Search results for: political debates

Authors: Onyinyechi Lilian Uche

Abstract:

Limiting arbitrariness and political power in governance is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism acknowledges the necessity for government but insists upon a limitation being placed upon its powers. It is therefore clear that the essence of constitutionalism is obviation of arbitrariness in governance and maximisation of liberty with adequate and expedient restraint on government. The doctrine of separation of powers accompanied by a system of checks and balances in Nigeria like many other African countries is marked by elements of ‘personal government’ and this has raised questions about whether the apparent separation of powers provided for in the Nigerian Constitution is not just a euphemism for the hegemony of the executive over the other two arms of government; the legislature and the judiciary. Another question raised in the article is whether the doctrine is merely an abstract philosophical inheritance that lacks both content and relevance to the realities of the country and region today? The current happenings in Nigeria and most African countries such as the flagrant disregard of court orders by the Executive, indicate clearly that the concept constitutionalism ordinarily goes beyond mere form and strikes at the substance of a constitution. It, therefore, involves a consideration of whether there are provisions in the constitution which limit arbitrariness in the exercise of political powers by providing checks and balances upon such exercise. These questions underscore the need for Africa to craft its own understanding of the separation of powers between the arms of government in furtherance of good governance as it has been seen that it is possible to have a constitution in place which may just be a mere statement of unenforceable ‘rights’ or may be bereft of provisions guaranteeing liberty or adequate and necessary restraint on exercise of government. This paper seeks to expatiate on the importance of the nexus between constitutionalism and democratic process and a juxtaposition of practices between Nigeria and South Africa. The article notes that an abstract analysis of constitutionalism without recourse to the democratic process is meaningless and also analyses the structure of government of some selected African countries. These are examined the extent to which the doctrine operates within the arms of government and concludes that it should not just be regarded as a general constitutional principle but made rigid or perhaps effective and binding through law and institutional reforms.

Keywords: checks and balances, constitutionalism, democratic process, separation of power

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Authors: Wint Wint Thu, Htet Ko Ko Win, Myat Mon San, Zaw Lin Tun, Nandar Than Aye, Khin Nyein Myat, Hayman Nyo Oo, Nay Aung Lin, Kusum Thapa, Kyaw Htet Aung

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Background: In Myanmar, the intense political instability happened to start in Feb-2021, while the COVID-19 pandemic waves are also threatening the public health system, which subsequently led to severe health sector crisis, including difficulties in accessing maternal and newborn health care for vulnerable women and children. The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) uses a telehealth approach United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded Essential Health Project. Implementation: The Remote Pregnant and Newborn Care (RPNC) service has adapted to the MNCH needs of vulnerable pregnant women and was implemented to mitigate the risk of limited access to essential quality MNH care in Yangon, Myanmar, under women, and the project trained 13 service providers on a telehealth care package for pregnancy and newborn developed Jhpiego to ensure understanding of evidence-based MNCH care practices. The phone numbers of the pregnant women were gathered through the preexisting and functioning community volunteers, who reach the most vulnerable pregnant women in the project's targeted area. A total of 212 pregnant women have been reached by service providers for RPNC during the implementation period. The trained service providers offer quality antenatal and postnatal care, including newborn care, via telephone calls. It includes 24/7 incoming calls and time-allotted outgoing calls to the pregnant women during antenatal and postnatal periods, including the newborn care. The required data were collected daily in time with the calls, and the quality of the medical services is made assured with the track of the calls, ensuring data privacy and patient confidentiality. Lessons learned: The key lessons are 1) cost-effectiveness: RPNC service could reduce out of pocket expenditure of pregnant women as it only costs 1.6 United States dollars (USD) per one telehealth call while it costs 8 to 10 USD per one time in-person care service at private service providers, including transportation cost, 2) network of care: telehealth call could not replace the in-person antenatal and postnatal care services, and integration of telehealth calls with in-person care by local healthcare providers with the support of the community is crucial for accessibility to essential MNH services by poor and vulnerable women, and 3) sharing information on health access points: most of the women seem to have financial barriers in accessing private health facilities while public health system collapse and telehealthcare could provide information on low-cost facilities and connect women to relevant health facilities. These key lessons are important for future efforts regarding the implementation of remote pregnancy and newborn care in Myanmar, especially during the political crisis and COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Keywords: telehealth, accessibility, maternal care, newborn care

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Ismahane Emma Karima Bessi

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Military sociology is largely avoided. Discussing the military as a societal phenomenon and the social dimensions of war and peace is now considered a disgraceful and neglected province of social science that has a major impact on global populations. The first official press war began with William Howard Russell in the mid-19th century. The media are crucial to war and peace. Even Gaius Julius Caesar, with his "commentarii bello gallico", was a media tool to influence his warfare. Napoleon Bonaparte also knew how important the press was for his actions. This shows how important history is for crisis and war journalism. The one-sided media coverage that every country is confronted with ultimately prevents people from having a certain interest in the truth and from gross knowledge gaps in order to get an accurate picture of reality. There is a need to examine the relationship between the military, war, and the media to look at the modality in which the media is involved in military conflicts, in this case, as an adjunct, i.e., war because of the media. These are promoted or initiated by the following factors: photos intended for the visual manipulation of the population, the pressure from politicians and parties who are urging and exerting their influence on the global media to share the same pattern of opinion, and, most importantly, the media profiting from the war by listening to popular reactions and passing them on promoting with new visuals. These influence political elections. The media occupies a huge and ubiquitous part of the population. These have the ability to make a country that is in constant crisis and war mode appear in a brilliant light of peace. An article or photograph taken by one journalist has a tremendous impact as it can control the minds of millions of people. Most wars currently have state-political reasons. The parties, therefore, want to have their (potential) voters on their side, who are inflated by the media. The military is loathed or loved. Thinking must be created that a well-trained military in the instances of natural sciences, history, and sociology can save or protect the lives of many people. Theoretical methods for this are defined and evaluated in more detail in this paper.

