Search results for: the international covenant on civil and political rights

Authors: German Ricci

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The research aims to analyse the symbolic power of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its relationship with a borrowing country, drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory. This theory of power, typical of constructivist structuralism, has been minor used in international relations. Thus, selecting this perspective offers a new understanding of how the IMF's power operates and is structured. The IMF makes periodic economic reviews in which the staff evaluates the Government's performance. It also offers “last instance” loans when private external credit is not accessible. This relationship generates great expectations in financial agents because the IMF’s statements indicate the capacity of the Nation-State to meet its payment obligations (or not). Therefore, it is argued that the IMF is a legitimate actor for financial agents concerned about a government facing an economic crisis both for the effects of its immediate economic contribution through loans and the promotion of adjustment programs, helpful to guarantee the payment of the external debt. This legitimacy implies a symbolic power relationship in addition to the already known economic power relationship. Obtaining the IMF's consent implies that the government partially puts its political-economic decisions into play since the monetary policy must be agreed upon with the Fund. This has consequences at the local level. First, it implies that the debtor state must establish a daily relationship with the Fund. This everyday interaction with the Fund influences how officials and policymakers internalize the meaning of political management. On the other hand, if the Government has access to the IMF's seal of approval, the State will be again in a position to re-enter the financial market and go back into debt to face external debt. This means that private creditors increase the chances of collecting the debt and, again, grant credits. Thus, it is argued that the borrowing country submits to the relationship with the IMF in search of the latter's economic and symbolic capital. Access to this symbolic capital has objective and subjective repercussions at the national level that might tend to reproduce the relevance of the financial market and legitimizes the IMF’s intervention during economic crises. The paper has Argentina as its case study, given its historical relationship with the IMF and the relevance of the current indebtedness period, which remains largely unexplored. Argentina’s economy is characterized by recurrent financial crises, and it is the country to which the Fund has lent the most in its entire history. It surpasses more than three times the second, Egypt. In addition, Argentina is currently the country that owes the most to the Fund after receiving the largest loan ever granted by the IMF in 2018, and a new agreement in 2022. While the historical strong association with the Fund culminated in the most acute economic and social crisis in the country’s contemporary history, producing an unprecedented political and institutional crisis in 2001, Argentina still recognized the IMF as the only way out during economic crises.

Keywords: IMF, fields theory, symbolic power, Argentina, Bourdieu

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Authors: Jose Carlos Montemayor, Kendrick Thomas Angelo Santos

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Filipinos have been divided on President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership ever since his election in 2016. This study aimed to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of the opinions of Filipinos from different age and income brackets on these issues in order to address the lack of studies analysing the current Philippine political landscape. An interview tackling relevant national issues were conducted with twelve respondents from the intersections of four age groups and three income brackets. The government’s handling of some issues received mixed opinions, some had neutral viewpoints, while others had more unfavorable ones. The responses differed on three levels: (1) the general stance on an issue; (2) the strength of a stance; and (3) the factoring in of an issue in forming an overall perception on the administration’s performance. Contrary to previous studies on political thought, opinions varied greatly such that no unique set of viewpoints could be attributed to any of the defined age or income groups. These results will be most useful to political science researchers, political analysts, and candidates shaping their platforms for the upcoming elections. Future studies are recommended to tackle more national issues and to consider other factors that may affect political opinions and behavior.

Keywords: age groups, opinion formation, socioeconomic brackets, Philippine politics, Rodrigo Duterte

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Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

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This communication presents the preliminary emerging themes in a research on political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology; in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as young women. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. With respect to the first methodological steps, these have been: 1) collect and select stories of lived experience in political participation, 2) select descriptions of lived experience (DLEs) in political participation of the chosen stories, 3) to prepare phenomenological interviews from the selected DLEs, 4) to conduct phenomenological thematic analysis (PTA) of the DLEs. We have so far initiated the PTA on 5 vignettes. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. Phenomenology is a descriptive philosophy of pure experience and essences, through which we seek to capture an experience at its origins without categorizing, interpreting or theorizing it. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, may be defined as a philosophical current that can be applied to data analysis. Max Van Manen wrote that hermeneutic phenomenology is a method of abstemious reflection on the basic structures of the lived experience of human existence. In hermeneutic phenomenology we focus, then, on the way we experience “things” in the first person, seeking to capture the world exactly as we experience it, not as we categorize or conceptualize it. In this study, the empirical methods used were: Lived experience description (written) and conversational interview. For these short stories, participants were asked: “What was your lived experience of participation in politics as a young woman? Can you tell me any stories or anecdotes that you think exemplify or typify your experience?”. The questions were accompanied by a list of guidelines for writing descriptive vignettes. And the analytical method was PTA. Among the provisional results, we found preliminary emerging themes, which could in the advance of the investigation result in meaning structures of political participation of young women. They are the following: - Complicity may be inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Feelings may be essential/inherent in political participation as a young woman; - Hope may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Frustration may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Satisfaction may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - There may be tension between individual/collective inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Political participation as a young woman may include moments of public demonstration.

