 3) Multimodality-driven presentation (multimedia modes) enabled these doctoral student to have their voice heard for technical innovation purposes; 4) Speaking as a new scientist, every doctoral student felt happy and able to serve as an intercultural mediator in the multicultural context, bridging the gap between their home culture and the global culture; and most importantly, 5) most of the participants reported developing an English discourse community among international doctoral students, becoming resourceful and productive in the multicultural context. It is concluded that the cognition and construction of academic discourse in the multicultural context proves to be conducive to the productivity and intercultural citizenship education of international doctoral students.

Keywords: academic discourse, international doctoral students, meta-discourse, multicultural context

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Authors: Najmuddin Najmuddin

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence political participation. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information, and communication technology and how it will impact political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The study use survey method. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of the respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The Results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that the media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norms impact significantly to political participation. The sub-dimensions of citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizen) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern media usage and citizenship norms of among the young generation.

Keywords: media, citizenship, norms, political, participation, democracy

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Authors: Anuta Mukherjee, Saswati Mukherjee

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Data is growing everyday. Social networking sites such as Twitter are becoming an integral part of our daily lives, contributing a large increase in the growth of data. It is a rich source especially for sentiment detection or mining since people often express honest opinion through tweets. However, although sentiment analysis is a well-researched topic in text, this analysis using Twitter data poses additional challenges since these are unstructured data with abbreviations and without a strict grammatical correctness. We have employed collision theory to achieve sentiment analysis in Twitter data. We have also incorporated discourse analysis in the collision theory based model to detect accurate sentiment from tweets. We have also used the retweet field to assign weights to certain tweets and obtained the overall weightage of a topic provided in the form of a query. Hadoop has been exploited for speed. Our experiments show effective results.

Keywords: sentiment analysis, twitter, collision theory, discourse analysis

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Authors: Asma Ben Abdallah

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Language has a powerful influence over people and their actions. The language of advertising has a very great impact on the consumer. It makes use of different features from the linguistic continuum. The present paper attempts to apply the theories of stylistics to the analysis of advertising texts. In order to decipher the stylistic features of the advertising discourse, 30 advertising text samples designed by MA Business students have been selected. These samples have been analyzed at the level of design and content. The study brings insights into the use of stylistic devices in advertising, and it reveals that both linguistic and non-linguistic features of advertisements are frequently employed to develop a well-thought-out design and content. The practical significance of the study is to highlight the specificities of the advertising genre so that people interested in the language of advertising (Business students and ESP teachers) will have a better understanding of the nature of the language used and the techniques of writing and designing ads. Similarly, those working in the advertising sphere (ad designers) will appreciate the specificities of the advertising discourse.

Keywords: the language of advertising, advertising discourse, ad design, stylistic features

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Authors: Eva Wagner, Lucely Vargas

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Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) plays an important role in (large-scale) enterprises’ business strategy in developed and emerging countries. This article approaches CSR in international comparison by examining the CSR reporting of 116 leading companies in Austria, Germany, Colombia and Chile from 2006 to 2010. We have used an independently developed scoring model which analyzes reported CSR-activities using seven dimensions to efficiently assess CSR. The study reveals that there are significant differences in CSR-commitment among countries and regions: German companies, as expected, lead most of the investigated CSR dimensions revealing stronger commitment to CSR than their Austrian, Colombian and Chilean counterparts. Even if Latin American companies lag behind their European counterparts, they exhibit high CSR-performance in the social dimension: corporate giving and philanthropic activities are firmly anchored in the tradition of Latin American companies. This indicates that particular CSR-emphases reflect the political and social circumstances of each individual country.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility, corporate social performance, international comparison

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Authors: Jenny Paola Forero Pachón, Sonia Cristina Gamboa Sarmiento, Luis Carlos Gómez Flórez

