Search results for: islamic political parties

Authors: Damilohun D. Ayoyo, Anthony Mpiani, Temitope B. Oriola

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The debate on women’s roles in insurgencies and terrorist organizations continues to garner scholarly attention. While some scholars view women insurgents and terrorists as perpetrators, others have argued that they are non-agents and victims. This paper de/reconstructs the notion of ‘women as perpetrators’ of terrorism. Drawing on the narratives of rescued female Boko Haram operatives, and Boko Haram’s tactics for recruiting and deploying women and girls, the paper advances three main arguments. First, the growing social construction of women as perpetrators of terrorism – particularly radical Islamic terrorism – downplays the socio-cultural and structural processes leading to women’s involvement with terrorist organizations. Second, women agency in Boko Haram activities is better understood when grounded in the cultural and structural contexts of Northern Nigeria, Boko Haram’s construction of ‘female,’ and the experiences of female Boko Haram operatives. Third, the mechanisms through which female Boko Haram operatives are recruited and deployed make them more of non-agents and victims than perpetrators of terrorism. The paper draws on the agency-structure approach and argues that the gendered power asymmetries embedded in the cultures and structures of Northern Nigeria –the base of Boko Haram– contribute to the nature and dynamics of women’s involvement in the insurgency. Although the paper does not negate the agency of women in terrorism, it aligns with the studies that consider women insurgents as more victims than perpetrators of terror.

Keywords: Boko Haram, female agency, Northern Nigeria, patriarchy, perpetrator of terror, radical Islamic terrorism, sharia, victim of terror, women insurgents

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Authors: Klaudia Muca

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Disability studies as an international movement are still developing, especially in the Central and East European young democratic countries. It is crucial to recognize in what manner this development might lead to create a sustainable social environment. Thanks to disability studies the process of introducing disability studies and its main ideas might become as effective as in the 90s in the USA or other Western countries. In the Central and East Europe lack of activism in favor of the disabled in the early stages of democratic transition (i.e. the 80s and 90s) caused misrepresentation of the disabled and their experience in present political and social sphere of life. People with disabilities were made to hold a minor position in society due to political changes that introduced in fact non-equal democracy. The results of this study indicate that activism in favor of people with disabilities and works of art created by the disabled are tools that influence present disability politics. That suggests that young European democracies need to modify their current political path in order to establish more equal social policies.

Keywords: democratic transformation, disability as minority, misrepresentation of experience, non-equal democracy, sustainability

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Authors: Omair Anas

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The Persian Gulf has been in turmoil for a long time since the colonial administration has handed over the role to the small and weak kings and emirs who were assured of protection in return of many economic and security promises to them. The regional order, Saudi Arabia evolved was a rentier regional order secured by an expansion of rentier economy and taking responsibility for much of the expenses of the regional order on behalf of relatively poor countries. The two oil booms helped the Saudi state to expand the 'rentier order' driven stability and bring the countries like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Palestine under its tutelage. The disruptive misadventure, however, came with Iran's proclamation of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 which it wanted to be exported to its 'un-Islamic and American puppet' Arab neighbours. For Saudi Arabia, even the challenge presented by the socialist-nationalist Arab dictators like Gamal Abdul Nasser and Hafez Al-Assad was not that much threatening to the Saudi Arabia’s then-defensive realism. In the Arab uprisings, the Gulf monarchies saw a wave of insecurity and Iran found it an opportune time to complete the revolutionary process it could not complete after 1979. An alliance of convenience and ideology between Iran and Islamist groups had the real potential to challenge both Saudi Arabia’s own security and its leadership in the region. The disruptive threat appeared at a time when the Saudi state had already sensed an impending crisis originating from the shifts in the energy markets. Low energy prices, declining global demands, and huge investments in alternative energy resources required Saudi Arabia to rationalize its economy according to changing the global political economy. The domestic Saudi reforms remained gradual until the death of King Abdullah in 2015. What is happening now in the region, the Qatar crisis, the Lebanon crisis and the Saudi-Iranian proxy war in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen has combined three immediate objectives, rationalising Saudi economy and most importantly, the resetting the Saudi royal power for Saudi Arabia’s longest-serving future King Mohammad bin Salman. The Saudi King perhaps has no time to wait and watch the power vacuum appearing because of Iran’s expansionist foreign policy. The Saudis appear to be employing an offensive realism by advancing a pro-active regional policy to counter Iran’s threatening influence amid disappearing Western security from the region. As the Syrian civil war is coming to a compromised end with ceding much ground to Iran-controlled militias, Hezbollah and Al-Hashad, the Saudi state has lost much ground in these years and the threat from Iranian proxies is more than a reality, more clearly in Bahrain, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. This paper attempts to analyse the changing Saudi behaviour in the region, which, the author understands, is shaped by an offensive-realist approach towards finding a favourable security environment for the Saudi-led regional order, a post-rentier order perhaps.