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

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Authors: Recep Sait Arpat, Hakan Güreşci

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Emergency, disaster and crisis management terms are generally perceived as the same processes. This conflict effects the approach and delegating policy of the political order. Crisis management starts in the aftermath of the mismanagement of disaster and emergency. In the light of the information stated above in this article Turkey and United Kingdom(UK)’s crisis management systems are analyzed. This article’s main aim is to clarify the main points of the emergency management system of United Kingdom and Turkey’s disaster management system by comparing them. To do this: A prototype model of the political decision making processes of the countries is drawn, decision making mechanisms and the planning functions are compared. As a result it’s found that emergency management policy in Turkey is reactive whereas it’s proactive in UK; as the delegating policy Turkey’s system is similar to UK; levels of emergency situations are similar but not the same; the differences are stemming from the civil order and nongovernmental organizations effectiveness; UK has a detailed government engagement model to emergencies, which shapes the doctrine of the approach to emergencies, and it’s successful in gathering and controlling the whole state’s efforts; crisis management is a sub-phase of UK emergency management whereas it’s accepted as a outmoded management perception and the focal point of crisis management perception in UK is security crisis and natural disasters while in Turkey it is natural disasters. In every anlysis proposals are given to Turkey.

Keywords: crisis management, disaster management, emergency management, turkey, united kingdom

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Authors: Shiza Nisar

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This study examines how editorials in Pakistan’s English-language newspapers represented the Aurat March in Pakistan, which is held on International Women’s Day, 8 March, to reclaim public spaces for women. There was a public outcry against the controversial movement, sparked by the key messages and slogans used to communicate with the masses. This research aims to study non-western news frames used by Pakistan’s leading English-language newspapers—Dawn, The Express Tribune, The News, and The Nation—for the portrayal of Aurat March since 2018. The findings show how these editorials construct and reinforce the concept of feminism being threatened by the dangerous other. This research aims to contribute to the understanding of Pakistan’s elite discourse, which insists that this event is a movement led by females in a male-dominated society to voice their rights and reclaim public spaces; however, this movement is more than just that.

Keywords: discourse, Aurat March, media framing, feminist movement, editorials

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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The process of speech production and transmission naturally implies the occurrence of certain defective assumptions and erroneous formulations which may be both spontaneous, caused by haste, carelessness, etc., or deliberate. Whether deliberate or not, fallacies always act by way of “faux pas”. In the latter case, we deal with fake or deceptive arguments which are the focus of the given paper. The paper departs from the assumption that fallacies are arguments that prove nothing. Additionally and more importantly, political discourse becomes the main domain for scholarly “cultivation” while pinning down fallacies. The fallacy of telling the truth but deliberately omitting important key details in order to falsify the larger picture called “the half truth” captures special attention in the given paper.

Keywords: break in the information chain, fallacy, half truth, political discourse

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Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

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This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

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Authors: Vicky Khasandi-Telewa, Sinfree Makoni

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Barrenness is a fundamentally agonizing condition that leads to identity disruption in its victims. In Africa, women are usually referred to as ‘Mother of X,’ and this causes grief to one who does not have a child to be identified with. This paper is an examination and critical appraisal of the impact of barrenness on the self-perception of women and the underlying power relations in how they are discursively constructed in the Bible and Traditional African Society (TAS). It is an analysis of expressive practices to examine how barrenness is constructed in Christianity and TAS with the aim of understanding the intersecting power systems. We approach this from an integrationism and Critical Discourse Analysis perspective that takes seriously both the radical harassment of barren women and the possibilities offered by the ensuing desperation calling for inclusive reinterpretation. We also seek to understand barren women’s coping mechanisms and suggestions on how best to improve their lives. The purpose of this study is to explain how discursive construction of barrenness affects the fundamental rights and freedoms of women and what linguistic strategies they adopt to navigate through the maze of stigma. It seeks to illustrate a more nuanced complexity of barren women's lives through women's own exegesis of the Biblical accounts of barrenness and their traditions and to explore alternative narratives. We explore the linguistic strategies the barren women employ to communicate their coping with limitations imposed upon their rights by the negative constructions.