Keywords: war, history, military, science, journalism, crisis

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Authors: Shankaran Sitarama

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New Product Development involves team members coming together and working in teams to come up with innovative solutions to problems, resulting in new products. Thus, a core attribute of a successful NPD team is their creativity and innovation. They need to be creative as a group, generating a breadth of ideas and innovative solutions that solve or address the problem they are targeting and meet the user’s needs. They also need to be very efficient in their teamwork as they work through the various stages of the development of these ideas, resulting in a POC (proof-of-concept) implementation or a prototype of the product. There are two distinctive traits that the teams need to have, one is ideational creativity, and the other is effective and efficient teamworking. There are multiple types of tensions that each of these traits cause in the teams, and these tensions reflect in the team dynamics. Ideational conflicts arising out of debates and deliberations increase the collective knowledge and affect the team creativity positively. However, the same trait of challenging each other’s viewpoints might lead the team members to be disruptive, resulting in interpersonal tensions, which in turn lead to less than efficient teamwork. Teams that foster and effectively manage these creative tensions are successful, and teams that are not able to manage these tensions show poor team performance. In this paper, it explore these tensions as they result in the team communication social network and propose a Creative Tension Balance index along the lines of Degree of Balance in social networks that has the potential to highlight the successful (and unsuccessful) NPD teams. Team communication reflects the team dynamics among team members and is the data set for analysis. The emails between the members of the NPD teams are processed through a semantic analysis algorithm (LSA) to analyze the content of communication and a semantic similarity analysis to arrive at a social network graph that depicts the communication amongst team members based on the content of communication. This social network is subjected to traditional social network analysis methods to arrive at some established metrics and structural balance analysis metrics. Traditional structural balance is extended to include team interaction pattern metrics to arrive at a creative tension balance metric that effectively captures the creative tensions and tension balance in teams. This CTB (Creative Tension Balance) metric truly captures the signatures of successful and unsuccessful (dissonant) NPD teams. The dataset for this research study includes 23 NPD teams spread out over multiple semesters and computes this CTB metric and uses it to identify the most successful and unsuccessful teams by classifying these teams into low, high and medium performing teams. The results are correlated to the team reflections (for team dynamics and interaction patterns), the team self-evaluation feedback surveys (for teamwork metrics) and team performance through a comprehensive team grade (for high and low performing team signatures).

Keywords: team dynamics, social network analysis, new product development teamwork, structural balance, NPD teams

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Authors: Larysa Novak-Kalyayeva, Aleksander Kuczabski, Orystlava Sydorchuk, Nataliia Fersman, Tatyana Zemlinskaia

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The article presents the results of the creative analysis and comparison of trends in the development of the theory of public administration during the period from the second half of the 20^th to the beginning of the 21^st century. The process of conceptualization of the priorities of public administration in the dynamics of reforming was held under the influence of such factors as globalization, integration, information and technological changes and human rights is examined. The priorities of the social state in the concepts of the second half of the 20^th century are studied. Peculiar approaches to determining the priorities of public administration in the countries of "Soviet dictatorship" in Central and Eastern Europe in the same period are outlined. Particular attention is paid to the priorities of public administration regarding the interaction between public power and society and the development of conceptual foundations for the modern managerial process. There is a thought that the dynamics of the formation of concepts of the European governance is characterized by the sequence of priorities: from socio-economic and moral-ethical to organizational-procedural and non-hierarchical ones. The priorities of the "welfare state" were focused on the decent level of material wellbeing of population. At the same time, the conception of "minimal state" emphasized priorities of human responsibility for their own fate under the conditions of minimal state protection. Later on, the emphasis was placed on horizontal ties and redistribution of powers and competences of "effective state" with its developed procedures and limits of responsibility at all levels of government and in close cooperation with the civil society. The priorities of the contemporary period are concentrated on human rights in the concepts of "good governance" and all the following ones, which recognize the absolute priority of public administration with compliance, provision and protection of human rights. There is a proved point of view that civilizational changes taking place under the influence of information and technological imperatives also stipulate changes in priorities, redistribution of emphases and update principles of managerial concepts on the basis of publicity, transparency, departure from traditional forms of hierarchy and control in favor of interactivity and inter-sectoral interaction, decentralization and humanization of managerial processes. The necessity to permanently carry out the reorganization, by establishing the interaction between different participants of public power and social relations, to establish a balance between political forces and social interests on the basis of mutual trust and mutual understanding determines changes of social, political, economic and humanitarian paradigms of public administration and their theoretical comprehension. The further studies of theoretical foundations of modern public administration in interdisciplinary discourse in the context of ambiguous consequences of the globalizational and integrational processes of modern European state-building would be advisable. This is especially true during the period of political transformations and economic crises which are the characteristic of the contemporary Europe, especially for democratic transition countries.