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The Colombian government has defined an e-government strategy to take advantage of Information Technologies (IT) in order to contribute to the building of a more efficient, transparent and participative State that provides better services to citizens and businesses. In this regard, the Justice sector is one of the government sectors where IT has generated more expectation considering that the country has a judicial processes backlog. This situation has led to the search for alternative forms of access to justice that speed up the process while providing a low cost for citizens. To this end, the Colombian government has authorized the use of Alternative Dispute Resolution methods (ADR), a remedy where disputes can be resolved more quickly compared to judicial processes while facilitating greater communication between the parties, without recourse to judicial authority. One of these methods is conciliation, which includes a special modality that takes advantage of IT for the development of itself known as virtual conciliation. With this option the conciliation is supported by information systems, applications or platforms and communications are provided through it. This paper evaluates the level of maturity in how the service of virtual conciliation is under the framework of this strategy. This evaluation is carried out considering Shahkooh's 5-phase model for e-government. As a result, it is evident that in the context of conciliation, maturity does not reach the necessary level in the model so that it can be considered as virtual conciliation; therefore, it is necessary to define strategies to maximize the potential of IT in this context.

Keywords: alternative dispute resolution, e-government, evaluation of maturity, Shahkooh model, virtual conciliation

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Authors: Jingsong Ma

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In political translation, ideology plays an important role in conveying implications accurately. Ideological collisions can occur in political translation when there existdifferences of political environments embedded in the translingual political texts in both source and target languages. To reach an accurate translationrequires the translatorto understand the ideologies implied in (and often transcending) the texts. This paper explores the conditions, procedure, and purpose of processingideological collision and resolution of such issues in political translation. These points will be elucidated by case studies of translating English and Chinese political texts. First, there are specific political terminologies in certain political environments. These terminological peculiarities in one language are often determined by ideological elements rather than by syntactical and semantical understanding. The translation of these ideological-loaded terminologiesis a process and operation consisting of understanding the ideological context, including cultural, historical, and political situations. This will be explained with characteristic Chinese political terminologies and their renderings in English. Second, when the ideology in the source language fails to match with the ideology in the target language, the decisions to highlight or disregard these conflicts are shaped by power relations, political engagement, social context, etc. It thus is necessary to go beyond linguisticanalysis of the context by deciphering ideology in political documents to provide a faithful or equivalent rendering of certain messages. Finally, one of the practical issues is about equivalence in political translation by redefining the notion of faithfulness and retainment of ideological messages in the source language in translations of political texts. To avoid distortion, the translator should be liberated from grip the literal meaning, instead diving into functional meanings of the text.

Keywords: translation, ideology, politics, society

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Authors: Fang Tan

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This research focuses on the appropriate use of lexical bundles in spoken discourse, particularly in English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classrooms in Northeast China. While previous studies have mainly examined lexical bundles in written discourse, there is a need to investigate their usage in spoken discourse due to the limited availability of spoken discourse corpora. English teachers’ use of lexical bundles is crucial for effective teaching and communication in the EFL classroom. The aim of this study is to investigate the functions of four-word lexical bundles in native English teachers’ EFL oral English classes in Northeast China. Specifically, the research focuses on the usage of stance bundles, which were found to be the most significant type of bundle in the analyzed corpus. By comparing the self-built university spoken English classroom discourse corpus with the other self-built university English for General Purposes (EGP) corpus, the study aims to highlight the difference in bundle usage between native and non-native teachers in EFL classrooms. The research employs a corpus-based study. The observed corpus consists of more than 300,000 tokens, in which the data has been collected in the past five years. The reference corpus is composed of over 800,000 tokens, in which the data has been collected over 12 years. All the primary data collection involved transcribing and annotating spoken English classes taught by native English teachers. The analysis procedures included identifying and categorizing four-word lexical bundles, with specific emphasis on stance bundles. Frequency counts, and comparisons with the Chinese English teachers’ corpus were conducted to identify patterns and differences in bundle usage. The research addresses the following questions: 1) What are the functions of four-word lexical bundles in native English teachers’ EFL oral English classes? 2) How do stance bundles differ in usage between native and non-native English teachers’ classes? 3) What implications can be drawn for English teachers’ professional development based on the findings? In conclusion, this study provides valuable insights into the usage of four-word lexical bundles, particularly stance bundles, in native English teachers’ EFL oral English classes in Northeast China. The research highlights the difference in bundle usage between native and non-native English teachers’ classes and provides implications for English teachers’ professional development. The findings contribute to the understanding of lexical bundle usage in EFL classroom discourse and have theoretical importance for language teaching methodologies. The self-built university English classroom discourse corpus used in this research is a valuable resource for future studies in this field.