Keywords: integrationism, critical discourse analysis, barrenness, communication strategies, women rights

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Authors: Marwa Zein

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The long-term of the contract is one of the major features that distinguish international trade and investment contracts from other internal contracts. This is due to the nature of the contract and the huge works required to be performed from one hand or the desire of the parties to achieve stability in their transactions. However, long-term contracts might expose them to certain events and circumstances that impact the capability of the parties to execute their obligations pursuant to these contracts. During the year 2016, the Egyptian government has taken series of economic decisions which greatly impacted the economic and investment environment. Consequently, many contracts have encountered many problems in their execution due to such changes that greatly influence the performance of their obligation, a matter that necessitated the renegotiation of the conditions of these contracts on the basis of the unpredicted changes that could be listed under the Force Majeure Clause. The principle of fair and equitable treatment in investment placed on an obligation on the Egyptian government to consider the renegotiation of contract clauses based on the new conditions. This paper will discuss the idea of renegotiating international trade and investment contracts in Egypt with reference to the changes the economic environment has witnessed lately.

Keywords: change of circumstances, international contracts, investment contracts, renegotiation

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Authors: Thinh Huu Nguyen, Shahab Sharfaei, Jindřich Soukup

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In the pursuit of reducing production costs, offshoring has been a major trend throughout global value chains for many decades. However, with the rise of advanced technologies, new opportunities to automate their production are changing the motivation of multinational firms to go offshore. Instead, many firms are working to relocate their offshored activities from developing economies back to their home countries. This phenomenon, known as reshoring, has recently garnered much attention as it becomes clear that automation in advanced countries might have major implications not only on their own economies but also through international trade on the economy of low-income countries, including their labor market outcomes and their comparative advantages. Thus, while using robots to substitute human labor may lower the relative costs of producing at home, it has the potential to decrease employment and demand for exports from developing economies through reshoring. In this paper, we investigate the recent literature to provide a further understanding of the relationships between robotization and the reshoring of production. Moreover, we analyze the impact of robot adoption on international trade in both developed and emerging markets. Finally, we identify the research gaps and provide avenues for future research in international economics. This study is a part of the project funded by the Internal Grant Agency (IGA) of the Faculty of Business Administration, Prague University of Economics and Business.

Keywords: automation, robotization, reshoring, international trade

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Authors: Natany Rodrigues De Carvalho, Denise Bomtempo Birche De Carvalho

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the Special Testimony as a methodology for social workers to ensure the rights of children and adolescents who are victims of sexual violence. The specific objectives are: a) to contextualize, through the specialized literature, the social history of childhood and adolescence; b) to investigate, in the scientific literature, the sexual violence against children and adolescents as an analytical category; c) identify, with the social workers, if there is any defense of children and adolescents in the special testimony. To answer the research objectives we use qualitative research, in three axes that complement each other: a) participant observation through the insertion in the research field (supervised internship I and II); b) survey of literature on the subject; c) semi-structured interviews with social workers of the TJDFT. We used content analysis to systematize and interpret the collected data. The results of the research were organized into three chapters with the following contents: a) literature review, contextualizing the social history of childhood and adolescence to the present; b) sexual violence against children and adolescents and their categories of analysis; c) understanding of the special testimony in the Federal District and Territories in guaranteeing the rights of children and adolescents, identifying their main points from the perspective of social workers. The results showed how the lack of interdisciplinarity in the Special Testimony can lead to the non-integral protection of children and adolescents victims of sexual violence.