Keywords: concepts of public administration, democratic transition countries, human rights, the priorities of public administration, theory of public administration

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Authors: Zelalem B. Gurmessa, Ignatius W. Ferreira, Henry F. Wissink

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The aim of this paper is to critically examine the factors contributing to academic brain drain in the Sub-Saharan Africa with specific reference to the higher education sector. Africa in general and Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries, in particular, are experiencing an exodus of highly trained, qualified and competent human resources to other developing and developed countries thereby threatening the overall development of the relevant regions and impeding both public and private service delivery systems in the nation states. The region is currently in a dire situation in terms of health care services, education, science, and technology. The contribution of SSA countries to Science, Technology and Innovation is relatively minimal owing to the migration of skilled professionals due to both push and pull factors. The phenomenon calls for both international and trans-boundary, regional, national and institutional interventions to curb the exodus. Based on secondary data and the review of the literature, the article conceptualizes the antecedents and impacts of human capital flight or brain drain in the SSA countries from a higher education perspective. To this end, the article explores the magnitude, causes, and impacts of brain drain in the region. Despite the lack of consistent data on the magnitude of academic brain drain in the region, a critical analysis of the existing sources shows that pay disparity between developing and developed countries, the lack of enabling working conditions at source countries, fear of security due to political turmoil or unrest, the availability of green pastures and opportunity for development in the receiving countries were identified as major factors contributing to academic brain drain in the region. This hampers the socio-economic, technological and political development of the region. The paper also recommends that further research can be undertaken on the magnitude, causes, characteristics and impact of brain drain on the sustainability and competitiveness of SSA higher education institutions in the region.

Keywords: brain drain, higher education, sub-Saharan Africa, sustainable development

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Carmen Noheda

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This text provides a reflection on the way of thinking about the study of the history of music by examining the production of historiography in Spain at the turn of the century. Based on concepts developed by the historical theorist Jörn Rüsen, the article focuses on the following aspects: the theoretical artifacts that structure the interpretation of the limits of writing the history of music, the narrative patterns used to give meaning to the discourse of history, and the orientation context that functions as a source of criteria of significance for both interpretation and representation. This analysis intends to show that historical music theory is not only a means to abstractly explore the complex questions connected to the production of historical knowledge, but also a tool for obtaining concrete images about the intellectual practice of professional musicologists. Writing about the historiography of contemporary Spanish music is a task that requires both a knowledge of the history that is being written and investigated, as well as a familiarity with current theoretical trends and methodologies that allow for the recognition and definition of the different tendencies that have arisen in recent decades. With the objective of carrying out these premises, this project takes as its point of departure the 'immediate historiography' in relation to Spanish music at the beginning of the 21st century. The hesitation that Spanish musicology has shown in opening itself to new anthropological and sociological approaches, along with its rigidity in the face of the multiple shifts in dynamic forms of thinking about history, have produced a standstill whose consequences can be seen in the delayed reception of the historiographical revolutions that have emerged in the last century. Methodologically, this essay is underpinned by Rüsen’s notion of the disciplinary matrix, which is an important contribution to the understanding of historiography. Combined with his parallel conception of differing paradigms of historiography, it is useful for analyzing the present-day forms of thinking about the history of music. Following these theories, the article will in the first place address the characteristics and identification of present historiographical currents in Spanish musicology to thereby carry out an analysis based on the theories of Rüsen. Finally, it will establish some considerations for the future of musical historiography, whose atrophy has not only fostered the maintenance of an ingrained positivist tradition, but has also implied, in the case of Spain, an absence of methodological schools and an insufficient participation in international theoretical debates. An update of fundamental concepts has become necessary in order to understand that thinking historically about music demands that we remember that subjects are always linked by reciprocal interdependencies that structure and define what it is possible to create. In this sense, the fundamental aim of this research departs from the recognition that the history of music is embedded in the conditions that make it conceivable, communicable and comprehensible within a society.

Keywords: historiography, Jörn Rüssen, Spanish musicology, theory of history of music

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Louk Aourelien Andrianos, Edward Dommen, Athena Peralta

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Greed, as epitomized by overconsumption of natural resources, is at the root of ecological destruction and unsustainability of modern societies. Presently economies rely on unrestricted structural greed which fuels unlimited economic growth, overconsumption, and individualistic competitive behavior. Structural greed undermines the life support system on earth and threatens ecological integrity, social justice and peace. The World Council of Churches (WCC) has developed a program on ecological and economic justice (EEJ) with the aim to promote an economy of life where the economy is embedded in society and society in ecology. This paper aims at analyzing and assessing the economy of life (EcoLife) by offering an empirical tool to measure and monitor the root causes and effects of unsustainability resulting from human greed on global, national, institutional and individual levels. This holistic approach is based on the integrity of ecology and economy in a society founded on justice. The paper will discuss critical questions such as ‘what is an economy of life’ and ‘how to measure and control it from the effect of greed’. A model called GLIMS, which stands for Greed Lines and Indices Measurement System is used to clarify the concept of greed and help measuring the economy of life index by fuzzy logic reasoning. The inputs of the model are from statistical indicators of natural resources consumption, financial realities, economic performance, social welfare and ethical and political facts. The outputs are concrete measures of three primary indices of ecological, economic and socio-political greed (ECOL-GI, ECON-GI, SOCI-GI) and one overall multidimensional economy of life index (EcoLife-I). EcoLife measurement aims to build awareness of an economy life and to address the effects of greed in systemic and structural aspects. It is a tool for ethical diagnosis and policy making.

Keywords: greed line, sustainability indicators, fuzzy logic, eco-justice, World Council of Churches (WCC)

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Authors: Farzane Yusef Ghanbari

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A sociological analysis on the ancient poetry of Vis and Ramin reveals important points about the political, cultural, and social conditions of the Iranian ancient history. The reciprocal relationship between the effect and structure of society helps the understanding and interpretation of the work. Therefore, informed by the Goldman genetic structuralism and through a glance at social epistemology, this study attempts to explain the role of spell in shaping the social knowledge of ancient people. The results suggest that due to the lack of a central government, and secularism in politics and freedom of speech and opinion, such romantic stories as Vis and Ramin, with a focal female character, has emerged.