Keywords: terrorism, Saudi Arabia, Rentier State, gulf crisis

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Authors: Arjumand Warsy

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Among the Muslims, the Holy Quran is taught from early childhood and generally by the age of 7-8 years the reading of the entire Quran is completed by most of the children in Muslim families. During this period excellent reciter’s are selected to teach and emphasis is laid on correct reading, pronunciation and memorization. Following these years, the parents lay emphasis on the recitation of the Quran on daily basis. During the month of Ramadan the entire Quran is read one or more times and there are considerable number of Muslims who complete the entire Quran once or more each calendar month. Many Muslims do not know Arabic and for them message in the Quran is what others tell them and often they have no idea about this Guidance sent to them. This deficiency is reflected in many ways, both among people living in Muslim or non-Muslim countries. Due to the deficiency in knowledge about Islamic teachings, the foundations of Islam are being eroded by a variety of forces. In an attempt to guard against the non-Islamic influences, every Muslim must have a clear understanding of the Islamic teachings and requirements. The best guidance can be provided by the understanding of the Holy Quran. However, we are faced with the problem that often the Quran is taught in a way that fails to develop an interest and understanding of the message from Allah. Looking at the teaching of other subjects both scientific and non-scientific, at school, college or University levels, it is obvious that the advances in teaching methodologies using electronic technology have had a major impact, where both the understanding and the interest of the students are significantly elevated. We attempted to teach the meaning of the Holy Quran to children and adults using a scientific and modern approach using slide presentation and animations. The results showed almost 100% increase in the understanding of the Quran message; all attendees claimed they developed an increased interest in the study of the Holy Quran and did not lose track or develop boredom throughout the lectures. They learnt the information and remembered it more effectively. The love for Allah and Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) increased significantly. The fear of Allah and love of Heaven developed significantly. Historical facts and the stories of the past nations became clearer and the Greatness of the Creator was strongly felt. Several of attendees wanted to become better Muslims and to spread the knowledge of Islam. In this presentation, the adopted teaching method will be first presented and demonstrated to the audience using a short Surah from the Quran, followed by discussion on the results achieved during our study. We will endeavor to convey to the audience that there is a need to adopt a more scientific approach to teach the Quran so that a greater benefit is achieved by all.

Keywords: The Holy Quran, Muslims, presentations, technology

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Authors: Oxana Vasilyeva

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This paper draws on research in progress focusing on independent art in the Russian Federation. I am using the concept of independent art to mean art free from state control and established restrictive narratives. The Russian state pursues its interests by supporting or forbidding certain forms of art, and art that promotes values in opposition to the official political course is often forbidden. Arguments presented below draw from fieldwork carried out in Russian cities of Moscow and Saint Petersburg in June – August 2019, which included in-depth interviews with artists. This research explores socially engaged artistic works and their effect on socio-political state of affairs. It argues that artistic works entering public places have a potential to challenge autocratic system and inspire civil society to be critically engaged and to be capable to resist state propaganda. I am focusing on those artists who have a critical stance towards the current Russian political regime and analyzing their works in terms of transgression. By using the framework of transgression I aim to demonstrate how artists step across existing norms with their art influencing political and social order. To show the connection between the factors mentioned above, I will turn to two examples of transgressive aesthetics; one is individual and another is collective. The first example is Konstantin Benkovich, an artist who makes his works out of steel rebar, which is considered to be a symbol of the lack of freedom, as it is usually encountered in prison settings. The second example is a collective art practice called Monstration. It combines techniques of a demonstration and a carnival atmosphere. In 2019 Monstration was held in 30 Russian cities, despite the dissatisfaction of the authorities.

Keywords: art, culture, resistance, Russia

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Authors: Inka Maria Vilhelmiina Hiltunen

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The crisis of liberal democracy has been recognized from many sites of political literature; scholars of Marxist critical political economy and deliberative democracy, as well as critics of neoliberalism, have become concerned about how either the rise of populism and authoritarianism, institutional decline or the overarching economic rationality erode political democratic citizenship in favor of economic technocracy or conservative protectionism. However, even if these bodies of literature recognize the generalized crisis that haunts Western democracies, dialogue between them has been very limited. That said, drawing from contemporary Marxist perspectives, this article aims at bridging the gap between the criticism of neoliberalism and theories of deliberative democracy. The first section starts by outlining what is meant by neoliberalism, liberal democracy, and the crisis of liberal democracy. The next section explores how contemporary capitalism acts upon society and transforms it. It introduces Jurgen Habermas’ thesis of the ‘colonization of the lifeworld’, Wendy Brown’s analysis of neoliberal rationality and Étienne Balibar’s concepts of ‘absolute capitalism’ and ‘total subsumption,’ that the essay aims at connecting in the last section. The third section is concerned with the deliberative democratic theory and practice. The section highlights the qualitative socio-political impacts of deliberation, as predicted by theorists and shown by empirical studies. The last section draws from contemporary Marxist perspectives to examine the question if deliberative democratic theories and practices can resolve the crisis of liberal democracy in the current financially driven era of neoliberal capitalism. By asking this question, the essay aims to consider what is required to reverse the current global trend of rising inequality. If liberal democracy has declined towards commodified and reactionary forms of politics and if ‘market rationality’ has shaped social agency to the extent that politicians and the public struggle to imagine ‘any alternatives’, the most urgent political task is to bring to life a new political imagination based on democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, reciprocity, and solidarity, that thereby enables the revision of the transnational institutional design. This part focuses on the hegemonic role of finance and money. The essay concludes by stating that the implementation of substantive global democracy must start from the dissolution of the hegemony of finance, centered on U.S., and from the remaking of the conditions of socioeconomic reproduction world-wide. However, given the still present overarching neoliberal status quo, the essay is skeptical of the ideological feasibility of this remaking.