Keywords: childhood and adolescence, sexual violence, special testimony, social work

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Chiu-Yin Leung

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This research investigates a complex assemblage among indigenous identities, socio-political organization and national apparatus in the border landscape of post-colonial Hong Kong. This former British colony had designated a transient mode of governance in its New Territories and particularly the northernmost borderland in 1951-2012. With a discriminated system of land provisions for the indigenous villagers, the place has been inherited with distinctive village-based culture, historic monuments and agrarian practices until its sovereignty return into the People’s Republic of China. In its latest development imperatives by the national strategic planning, the frontier area of Hong Kong has been identified as a strategy site for regional economic integration in South China, with cross-border projects of innovation and technology zones, mega-transport infrastructure and inter-jurisdictional arrangement. Contemporary literature theorizes borders as the material and discursive production of territoriality, which manifest in state apparatus and the daily lives of its citizens and condense in the contested articulations of power, security and citizenship. Drawing on the concept of assemblage, this paper attempts to tract how the border regime and infrastructure in Hong Kong as a city are deeply ingrained in the everyday lived spaces of the local communities but also the changing urban and regional strategies across different longitudinal moments. Through an intensive ethnographic fieldwork among the borderland villages since 2008 and the extensive analysis of colonial archives, new development plans and spatial planning frameworks, the author navigates the genealogy of the border landscape in Ta Kwu Ling frontier area and its implications as the milieu for new state space, covering heterogeneous fields particularly in indigenous rights, heritage preservation, rural sustainability and regional economy. Empirical evidence suggests an apparent bias towards indigenous power and colonial representation in classifying landscape values and conserving historical monuments. Squatter and farm tenants are often deprived of property rights, statutory participation and livelihood option in the planning process. The postcolonial bureaucracies have great difficulties in mobilizing resources to catch up with the swift, political-first approach of the mainland counterparts. Meanwhile, the cultural heritage, lineage network and memory landscape are not protected altogether with any holistic view or collaborative effort across the border. The enactment of land resumption and compensation scheme is furthermore disturbed by lineage-based customary law, technocratic bureaucracy, intra-community conflicts and multi-scalar political mobilization. As many traces of colonial misfortune and tyranny have been whitewashed without proper management, the author argues that postcolonial justice is yet reconciled in this fragmented border landscape. The assemblage of border in mainstream representation has tended to oversimplify local struggles as a collective mist and setup a wider production of schizophrenia experiences in the discussion of further economic integration among Hong Kong and other mainland cities in the Pearl River Delta Region. The research is expected to shed new light on the theorizing of border regions and postcolonialism beyond Eurocentric perspectives. In reassembling the borderland experiences with other arrays in state governance, village organization and indigenous identities, the author also suggests an alternative epistemology in reconciling socio-spatial differences and opening up imaginaries for positive interventions.

Keywords: heritage conservation, indigenous communities, post-colonial borderland, regional development, rural sustainability

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: Satya Girish Goparaju, Sushmita Pareek

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This paper examines two sets of pictograms published in Neurath’s books Basic by Isotype and International Pictorial Language in order to investigate the reasons for pictorial language having become an end in itself despite its potential to be relevant, especially in the 21st century digital age of heightened interlingual engagement. ISOTYPE was developed by Otto Neurath to be an ‘international language’ (pictorial) in the late 1920s. It was derived from the philosophy of logical positivism (of the Vienna Circle), which believed that language can be reduced to sets of direct experiences as bare symbols, devoid of the emotive and expressive functions. In his book International Picture Language, Neurath noted that any language is less clear-cut in one or the other way, and hence the pictorial language was justified. However, Isotype, as an ambitious version of logical positivism in practice distanced itself from the semiotic theories of language, and therefore his pictograms were defined as an independent set of signs rather than signs as a part of the language. This paper attempts to investigate intersemiotic translation in the form of Isotypes and trace the effects of logical positivism on Neurath’s concept of isotypes; the ‘international language’.

Keywords: intersemiotic translation, isotype, logical positivism, Otto Neurath, translation studies

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Authors: Cangul Altundas Akcay

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With the beginning of the mass movement called as the Arab Uprising, Middle Eastern politics has demonstrated an influential shift which has been threatening the existence of the ruling regimes. In this environment, in particular, regional powers have desired to control regional politics, and to expand their regional influence. Bearing that in mind, Turkey and Iran, two significant regional powers, have engaged in competition so as to affect the shifted regional geopolitics. In this context, this paper aims to investigate how regional powers, especially non-Arab ones, have viewed each other in the Arab Uprising, whereby focusing on Turkish perspectives towards Iran. In other words, it will shed light on how Turkey has conducted foreign policy towards Iran during the Arab Uprising. To analyse this, Turkey’s ideological and identity politics towards Iran will be examined as one of its foreign policy approaches. The question is thus that how ideological and identity politics have determined Turkish foreign policy towards Iran in the Arab Uprising. To answer that, the Syrian civil war will be analysed as the case study in this qualitative study, hypothesising that Turkey, which has both Turkish identity and Sunni sect, has competed with Iran, which has both Farsi identity and Shia sect, over the Syrian civil war.