Keywords: persian literature, Vis and Ramin, sociology, developmental structuralism

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Authors: Alice Brites, Gerd Sparovek, Jean Paul Metzger, Ricardo Rodrigues

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The segregation between science and policy in decision making process hinders nature conservation efforts worldwide. Scientists have been criticized for not producing information that leads to effective solutions for environmental problems. In an attempt to bridge this gap between science and practice, we conducted a project aimed at supporting the implementation of the Brazilian Native Vegetation Protection Law (NVPL) implementation in São Paulo State (SP), Brazil. To do so, we conducted multiple open meetings with the stakeholders involved in this discussion. Throughout this process, we raised stakeholders' demands for scientific information and brought feedbacks about our findings. However, our main scientific advice was not taken into account during the NVPL implementation in SP. The NVPL has a mechanism that exempts landholders who converted native vegetation without offending the legislation in place at the time of the conversion from restoration requirements. We found out that there were no accurate spatialized data for native vegetation cover before the 1960s. Thus, the initial benchmark for the mechanism application should be the 1965 Brazilian Forest Act. Even so, SP kept the 1934 Brazilian Forest Act as the initial legal benchmark for the law application. This decision implies the use of a probabilistic native vegetation map that has uncertainty and subjectivity as its intrinsic characteristics, thus its use can lead to legal queries, corruption, and an unfair benefit application. But why this decision was made even after the scientific advice was vastly divulgated? We raised some possible reasons to explain it. First, the decision was made during a government transition, showing that circumstantial political events can overshadow scientific arguments. Second, the debate about the NVPL in SP was not pacified and powerful stakeholders could benefit from the confusion created by this decision. Finally, the native vegetation protection mechanism is a complex issue, with many technical aspects that can be hard to understand for a non-specialized courtroom, such as the one that made the final decision at SP. This example shows that science and decision-makers still have a long way ahead to improve their way to interact and that science needs to find its way to be heard above the political buzz.

Keywords: Brazil, forest act, science-based dialogue, science-policy interface

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Authors: Eleni Volonaki

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In Athenian forensic speeches, the argumentation on punishment of the wrongdoers constitutes a fundamental ideal of exacting justice in court. The present paper explores the variation of approaches to punishment as a means of reformation, revenge, correction, education, example, chance to restoration of justice. As it will be shown, all these approaches reflect the social and political ideology of Athenian justice in the classical period and enhances the role of the courts and the importance of rhetoric in the process of decision-making. Punishment entails a wide range of penalties but also of ideological principles related to the Athenian constitution of democracy.

Keywords: punishment, athenian forensic speeches, justice, athenian democracy

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Authors: Suresh Ramachandra

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Accounting values of firms are determined by strategies that firms pursue which are influenced by board characteristics specific to firms. Using two broad constructs of board characteristics, namely, board capital and board control, in the Malaysian context, this research attempts to infer their conjoint relevance to accounting values. The results of this research indicate that firms are able to increase their accounting values by deliberately selecting board characteristics which include director reputation and political affiliations.

Keywords: accounting values, board characteristics, board capital, board control

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Authors: Masami Usui

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Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day (1989) underlines another holocaust, an imprisonment of human life, dignity, and self in the globalizing sphere of the twentieth century. The Remains of the Day delineates the invisible and cruel space of “lost and found” in the postcolonial and post-imperial discourse of this century, that is, the Holocaust. The context of the concentration camp or wartime imprisonment such as Auschwitz is transplanted into the public sphere of modern England, Darlington Hall. The voice is retrieved and expressed by the young journalist and heir of Darlington Hall, Mr. David Cardinal. The new media of journalism is an intruder at Darlington Hall and plays a role in revealing the wrongly-input ideology. “Lost and Found” consists of the private and public retrieved voices. Stevens’ journey in 1956 is a return to the past, especially the period between 1935 and 1936. Lost time is retrieved on his journey; yet lost life cannot be revived entirely in his remains of life. The supreme days of Darlington Hall are the terrifying days caused by the Nazis. Fascism, terrorism, and militarism destroyed the wholesomeness of the globe. Into blind Stevens, both Miss Kenton and Mr. Cardinal bring out the common issue, that is, the political conflicts caused by Nazis. Miss Kenton expresses her own ideas against anti-Semitism regarding the Jewish maids in the crucial time when Sir Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts organization attacked the Anglo Jews between 1935 and 1936. Miss Kenton’s half-muted statement is reinforced and assured by Cardinal in his mention of the 1934 Olympic Rally threatened by Mosley’s Blackshirts. Cardinal’s invasion of Darlington Hall embodies the increasing tension of international politics related to World War II. Darlington Hall accommodates the crucial political issue that definitely influences the fate of the house, its residents, and the nation itself and that is retrieved in the newly progressive and established media.