Keywords: EFL classroom discourse, four-word lexical bundles, stance, implication

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Authors: Ellen McClure

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It is generally well-known that a number of inmates suffer from some form of substance or alcohol use disorder. This study identifies, analyses, classifies and codifies the most recent Canadian criminal judgments involving an accused diagnosed with an alcohol use disorder specifically. From this research, patterns in judicial discourse and sentencing norms can be established, and these findings can be juxtaposed with existing relevant academic literature, particular attention will be given to this discussion at the sentencing stage, and the subsequent incarceration of those with alcohol use disorders. This topic will be explored with an overarching emphasis on the effects that a lack of conversation regarding a possible correlation between alcohol consumption and crime may have. Although comparisons may be made in order to clarify or highlight certain issues, particular attention will be paid to jurisdictions within Canada. This paper explores the existing judicial discourse in sentencing regarding the relationship between alcohol and crime, and how this might explain the higher incarceration rates of those suffering from alcohol use disorders in Canada. The research questions are as follows: (1) What are the existing judicial discourses in sentencing around the relationship between alcohol and crime? (2) To what extent has the current discourse on alcohol addiction among judges and legal academics contributed to the incarceration of alcoholics?The major findings of this research indicate a strong correlation between a lack of judicial discussion regarding the accused’s alcohol use disorder and an increased tendency to consider an alcohol use disorder as an aggravating factor. Furthermore, it was found that an 82% of judges who discussed the alcohol use disorder meaningfully referred to the disorder as a mitigating factor. This can be compared with 6.7% of judges who referred to the alcohol use disorder as a mitigating factor in cases where the disorder was not meaningfully discussed.

Keywords: alcohol use disorder, addiction, criminal justice, judicial discourse

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Authors: Mohamed Elmeshad

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During the mid-1990's Egypt had become obliged to implement the Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment Program that included broad economic liberalization, expansion of the private sector and a contraction the size of government spending. This coincided as well with attempts to appear more democratic and open to liberalizing public space and discourse. At the same time, economic pressures and the proliferation of social media access and activism had led to increased pressure to open a mediascape and remove it from the clutches of the government, which had monopolized print and broadcast mass media for over 4 decades by that point. However, the mechanisms that governed the privatization of mass media allowed for sustained government control, even through the prism of ostensibly privately owned newspapers and television stations. These mechanisms involve barriers to entry from a financial and security perspective, as well as operational capacities of distribution and access to means of production. The power dynamics between mass media establishments and the state were moulded during this period in a novel way. Power dynamics within media establishments had also formed under such circumstances. The changes in the country's political economy itself somehow mirrored these developments. This paper will examine these dynamics and shed light on the political economy of Egypt's newly privatized mass media in the early 2000's especially. Methodology: This study will rely on semi-structured interviews from individuals involved with these changes from the perspective of the media organizations. It also will map out the process of media privatization by looking at the administrative, operative and legislative institutions and contexts in order to attempt to draw conclusions on methods of control and the role of the state during the process of privatization. Finally, a brief discourse analysis will be necessary in order to aptly convey how these factors ultimately reflected on media output. Findings and conclusion: The development of Egyptian private, “independent” mirrored the trajectory of transitions in the country’s political economy. Liberalization of the economy meant that a growing class of business owners would explore opportunities that such new markets would offer. However the regime’s attempts to control access to certain forms of capital, especially in sectors such as the media affected the structure of print and broadcast media, as well as the institutions that would govern them. Like the process of liberalisation, much of the regime’s manoeuvring with regards to privatization of media had been haphazardly used to indirectly expand the regime and its ruling party’s ability to retain influence, while creating a believable façade of openness. In this paper, we will attempt to uncover these mechanisms and analyse our findings in ways that explain how the manifestations prevalent in the context of a privatizing media space in a transitional Egypt provide evidence of both the intentions of this transition, and the ways in which it was being held back.