Keywords: Arab uprising, ideological and identity politics, Iran, Turkey, Syrian civil war

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

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The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Seyedeh Khadijeh. Mirbazel, Masoumeh Arjmandi

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Semantics is a linguistic approach and a scientific stream, and like all scientific streams, it is dynamic. The study of meaning is carried out in the broad semantic collections of words that form the discourse. In other words, meaning is not something that can be found in a word; rather, the formation of meaning is a process that takes place in a discourse as a whole. One of the contemporary semantic theories is Izutsu's Semantic Field Theory. According to this theory, the discovery of meaning depends on the function of words and takes place within the context of language. The purpose of this research is to identify the meaning of the word "Nas" in the discourse of verse 24 of Surah Al-Baqarah, which introduces "Nas" as the firewood of hell, but the translators have translated it as "people". The present research has investigated the semantic structure of the word "Nas" using the aforementioned theory through the descriptive-analytical method. In the process of investigation, by matching the semantic fields of the Quranic word "Nas", this research came to the conclusion that "Nas" implies those persons who have forgotten God and His covenant in believing in His Oneness. For this reason, God called them "Nas (the forgetful)" - the imperfect participle of the noun /næsiwoɔn/ in single trinity of Arabic language, which means “to forget”. Therefore, the intended meaning of "Nas" in the verses that have the word "Nas" is not equivalent to "People" which is a general noun.

Keywords: Nas, people, semantics, semantic field theory.

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Authors: Ida Madieha Abdul Ghani Azmi, Heng Gee Lim, Adlan Abdul Razak, Nasaruddin Abdul Rahman

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The objective of competition law is to maximise consumer welfare through the regulation of anti-competitive behaviour that results in the distortion of the market. Intellectual property law also seeks to enhance consumer welfare in the long run by encouraging the development of useful devices and processes. Nevertheless, in some circumstances, the IP owners behave in such a way that makes it difficult for rival companies to sell substitute products and technology in the market. Intellectual property owners may also reach a dominant position in the market such that they are able to dictate unfair terms and conditions on other market players. Among the two major categories of anti-competitive behavior is the use of horizontal and vertical agreement to constrain effective competition and abuse of dominant position. As a result, many countries have regulated the conduct of the IP owners that are considered as anti-competitive including the US, Canada, and Singapore. This paper visits the proposed IP Guidelines recently drafted by the Malaysian Competition Commission and investigates to what extent it resolves most of the anti-competitive behavior of the IP owners. The paper concludes by suggesting some of the rules that could be prescribed by the Competition Commission in order to maintain the relevancy of competition law as the main check against the abuse of rights by the intellectual property owners.

Keywords: abuse of dominant position, consumer welfare, intellectual property rights, vertical and horizontal agreements

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Authors: Dasha Karzunina, Laura Bridgestock

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Our oral presentation will be based on our qualitative and quantitative findings into motivations and challenges faced by international and UK students when choosing a university abroad. The insight was gathered through a series of over 60 focus groups held with prospective university students all over the world, including masters and PhD applicants. We spoke to students face-to-face in Latin America, North American, India, China, South East Asia and the major European cities. A survey was carried out alongside, to gather additional insight on their priorities and attitudes to universities’ reputation, collecting over 1,800 responses. The session’s aims are to break down some of the myths about the perspectives of international students and inform university leaders interested in recruiting more highly talented students from abroad and those currently working with international students. As a provider of one of the most demanded resources in higher education, QS World University Rankings, we specialize in understanding universities’ performance, their institutional brand and the impact of rankings on student recruitment. We therefore feel we are well placed to carry out and present this research. We hope for our findings to act as a bridge between bright students and their future universities abroad. We intend for our session to be interactive and so are happy to go into more depth on any of the destinations we visited, depending on what the audience is most interested in and which questions we receive.