Keywords: modern English literature, culture studies, communication, history

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Authors: Miroslav Dumbrovsky

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The paper deals with impacts of climate change with the main emphasis on land degradation, agriculture and forestry management in the landscape. Land degradation, due to adverse effect of farmers activities, as a result of inappropriate conventional technologies, was a major issue in the Czech Republic during the 20th century and will remain for solving in the 21st century. The importance of land degradation is very high because of its impact on crop productivity and many other adverse effects. Land degradation through soil degradation is causing losses on crop productivity and quality of the environment, through decreasing quality of soil and water (especially water resources). Negative effects of conventional farming practices are increased water erosion, as well as crusting and compaction of the topsoil and subsoil. Soil erosion caused by water destructs the soil’s structure, reduces crop productivity due to deterioration in soil physical and chemical properties such as infiltration rate, water-holding capacity, loss of nutrients needed for crop production, and loss of soil carbon. Water erosion occurs on fields with row crops (maize, sunflower), especially during the rainfall period from April to October. Recently there is a serious problem of greatly expanded production of biofuels and bioenergy from field crops. The result is accelerated soil degradation. The damages (on and off- site) are greater than the benefits. An effective soil conservation requires an appropriate complex system of measures in the landscape. They are also important to continue to develop new sophisticated methods and technologies for decreasing land degradation. The system of soil conservation solving land degradation depend on the ability and the willingness of land users to apply them. When we talk about land degradation, it is not just a technical issue but also an economic and political issue. From a technical point of view, we have already made many positive steps, but for successful solving the problem of land degradation is necessary to develop suitable economic and political tools to increase the willingness and ability of land users to adopt conservation measures.

Keywords: land degradation, soil erosion, soil conservation, climate change

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Authors: Håkon Riiber

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This paper explores the extent to which Russian ‘Active Measures’ play a role in contemporary Russian foreign policy and in what way the legacy of the Soviet Union is still apparent in these practices. The analysis draws on a set of case studies from the 21st century to examine these aspects, showing which ‘Active Measures’ features are old and which are new in the post-Cold War era. The paper highlights that the topic has gained significant academic and political interest in recent years, largely due to the aggressive posture of the Russian Federation on the world stage, exemplified through interventions in Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine and interference in several democratic elections in the West. However, the paper argues that the long-term impact of these measures may have unintended implications for Russia. While Russia is unlikely to stop using Active Measures, increased awareness of the exploitation of weaknesses, institutions, or other targets may lead to greater security measures and an ability to identify and defend against these activities. The paper contends that Soviet-style ‘Active Measures’ from the Cold War era have been modernized and are now utilized to create an advantageous atmosphere for further exploitation to support contemporary Russian foreign policy. It offers three key points to support this argument: the reenergized legacy of the Cold War era, the use of ‘Active Measures’ in a number of cases in the 21st century, and the applicability of AM to the Russian approach to foreign policy. The analysis reveals that while this is not a new Russian phenomenon, it is still oversimplified and inaccurately understood by the West, which may result in a decreased ability to defend against these activities and limit the unwarranted escalation of the ongoing security situation between the West and Russia. The paper concludes that the legacy of Soviet-era Active Measures continues to influence Russian foreign policy, and modern technological advances have only made them more applicable to the current political climate. Overall, this paper sheds light on the important issue of Russian ‘Active Measures’ and the role they play in contemporary Russian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for increased awareness, understanding, and security measures to defend against these activities and prevent further escalation of the security situation between the West and Russia.

Keywords: Russian espionage, active measures, disinformation, Russian intelligence

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Authors: Mitali Kedia, Parul Kapoor

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Public Art is a tool with the power to enrich and enlighten any place; it has been accepted and welcomed effortlessly by many cultures around the World. In this paper, we discuss the implications Public Art has had on the society and how it has evolved over the years, and how in India, art in this aspect is still overlooked and treated as an accessory. Urban aesthetics are still substantially limited to the installation of deities, political figures, and so on. The paper also discusses various possibilities and opportunities on how Public Art can boost a society; it also suggests a framework that can be incorporated in the legal system of the country to make it a part of the city development process.

Keywords: public art, urban fabric, placemaking, community welfare, public art program, imageability

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Authors: Ling Yu Debbie Tsoi

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After China has just exceeded the USA as the top Hollywood film market in 2018, Hollywood studios have been adapting the taste, preference, casting and even film title translation to resonate with the Chinese audience. Due to the huge foreign demands, Hollywood film directors are paying closer attention to the translation of their products, as film titles are entry gates to the film and serve advertising, informative, aesthetic functions. Other than film directors and studios, comments over quality film title translation also appear on various online clip viewing platforms, online media, and magazines. In particular, netizens in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan seems to defend film titles in their own region while despising the other two regions. In view of the endless debates and lack of systematic analysis on film title translation in Greater China, the study aims at investigating the translation of Hollywood film titles (from English to Chinese) across Greater China based on Venuti’s (1991; 1995; 1998; 2001) concept of domestication and foreignization. To offer a comparison over time, a mini-corpus was built comprised of the top 70 most popular Hollywood film titles in 1987- 1988, 1997- 1998, 2007- 2008 and 2017- 2018 of Greater China respectively. Altogether, 560 source texts and 1680 target texts of mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were compared against each other. The three regions are found to have a distinctive style and patterns of translation. For instance, a sizable number of film titles are foreignized in mainland China by adopting literal translation and transliteration, whereas Hong Kong and Taiwan prefer domestication. Hong Kong tends to adopt a more vulgar style by using colloquial Cantonese slangs and even swear words, associating characters with negative connotations. Also, English is used as a form of domestication in Hong Kong from 1987 till 2018. Use of English as a strategy of domestication was never found in mainland nor Taiwan. On the contrary, Taiwanese target texts tend to adopt a cute and child-like style by using repetitive words and positive connotations. Even if English was used, it was used as foreignization. As film titles represent cultural products of popular culture, it is suspected that Hongkongers would like to develop cultural identity via adopting style distinctive from mainland China by vulgarization and negativity. Hongkongers also identify themselves as international cosmopolitan, leading to their identification with English. It is also suspected that due to former colonial rule of Japan, Taiwan adopts a popular culture similar to Japan, with cute and childlike expressions.