Keywords: business, mass media, political economy, power, privatisation

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Authors: Jessica J. Gillies

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Human trafficking is a gross violation of human rights and thus invokes a strong response particularly throughout the global academic community. A longstanding tension throughout academic debate remains the question of a relationship between anti-trafficking policy and sex industry policy. In Australia, over the previous decade, many human trafficking investigations have related to the sexual exploitation of female victims, and convictions in Australia to date have often been for trafficking women from Thailand. Sex industry policy in Australia varies between states, providing a rich contextual landscape in which to explore this relationship. The purpose of this study was to deconstruct how meaning is constructed surrounding human trafficking throughout these supposedly related political discourses in Australia. In order to analyse the discursive construction of the problem of human trafficking in relation to sex industry policy, a discursive analysis was conducted. The methodology of the study was informed by a feminist theoretical framework, and included academic sources and grey literature such as organisational reports and policy statements regarding anti-trafficking initiatives. The scope of grey literature was restricted to Australian and Thai government and non-government organisation texts. The chosen methodology facilitated a qualitative exploration of the influence of feminist discourses over political discourse in this arena. The discursive analysis exposed clusters of active feminist debates interacting with sex industry policy within individual states throughout Australia. Additionally, strongly opposed sex industry perspectives were uncovered within these competing feminist frameworks. While the influence these groups may exert over policy differs, the debate constructs a discursive relationship between human trafficking and sex industry policy. This is problematic because anti-trafficking policy is drawn to some extent from this discursive construction, therefore affecting support services for survivors of human trafficking. The discursive analysis further revealed misalignment between government and non-government priorities, Australian government anti-trafficking policy appears to favour criminal justice priorities; whereas non-government settings preference human rights protections. Criminal justice priorities invoke questions of legitimacy, leading to strict eligibility policy for survivors seeking support following exploitation in the Australian sex industry, undermining women’s agency and human rights. In practice, these two main findings demonstrate a construction of policy that has serious outcomes on typical survivors in Australia following a lived experience of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The discourses constructed by conflicting feminist arguments influence political discourses throughout Australia. The application of a feminist theoretical framework to the discursive analysis of the problem of human trafficking is unique to this study. The study has exposed a longstanding and unresolved feminist debate that has filtered throughout anti-trafficking political discourse. This study illuminates the problematic construction of anti-trafficking policy, and the implications in practice on survivor support services. Australia has received international criticism for the focus on criminal justice rather than human rights throughout anti-trafficking policy discourse. The outcome of this study has the potential to inform future language and constructive conversations contributing to knowledge around how policy effects survivors in the post trafficking experience.

Keywords: Australia, discursive analysis, government, human trafficking, non-government, Thailand

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Authors: Álvaro Turriago-Hoyos

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Most research tends to see innovation as an explanatory factor in achieving high levels of competitiveness and productivity. More recent studies have begun to analyze the determinants of innovation in the services sector as opposed to the much-discussed industrial sector of a country’s economy. This research paper focuses on the services sector in Colombia, one of Latin America’s fastest growing and biggest economies. Over the past decade, much of Colombia’s economic expansion has relied on commodity exports (mainly oil and coffee) whilst the industrial sector has performed relatively poorly. Such developments highlight the potential of the innovative role played by the services sector of the Colombian economy and its future growth prospects. This research paper analyzes the relationship between inputs, which at the same time are internal sources of innovation (such as R&D activities), and external sources that are improved by technology acquisition. The outputs are basically the four kinds of innovation that the OECD Oslo Manual recognizes: product, process, marketing and organizational innovations. The instrument used to measure this input-output relationship is based on Knowledge Production Function approaches. We run Probit models in order to identify the existing relationships between the above inputs and outputs, but also to identify spill-overs derived from interactions of the components of the value chain of the services firms analyzed: customers, suppliers, competitors, and complementary firms. Data are obtained from the Colombian National Administrative Department of Statistics for the period 2008 to 2013 published in the II and III Colombian National Innovation Survey. A short summary of the results obtained lead to conclude that firm size and a firm’s level of technological development turn out to be important discriminating factors for the description of the innovative process at the firm level. The model’s outcomes show a positive impact on the probability of introducing any kind of innovation both on R&D and Technology Acquisition investment. Also, cooperation agreements with customers, research institutes, competitors, and the suppliers are significant. Belonging to a particular industrial group is an important determinant but only to product and organizational innovation. It is possible to establish that Health Services, Education, Computer, Wholesale trade, and Financial Intermediation are the ISIC sectors, which report the highest number of frequencies of the considered set of firms. Those five sectors of the sixteen considered, in all cases, explained more than half of the total of all kinds of innovations. Product Innovation, which is followed by Marketing Innovation, gets the highest results. Displaying the same set of firms distinguishing by size, and belonging to high and low tech services sector shows that the larger the firms the larger a number of innovations, but also that always high-tech firms show a better innovation performance.