Keywords: international student recruitment, market research, rankings, study abroad

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Authors: Benjamin Thomas Greer, Grace Cotulla, Mandy Johnson

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Human trafficking is one of the fastest growing international crimes and human rights violations in the world. The United States Department of State (State Department) approximates some 800,000 to 900,000 people are annually trafficked across sovereign borders, with approximately 14,000 to 17,500 of these people coming into the United States. Today’s slavery is conducted by unscrupulous individuals who are often connected to organized criminal enterprises and transnational gangs, extracting huge monetary sums. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), human traffickers collect approximately $32 billion worldwide annually. Surpassed only by narcotics dealing, trafficking of humans is tied with illegal arms sales as the second largest criminal industry in the world and is the fastest growing field in the 21st century. Perpetrators of this heinous crime abound. They are not limited to single or “sole practitioners” of human trafficking, but rather, often include Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCO), domestic street gangs, labor contractors, and otherwise seemingly ordinary citizens. Monetary gain is being elevated over territorial disputes and street gangs are increasingly operating in a collaborative effort with TCOs to further disguise their criminal activity; to utilizing their vast networks, in an attempt to avoid detection. Traffickers rely on a network of clandestine routes to sell their commodities with impunity. As law enforcement agencies seek to retard the expansion of transnational criminal organization’s entry into human trafficking, it is imperative that they develop reliable trafficking mapping of known exploitative routes. In a recent report given to the Mexican Congress, The Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) disclosed, from 2008 to 2010 they had identified at least 47 unique criminal networking routes used to traffic victims and that Mexico’s estimated domestic victims number between 800,000 adults and 20,000 children annually. Designing a reliable mapping system is a crucial step to effective law enforcement response and deploying a successful victim support system. Creating this mapping analytic is exceedingly difficult. Traffickers are constantly changing the way they traffic and exploit their victims. They swiftly adapt to local environmental factors and react remarkably well to market demands, exploiting limitations in the prevailing laws. This article will highlight how human trafficking has become one of the fastest growing and most high profile human rights violations in the world today; compile current efforts to map and illustrate trafficking routes; and will demonstrate how the proprietary analytical mapping analysis of point-source and destination-source mapping can help local law enforcement, governmental agencies and victim services providers effectively respond to the type and nature of trafficking to their specific geographical locale. Trafficking transcends state and international borders. It demands an effective and consistent cooperation between local, state, and federal authorities. Each region of the world has different impact factors which create distinct challenges for law enforcement and victim services. Our mapping system lays the groundwork for a targeted anti-trafficking response.

Keywords: human trafficking, mapping, routes, law enforcement intelligence

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Authors: Anette Alén

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Intellectual property (IP) regimes have traditionally been designed to integrate various conflicting elements stemming from private entitlement and the public good. In IP laws and regulations, this design takes the form of specific uses of protected subject-matter without the right-holder’s consent, or exhaustion of exclusive rights upon market release, and the like. More recently, the pursuit of ‘balance’ has gained ground in the conceptualization of these conflicting elements both in terms of IP law and related policy. This can be seen, for example, in European Union (EU) copyright regime, where ‘balance’ has become a key element in argumentation, backed up by fundamental rights reasoning. This development also entails an ever-expanding dialogue between the IP regime and the constitutional safeguards for property, free speech, and privacy, among others. This study analyses the concept of ‘balance’ in EU copyright law: the research task is to examine the contents of the concept of ‘balance’ and the way it is operationalized and pursued, thereby producing new knowledge on the role and manifestations of ‘balance’ in recent copyright case law and regulatory instruments in the EU. The study discusses two particular pieces of legislation, the EU Digital Single Market (DSM) Copyright Directive (EU) 2019/790 and the finalized EU Artificial Intelligence (AI) Act, including some of the key preparatory materials, as well as EU Court of Justice (CJEU) case law pertaining to copyright in the digital era. The material is examined by means of document analysis, mapping the ways ‘balance’ is approached and conceptualized in the documents. Similarly, the interaction of fundamental rights as part of the balancing act is also analyzed. Doctrinal study of law is also employed in the analysis of legal sources. This study suggests that the pursuit of balance is, for its part, conducive to new battles, largely due to the advancement of digitalization and more recent developments in artificial intelligence. Indeed, the ‘balancing act’ rather presents itself as a way to bypass or even solidify some of the conflicting interests in a complex global digital economy. Indeed, such a conceptualization, especially when accompanied by non-critical or strategically driven fundamental rights argumentation, runs counter to the genuine acknowledgment of new types of conflicting interests in the copyright regime. Therefore, a more radical approach, including critical analysis of the normative basis and fundamental rights implications of the concept of ‘balance’, is required to readjust copyright law and regulations for the digital era. Notwithstanding the focus on executing the study in the context of the EU copyright regime, the results bear wider significance for the digital economy, especially due to the platform liability regime in the DSM Directive and with the AI Act including objectives of a ‘level playing field’ whereby compliance with EU copyright rules seems to be expected among system providers.