Keywords: cultural identification, ethnic identification, Greater China, film title translation

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Authors: Rogerio Vieira Dos Reis

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Countries like Brazil that despite fighting hard against corruption are not improving their corruption perception, especially due to systemic political corruption, should review their corruption prevention strategies. This thesis brings a case study based on an alternative way of preventing corruption: addressing the corruption drivers in public policies that lead to poor economic performance. After discussing the Brazilian industrial policies adopted recently, especially the measures towards the automotive sector, two corruption issues in this sector are analyzed: facilitating payment for fiscal benefits and buying the extension of fiscal benefits. In-depth interviews conducted with a policymaker and an executive of the automobile sector provide insights for identifying three main corruption drivers: excessive and unnecessary bureaucracy, a complex tax system and the existence of a closed market without setting performance requirements to be achieved by the benefited firms. Both the identification of the drivers of successful industrial policies and the proposal of anti-corruption strategies to ensure developmental outcomes are based on the economic perspective of industrial policy advocated by developmental authors and on the successful South Korean economic development experience. Structural anti-corruption measures include tax reform, the regulation of lobbying and legislation to allow corporate political contribution. Besides improving policymakers’ technical capabilities, measures at the ministry level include redesigning the automotive regimes as long-term policies focused on national investment with simple and clear rules and making fiscal benefits conditional upon performance targets focused on suppliers. This case study is of broader interest because it recommends the importance of adapting performance audits conducted by anti-corruption agencies, to focus not only on the delivery of public services, but also on the identification of potentially highly damaging corruption drivers in public policies that grant fiscal benefits to achieve developmental outcomes.

Keywords: Brazilian automotive sector, corruption, economic development, industrial policy, Inovar-Auto

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Authors: Yaron Covo, Tamar Kofman, Shira Palti

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Over the recent decades, debates about the engagement of fans in football governance have focused on the club level and national level, emphasizing the significance of fans’ involvement in increasing the connection of clubs with the community, and in safeguarding the transparency, accountability, and clubs’ financial stability. This paper will offer a different conceptual justification for providing fans with access to decision-making processes in football. First, it will suggest that the participation of fans is necessary for addressing discriminatory practices against women in football stadiums. Second, it will argue that fans’ involvement in football governance is important not only at the club and national level but also at the global level, relying on the principles of Global Administrative Law. In contemporary men’s football, female fans face different forms of discrimination. Iranian women are still prohibited from attending football games at the domestic level; In Saudi Arabia, female fans are only permitted to enter designated family areas; Qatar – the host of the 2022 FIFA world cup – requires women to attend matches wearing modest clothing. Similarly, in Turkey, Lebanon, UAE, and Algeria, women face cultural barriers when attending men’s football games. In other countries, female fans suffer from subtle discrimination, including micro-aggressions, misogyny, sexism, and noninstitutionalized exclusion. Despite the vital role of fans in world football and the importance of football for many women’s lives, little has been done to address this problem. While FIFA recognizes that these discriminatory practices contradict its statutes, this recognition fails to materialize into meaningful change. This paper will argue that FIFA’s omission stems from two interrelated characteristics of world football: (1) the ultra-masculine nature of the game; (2) the insufficient recognition of fans’ significance. While fans have been given a voice in various football bodies on the domestic level, FIFA has yet to allow the representation of fans as stakeholders in world football governance. Since fans are a more heterogeneous group than players, the voices of those fans who do not fit the ultra-masculine model are not heard. Thus, by focusing mainly on male players, FIFA reproduces the hegemonic masculinity that feeds back into fan dynamics and marginalizes female fans. To rectify this problem, we will call on FIFA to provide fans and female fans in particular, with voice mechanisms and access to decision-making processes. In addition to its impact on the formation of fans’ identities, such a move will allow fans to demand better enforcement of existing anti-discrimination norms and new regulations to address their needs. The literature has yet to address the relationship between fans’ gender discrimination and global football governance. Building on Global Administrative Law scholarship and feminist theories, this paper will aim to fill this gap.

Keywords: fans, FIFA, football governance, gender discrimination, global administrative law, human rights

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Authors: Opeyemi Awau Adepoju

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The task of nation-building for Nigeria, like other developing nations, has continued to be riddled with audacious challenges that kept threatening to consume the state itself. Among the destabilizing factors that are sometimes mutually reinforcing are poverty and insecurity. Nigeria has been bedeviled with poverty since the onset of the 1980s when the country metamorphosed from an agricultural to an oil-based economy coupled with unbridled political corruption and wasteful management of resources by successive governments. The crippling poverty started manifesting in the scourge of criminalities and a general state of insecurity. Poverty gradually becomes the breeder of insecurity and threats to human life in Nigeria. Interestingly, successive governments tended to recognize the destructive tendencies of poverty and took several interventionist initiatives towards abating or slowing down the spate of poverty so as to reverse the trend of insecurity, but none of those initiatives can be adjudged good or enduring legacies. The emergence of the Buhari administration in 2015 provided a new opportunity to tackle poverty and, in turn, insecurity that had permeated every aspect of national life before that year’s presidential elections. Expectedly, the government took ambitious steps through its innovative ideas of intervention through its National Social Intervention Programmes (NSIP). Therefore, this paper is an assessment of the Buhari administration’s initiatives in poverty eradication in Nigeria as one of its strategies to fight insecurity, and the paper adopted a qualitative approach. The theoretical arguments put up by this paper are with respect to the connection between poverty and insecurity sourced from the theory of Relative Deprivation. The paper found that the Buhari administration has done better than any government since 1999 in inventing a social intervention program and that the poverty of the people has been addressed to a notable extent. However, the problem of politicization of intervention programs has continued to be the practice under the administration, and if this is not abated, the post-Buhari era may as well be like the eras before it. The paper recommends legislation that can make poverty ameliorating programs permanent, at least for some years to come, so as to avoid the usual policy summersault at every instance of political transition, which has limited the sustainability of public policies and indeed hindered nation-building efforts in Nigeria.