Keywords: Colombia, determinants of innovation, innovation, services sector

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Muhammed Jamiu Mustapha, Jamiu Folarin, Stephen Obiri Agyei, Rasheed Ademola Adebiyi, Mutiu Iyanda Lasisi

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The role of the media in political discourse cannot be overemphasized as they form an important part of societal development. The media institution is considered the fourth estate of the realm because it serves as a check and balance to the arms of government (Executive, Legislature and Judiciary) especially in a democratic setup, and makes public office holders accountable to the people. They scrutinize the political candidates and conduct a holistic analysis of the achievement of the government in order to make the people’s representative accountable to the electorates. The media in Nigeria play a seminal role in shaping how people vote during elections. Newspaper headlines are catchy phrases that easily capture the attention of the audience and call them (audience) to action. Research conducted on newspaper headlines looks at the linguistic aspect and how the tenses used has a resultant effect on peoples’ attitude and behaviour. Communication scholars have also conducted studies that interrogate whether newspaper headlines influence peoples' voting patterns and decisions. Propaganda and negative stories about political opponents are stapling features in electioneering campaigns. Nigerian newspaper readers have the characteristic of scanning newspaper headlines. And the question is whether politicians effectively have played into this tendency to brand opponents negatively, based on half-truths and inadequate information. This study illustrates major trends in the Nigerian political landscape looking at the past four presidential elections and frames the progress of the research in the extant body of political propaganda research in Africa. The study will use the quantitative content analysis of newspaper headlines from 2007 to 2019 to be able to ascertain whether newspaper headlines had any effect on the election results of the presidential elections during these years. This will be supplemented by Key Informant Interviews of political scientists or experts to draw further inferences from the quantitative data. Drawing on newspaper headlines of selected newspapers in Nigeria that have a political propaganda angle for the presidential elections, the analysis will correspond to and complements extant descriptions of how the field of political propaganda has been developed in Nigeria, providing evidence of four presidential elections that have shaped Nigerian politics. Understanding the development of the behavioural change of the electorates provide useful context for trend analysis in political propaganda communication. The findings will contribute to how newspaper headlines are used partly or wholly to decide the outcome of presidential elections in Nigeria.

Keywords: newspaper headlines, political propaganda, presidential elections, trend analysis

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

Abstract:

As Leo Strauss demonstrates in his works, Political Philosophy in the western tradition is an epistemic-naturalistic tradition insofar Hanna Arendt mentioning the deep conflict between philosophy and politics, opposed to be named “political philosopher” prefer the title “political thinker” for herself. In fact, the Western political philosophy’s tendency to derive politics from natural law and epistemic argumentations makes a paradox between the actual “the political” and the theoretical “natural politics” in the western tradition. In this paper, we want to show that Hanna Arendt, in her exploration to find a new realm of the non-naturalistic way of thinking about the political is walking on a completely different tradition of political philosophy which was first established by Al-Farabi, the founder of Islamic political philosophy around thousand years after Greek Philosophy. Despite Aristotelian Polis which is a Natural community based on true natural rationality to reach the natural purposes of mankind, Al-Farabi’s Madine (his reconstructed concept of Aristotelian Polis) is completely constructed against natural cities, which are formulated by necessity logic of natural arguments and natural deception of humanity. In fact, Farabi considers the natural understanding of politics as Ignorant ideologies used by governments to suppress people. Madine in Farabi’s work is not a natural institution but is a collaborative constitution founded by citizens. So despite Aristotelian thinking, here we don’t have just A Polis that is the one true polis, but we have various multiple Madines among one, is virtuous not by definition but by real action of citizens and civil relations. Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is not a Naturalistic-epistemic Political Philosophy but is a Phronetic Political Philosophy which Hanna Arendt wants to establish outside of western contemplative anti-active political philosophy tradition.