Keywords: balance, copyright, fundamental rights, platform liability, artificial intelligence

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Authors: Sumeyra Yakar

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The idea of this research had its genesis from the writer's interest in Shi'i school and religio-political atmosphere in contemporary Iran. The research aims to identify how the past dynamics between political and legal figures and their relationship between each other affect contemporary relationship between political and religious authorities at the local and global level. It attempts to explore religio-politic Shi'i figures and their relationship with the official jurisprudence from the 15th century to the contemporary period. The mutual interaction between the opinion and acts of political figures and jurisprudential institutions enlightens the role of religious values to control the mass population. After the collapse of the Safawīd Dynasty, Shi'i believers lost their political guardian and legal independence, and the situation gave them the inspiration to create unique ideologies or political approaches to solve the governance crisis. The analysis of authoritative political figures and their scholastic contributions elucidate the connection between political powers and religious doctrines under the protection of sectarian oriented theocratic governments. Additionally, understanding the incremental influence of political (historical) Shi'i figures into religious doctrines shed lights on the chronological development of peculiar government style and authoritative hierarchy in contemporary Shi’i communities. The research as being interdisciplinary one offers to create an academic awareness between legal and political factors in Shi’i school of thought and encompasses political, religious, social, financial and cultural atmospheres of the countries in which the political figures lived. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society. Contemporary relationship between the political figures and religious authorities in Iran will be explained by religio-legal dimensions. The methodology that will be applied by the study has been chosen in order to acquire information and deduce conclusions from the opinions of the scholars. Thus, the research method is mainly descriptive and qualitative. Three lines of description are pursued throughout the study; the explanation of political ideas belonging to the religio-political figures theoretically depending on written texts; the description of approaches adopted by contemporary Iranian and Saudi scholars relating to the legal systems (theoretically); and the explanation of the responses of governmental authorities.

Keywords: clergy (‘ulamā), guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), Iran, Shi’i figures

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Authors: Hussain Hameed Mayuuf

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The study is an attempt to investigate the conceptual metonymies is used in political discourse about COVID-19. Thus, this study tries to analyze and investigate how the conceptual metonymies in Johnson's speech about coronavirus are constructed. This study aims at: Identifying how are metonymies relevant to understand the messages in Boris Johnson speeches and to find out how can conceptual blending theory help people to understand the messages in the political speech about COVID-19. Lastly, it tries to Point out the kinds of integration networks are common in political speech. The study is based on the hypotheses that conceptual blending theory is a powerful tool for investigating the intended messages in Johnson's speech and there are different processes of blending networks and conceptual mapping that enable the listeners to identify the messages in political speech. This study presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of four speeches about COVID-19; they are said by Boris Johnson. The selected data have been tackled from the cognitive-semantic perspective by adopting Conceptual Blending Theory as a model for the analysis. It concludes that CBT is applicable to the analysis of metonymies in political discourse. Its mechanisms enable listeners to analyze and understand these speeches. Also the listener can identify and understand the hidden messages in Biden and Johnson's discourse about COVID-19 by using different conceptual networks. Finally, it is concluded that the double scope networks are the most common types of blending of metonymies in the political speech.

Keywords: cognitive, semantics, conceptual, metonymical, Covid-19

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Military interventions have an important place in the Turkish Political History. Military interventions are commonly called coup in the society. By coup we mean that the armed forces seize political power either by a group of officer in the army or by chain of command. Coups not only weaken but also suspend the democracy in a country. All periods of coup created its own victims. Two military coups which took place in May 27, 1960 and September 12, 1980 are the most important ones in terms of political and social effect in the Turkish Political History. Apart these, March 12, 1971, February 28, 1997 and April 27, 2007 e-memorandum are the periods when Army submitted a memorandum and intervened the political government indirectly. Beside the memorandums and coups there were also many coup attempts that have been experienced in the Turkish Political History. In this study, we examined the coup attempted by FETO’s military members in the evening of July 15, 2016 from the point of the Turkish Press. Cumhuriyet, Haber Türk, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Yeni Şafak Newspapers which have different publication policies were examined within the scope of the study. The first pages of the newspapers dated July 16, 2016 were examined using content analysis method. The headlines, news, news headlines and the visual materials used for news were examined and the collected data were analysed.