Keywords: insecurity, poverty alleviation, public policies, social intervention

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Authors: Prem Bahadur Giri, Mathinee Yucharoen

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Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) have been the core stone of forest management efforts in Nepal. Due to the lack of a smooth transition into the local governance structure in 2017, policy instruments have not been effectively cascaded to the local level, creating ambiguity and inconsistency in forest governance. Descriptive mixed-method research was performed with community users and stakeholders of Tarpakha community forest, Siranchowk Rural Municipality, to understand the role of the political economy in CFUG management. A household survey was conducted among 100 households (who also are existing members of the Tarpakha CFUG) to understand and document their energy consumption preferences and practices. Likewise, ten key informant interviews and five focus group discussions with the municipality and forest management officials were also conducted to have a wider overview of the factors and political, socio-economic, and religious contexts behind the utilization of renewable energy for sustainable development. Findings from our study suggest only 3% of households use biogas as the main source of energy. The rest of the households mention liquid petroleum gas (LPG), electricity and firewood as major sources of energy for domestic purposes. Community members highlighted the difficulty in accessing firewood due to strict regulations from the CFUG, lack of cattle and manpower to rear cattle to produce cow dung (for biogas), lack of technical expertise at the community level for the operation and maintenance of solar energy, among others as challenges of resource. Likewise, key informants have mentioned policy loopholes at both the federal and local levels, especially with regard to the promotion of alternative or renewable energy, as there are no clear mandates and provisions to regulate the renewable energy industry. The study recommends doing an in-depth study on the feasibility of renewable energy sources, especially in the context of CFUGs, where biodiversity conservation aspects need to be equally taken into consideration while thinking of the promotion and expansion of renewable energy sources.

Keywords: community forest, renewable energy, sustainable development, Nepal

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Authors: Moujib Bahri, Rahim Kallel, Ouafa Sakka

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Corruption is a phenomenon that increases uncertainty and risk of SMEs as it undermines the quality of the business environment and the easy access to public services. Our research builds on existing research on corruption's effects on economic growth at the firm level. Several papers have analyzed the effect of firms’ payments of bribes on their performance; however, only limited research has investigated the link between corruption, innovation, and exports. Drawing on principal-agent theory, we explore how corruption weakens the institutional context and makes the business environment unsound and not conducive to innovation and exports. This study employs data from The Enterprise Surveys conducted in Tunisia between March 2013 and July 2014 by the World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the European Investment Bank (EIB). The main objective of this survey was to gain a better understanding of Tunisian firms’ perception of the environment in which they operate. Since 2011, the country's political situation has become fragile and unstable, and public services are perceived as inefficient and corrupt. We test our hypotheses on a sample of 537 Tunisian manufacturing SMEs using structural equation modeling and path analysis. We find that political instability leads to higher level of corruption, and that excessive business licensing regulations create a fertile ground for bribery. Our findings do not support the greasing hypothesis suggesting that corruption can reduce the negative effect of bureaucratic delays and the hard access of companies to public services related to innovation and exports. Instead, our results support the sanding hypothesis according to which corruption hinders innovation activities and exports. Furthermore, corruption is found to, negatively and significantly, impact firms’ ownership of quality certificates. Our results suggest that, in an environment with a high level of corruption, governments and policymakers interested in assisting SMEs with their innovation and export activities should have a better control on corruption to allow them developing those activities without being forced to bribe government officers.

Keywords: corruption, innovation, exports, SMEs

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Authors: David Nchinda Keming

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The present study is focused on both the national and international collective fight against Boko Haram terrorism on Cameroon and the rule played by the Lake Chad Basin Countries (LCBCs) and the global community to suffocate the sect’s activities in the region. Although countries of the Lake Chad Basin include: Cameroon, Chad, Nigeria and Niger others like Benin also joined the course. The justification for the internationalisation of the fight against Boko Haram could be explained by the ecological and international climatic importance of the Lake Chad and the danger posed by the sect not only to the Lake Chad member countries but to global armed, civil servants and the international political economy. The study, therefore, kick start with Cameroon’s reaction to Boko Haram’s terrorist attacks on its territory. It further expounds on Cameroon’s request on bilateral diplomacy from members of the UN Security Council for an international collective support to staple the winds of the challenging sect. The study relies on the hypothesis that Boko Haram advanced terrorism on Cameroon was more challenging to the domestic military intelligence thus forcing the government to seek for bilateral and multilateral international collective support to secure its territory from the powerful sect. This premise is tested internationally via (multilateral cooperation, bilateral response, regional cooperation) and domestically through (solidarity parade, religious discourse, political manifestations, war efforts, the vigilantes and the way forward). To accomplish our study, we made used of the mixed research methodologies to interpret the primary, secondary and tertiary sources consulted. Our results reveal that the collective response was effectively positive justified by the drastic drop in the sect’s operations in Cameroon and the whole LCBCs. Although the sect was incapacitated, terrorism remains an international malaise and Cameroon hosts a fertile ground for terrorists’ activism. Boko Haram was just weakened and not completely defeated and could reappear someday even under a different appellation. Therefore, to absolutely eradicate terrorism in general and Boko Haram in particular, LCBCs must improve their military intelligence on terrorism and continue to collaborate with advanced experienced countries in fighting terrorism.