Keywords: al-farabi, hanna arendt, natural politics, the political, political philosophy

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Authors: Si On Na

Abstract:

The development of American radio and print media since World War II has allowed people with disabilities to engage more directly with the public, gradually changing the perception that disabled people constitute a kind of social impairment or burden. People with disabilities have rarely been portrayed as equal to the non-disabled. In the postwar period, a dramatic shift from eugenicist conceptualizations of disability and widespread institutionalization gradually evolved into conditions of greater openness in public discourse. This discourse was marked at mid-century by telethons and news media (both print and television) which sought to commodify people with disabilities for commercial gain through stories that promoted alienating forms of empowerment alternating with paternalistic pity. By comparing studies of the history of American disability advocacy in the twentieth century and the evolution of the image of disability characteristic of mid-century media discourse, this paper will examine the relationship between the passage of the American with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) and the expanded media representation of people with disabilities. This paper will argue that the legal mandate of the ADA ultimately transformed the image of people with disabilities from those who are weak and in need of support to viable consumers, encouraging traditional American print, film, and television media outlets to solicit the agency of people with disabilities in the authentic portrayal of themselves and their disabilities.

Keywords: ADA, disability representation, media portrayal, postwar United States

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

Abstract:

Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Kirill Neverov

Abstract:

In the paper is considered issues of civic participation in context of changing political landscape of Argentina. Last two years, this South American country faced a drastic change of political course. Pro-peronist, left-oriented administration of Christina Fernandez de Kirchner were replaced by right of center Mauricio Macri's one. The study is focused on inclusive policy in conditions of political transformations. We use network analysis to figure out which actors are involved in participation and to describe connections between them. As a resuflt, we plan to receive map of transactions which form inclusive policy in Argentina.

Keywords: civic participation, Argentina, political transformation, network analysis

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

Abstract:

The paradigm of Modern Linguistics incorporates disciplines which allow to analyze both language and discourse units and to demonstrate the multi-layeredness of lingo-cultural consciousness. By implementing lingo-cognitive approach to discourse and communication studies, the present paper tries to create the integral linguistic picture of the concept of joy and to analyze the lexico-semantic groups and relevant lexico-semantic variants of its realization in the context of Modern English fiction.

Keywords: concept of joy, lexico-semantic variant, semantic sign, cognition

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

Abstract:

Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Abdelaadim Bidaoui

Abstract:

As one of the most important linguistic inquiries, the topic of the intertwined relationship between language, the mind, and the world has attracted many scholars. In the fifties, Sapir and Whorf advocated the hypothesis that language shapes our cultural realities as an early attempt to provide answers to this linguistic inquiry. Later, discursive psychology views the linguistic behavior as “a dynamic form of social practice which constructs the social world, individual selves and identity.” (Jorgensen & Phillips 2002, 118). Discursive psychology also considers discourse as a trigger of social action and change. Building on discursive psychology and motivation theory, this paper examines the impact of linguistic behavior of the Moroccan coach Walid Reggragui on the Moroccan team’s exceptional performance in Qatar 2022 Soccer World Cup. The data used in the research is based on interviews conducted by the Moroccan coach prior and during the World Cup. Using a discourse analysis of the linguistic behavior of Reggragui, this paper shows how the linguistic behavior of Reggragui provided support for the three psychological needs: sense of belonging, competence, and autonomy. As any CDA research, this paper uses a triangulated theoretical framework that includes language, cognition and society.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, motivation theory, discursive psychology, linguistic behavior

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