Keywords: July 15, news, military coup, press

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Authors: Lisa Tragbar

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In post-war scenarios, reconstruction is a principle towards creating a Just Peace in order to restore a stable post-war society. Just peace theorists explore normative behaviour after war, including the duties and responsibilities of different actors and peacebuilding strategies to achieve a lasting, positive peace. Environmental peace ethicists have argued for including the role of nature in the Ethics of War and Peace. This text explores the question of why and how to rethink the value of nature in post-war scenarios. The aim is to include the rights of nature within a maximalist account of reconstruction by highlighting sumak kawsay in the post-war period. Destruction of nature is usually considered collateral damage in war scenarios. Common universal standards for post-war reconstruction are restitution, compensation and reparation programmes, which is mostly anthropocentric approach. The problem of reconstruction in the aftermath of war is the instrumental value of nature. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be revisited within a non-anthropocentric context. There is an ongoing debate about a minimalist or maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction. While Michael Walzer argues for minimalist in-and-out interventions, Alex Bellamy argues for maximalist strategies such as the responsibility to protect, a UN-concept on how face mass atrocity crimes and how to reconstruct peace. While supporting the tradition of maximalist responsibility to rebuild, these normative post-Bellum concepts do not yet sufficiently consider the rights of nature in the aftermath of war. While reconstruction of infrastructures seems important and necessary, concepts that strengthen the intrinsic value of nature in post-bellum measures must also be included. Peace is not Just Peace without a thriving nature that provides the conditions and resources to live and guarantee human rights. Ecuador's indigenous philosophy of life can contribute to the restoration of nature after war by changing the perspective on the value of nature. The sumak kawsay includes the de-hierarchisation of humans and nature and the principle of reciprocity towards nature. Transferring this idea of life and interconnectedness to post-war reconstruction practices, post bellum perpetrators have restorative obligations not only to people but also to nature. This maximalist approach would include both a restitutive principle, by restoring the balance between humans and nature, and a retributive principle, by punishing the perpetrators through compensatory duties to nature. A maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction that takes into account the rights of nature expands the normative post-war questions to include a more complex field of responsibilities. After a war, Just Peace is restored once not only human rights but also the rights of nature are secured. A minimalist post-bellum approach to reconstruction does not locate future problems at their source and does not offer a solution for the inclusion of obligations to nature. There is a lack of obligations towards nature after a war, which can be changed through a different perspective: The indigenous philosophy of life provides the necessary principles for a comprehensive reconstruction of Just Peace.

Keywords: normative ethics, peace, post-war, sumak kawsay, applied ethics

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Authors: Alapa Peters Odugbo

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The remarkable but fascinatingly intricate book 'The Lives of Jessie Sampter', by Sarah Imhoff, which describes Jessie Sampter's three different lives as a queer, a disabled person, and a Zionist, served as the main inspiration for this work. Her second chapter of Imhoff, which covers disability in-depth, inspired the focus of my study. This paper critically explores how culture, religion, and medicine contribute to and sustain discriminatory practices against people with disabilities in Nigeria. These practices include continued and often unchallenged stigmatization, unequal treatment, and denial of basic social services, employment prospects, and fundamental human rights. The paper makes crucial recommendations to help combat and eliminate these practices and negative perceptions toward people with disabilities in Nigeria, as well as to safeguard and promote their interests and rights.

Keywords: disability, culture, religion, medicine

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent regime change, internal conflicts between political and ethnic-religious groups have become a hallmark of Iraqi political dynamism. The most important manifestations of these conflicts are the Kurdish-central government conflicts, as well as fundamentalism since 2003. As a result, it seems not only US presence in Iraq under the pretext of fighting terrorism and expanding democracy has not had a positive effect on controlling fundamentalism and political stability in Iraq, but it has paved the way for the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in the form of disputes over territory and sources of power. In this regard, given the importance of the study, the main purpose of this study is to examine the process of the impact of US regime-change policy on the formation and continuation of geopolitical crises in Iraq. The central question of this study is, what effect has the US regime change policy had on Iraq's domestic political processes? Findings show that regime change and subsequent imposed federalism have widened the gaps in Iraq's sectarian-ethnic system. As a result, the geopolitical crisis in the context of the dispute over geographical territory and sources of power between ethnic-religious groups has become the most important political dynamic in Iraq since the occupation. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: Iraq, united states, geopolitical crisis, ethno-religious conflict, political federalism

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