Keywords: Boko Haram, terrorism, domestic, international, response

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Authors: Sana Zia

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One of the most important questions for research on Muslim women's representation is the relationship between Islam and women’s situation in Islamic countries. In this context, certain questions can be raised like is it possible to analyze women’s situation in Islamic countries like Pakistan? Or what is the relationship between Islam and patriarchy? So this paper will examine all these questions by analysing Muslim women's representation in Pakistani Cinema. It is also significant to note that despite political and religious constraints in Muslim countries, in particular, Pakistan, women have not only been part of the film industry for long, but they also have chosen films as their feminist tool to question and expose the effects of patriarchy, religious fundamentalism, and gender-specific socio-cultural oppression. The religious-cultural ethos that could include gender-specific restrictions and limitations on their creative expression as Muslim women in an Islamic society. A new wave of Pakistani cinema is pivoting around strong Muslim female characters and opened up a new thought about Islamic women.Their contributions and success through this medium emphasized the need to investigate the significance and effectiveness of contemporary cinema as a tool of resistance and cross-cultural communication in a Muslim society. So this research can also provide a better understanding about Islam that needs to be modernized and reclaimed from the clutches of fundamentalism and extremism. This paper thus investigates the interrelation of women's representation and Pakistani cinema by analysing two films ‘Bol: To speak up’ and ‘Dukhter: Daughter’. The feminist analysis of these films not only helps to understand the new trends and dimensions in representation of Muslim women in Pakistani cinema, but this also helps to raise awareness globally regarding the depiction of Muslim women. So to foreground the above mentioned discussion, the films under study helps to evaluate their significance, the role they play towards activism, resistance, and global awareness in terms of what could be termed as a Muslim woman. The paper thus provides a valuable insight that how and why Islam is being used as a mechanism to merge social, political and economic factors to define the rights and conditions of Pakistani Muslim women and highlight the cinematic struggle of the film maker’s which by using films as an awareness tool are going to highlight the problems and issues of Muslim women in the global world.

Keywords: Muslim women, Pakistani cinema, patriarchy, religious fundamentalism

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Authors: Enayatollah Yazdani

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In the post-Cold War era, the world is facing a new emerging global order with the rise of multiple actors in the international arena. China, as a rising global power, has great leverage in internal relations. In particular, during the last two decades, China has rapidly transformed its economy into a global leader in advanced technologies. As a rising power and as one of the two major founding members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), China has tried to use this regional organization, which has the potential to become an important political and security organization of the major states located in the vast Eurasian landmass, for its “go global” strategy. In fact, for Beijing, the SCO represents a new and unique cooperation model, reflecting its vision of a multipolar world order. China has used the SCO umbrella as a multilateral platform to address external threats posed by non-state actors on its vulnerable western border; to gain a strong economic and political foothold in Central Asia without putting the Sino-Russian strategic partnership at risk; and to enhance its energy security through large-scale infrastructure investment in, and trade with, the Central Asian member states. In other words, the SCO is one of the successful outcomes of Chines foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The expansion of multilateral ties all over the world by dint of pursuing institutional strategies as SCO identifies China as a more constructive power. SCO became a new model of cooperation that was formed on the remains of collapsed Soviet system and predetermined China's geopolitical role in the region. As the fast developing effective regional mechanism, SCO now has more of an external impact on the international system and forms a new type of interaction for promoting China's grand strategy of 'peaceful rise.' This paper aims to answer this major question: How the Chinese government has manipulated the SCO for its foreign policy and global and regional influence? To answer this question, the main discussion is that with regard to the SCO capabilities and politico-economic potential, this organization has been used by China as a platform to expand influence beyond its borders.

Keywords: China, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Central Asia, global policy, foreign policy

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Authors: Shuk Ting Kinnia Yau

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As China has become more and more influential in the global and geo-political arena, mutual understanding between Japan and China has also become a topic of paramount importance. There have always been tensions between the two countries, but unfortunately, each country tends to blame the other for fanning emotions. This research will investigate portrayals of China and the Chinese people in Japanese media such as newspapers, TV news, TV drama, and cinema over this period, focusing on media sources that have particularly wide viewership or readership. By doing so, it attempts to detect any general trends in the positive or negative character of such portrayals and to see if they correlate with the results of surveys of attitudes among the general population. To the degree that correlations may be found, the question arises as to whether the media portrayals are a reflection of societal attitudes towards the Chinese, on one hand, or may be playing a role in promoting such attitudes, on the other. The relationship here is, without doubt, more complex than a simple one-way relationship of cause and effect, but indications of some direction of causality may be suggested by trends in one occurring before or after the other. Evidence will also be sought of possible longer-term trends in media portrayals of China and the Chinese people in Japan during the post-2012 period, i.e., Abe Shinzo’s second term as prime minister, in comparison to earlier periods. Perceptions of Japan’s view of China and the Chinese, both inside and outside the scholarly world, tend to be oversimplified and are often incomprehensive. This research calls attention to the role played by the media in promoting or de-promoting Sino-Japanese relations. By analyzing the nature and background of images of China and the Chinese people presented in the Japanese media, especially under the new Abe Regime, this research seeks to promote a more balanced and comprehensive understanding of attitudes in Japanese society towards its gigantic neighbor. Scholars have seen the increasingly fragile Sino-Japanese relationship as inseparable from the real-world political conflicts that have become more frequent in recent years and have sought to draw a correlation between the two. The influence of the media, however, remains a mostly under-explored domain in the academic world. Against this background, this research aims to provide an enriched scholarly understanding of Japan’s perception of China by investigating to what extent such perception can be seen to be affected by subjective or selective forms of presentation of China found in the Japanese media, or vice versa.

Keywords: Abe Shinzo, China, Japan, media

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