Keywords: deliberative democracy, criticism of neoliberalism, marxist political economy, crisis of liberal democracy

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Authors: Chukwukelue Uzodinma Umenyilorah

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The advent of the New Media as enabled by information and communication technology from the 19th through the 21st century has no doubt taken its toll on all fronts of human existence; especially in Africa. Apart from shortening the distance between all parts of the world, technology and the new media has also succeeded in making the world a global village. Hence, it is now easy to relay live audio and visual signals across the length and breadth of the world in real time. People now contract and execute businesses across countries, conferences are held and ideas are shared with a simple push of a button. Likewise, political leaders and diplomats are now just a click away from reaching those important decisions that take their country’s fortunes to the next level. On the flip side, ICT and the New Media have also contributed in no small measure in aiding global terrorism and general insecurity around the world. More interesting is the fact that as developing economies, African countries have massively embraced the information technology and this has helped them in keeping up with the trends in the polity of other model democracies around the world. This paper is therefore designed to determine the how much effect ICT and the New Media has exerted on the economic, social and political lives of African. Nigeria shall be used as a case in point for the purpose of this paper.

Keywords: Africa, ICT, new media, Nigeria

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Authors: Sawsan Al-Saaidi, Ghayth K. Shaker Al-Shaibani

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This paper investigates certain linguistics properties of four selected speeches by Al-Qaeda’s former leader Osama bin Laden who legitimated the use of jihad by Muslims in various countries when he was alive. The researchers adopt van Dijk’s (2009; 1998) Socio-Cognitive approach and Ideological Square theory respectively. Socio-Cognitive approach revolves around various cognitive, socio-political, and discursive aspects that can be found in political discourse as in Osama bin Laden’s one. The political discourse can be defined in terms of textual properties and contextual models. Pertaining to the ideological square, it refers to positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation which help to enhance the textual and contextual analyses. Therefore, among the most significant properties in Osama bin Laden’s discourse are the use of presuppositions and implicatures which are based on background knowledge and contextual models as well. Thus, the paper concludes that Osama bin Laden used a number of manipulative strategies which augmented and embellished the use of ‘jihad’ in order to develop a more effective discourse for his audience. In addition, the findings have revealed that bin Laden used different implicit and embedded interpretations of different topics which have been accepted as taken-for-granted truths for him to legitimate Jihad against his enemies. There are many presuppositions in the speeches analysed that result in particular common-sense assumptions and a world-view about the selected speeches. More importantly, the assumptions in the analysed speeches help consolidate the ideological analysis in terms of in-group and out-group members.

Keywords: Al-Qaeda, cognition, critical discourse analysis, Osama Bin Laden, jihad, implicature, legitimisation, presupposition, political discourse

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Authors: Cristina Diez

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One of the most important challenges of discourse analysis is to find the linguistic mechanisms of subjectivity. The present article aims to raise the need for an argumentative and enunciative analysis to reach the subjective tissue of language. The intention is to prove that the instructions inscribed in the own language are those that indicate how a statement is to be interpreted and that the argumentative value is implied at the semantic level. For that, the theory of argumentation from Ducrot and Anscombre will be implemented. First, a reflection on the study about subjectivity and enunciation in language will be exposed, followed by concrete proposals on the linguistic mechanisms that speakers use either consciously or unconsciously, to finally focus on those argumentative tools that political discourse uses in order to influence the audience.

Keywords: argumentation, enunciation, discourse analysis, subjectivity

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Authors: Nayyra Zeb, Fu Qiang, Sundas Rauf

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is often seen as a significant factor of economic development in developing countries like Pakistan. The aim of this article is to investigate the effect of FDI on Pakistan’s economic growth during 1972–2012. Besides FDI, three other variables such as trade openness, political instability and terrorist attacks are also used in this study. The least square method has been applied to check the effect of these variables on GDP of Pakistan. The results show that FDI has a positive significant effect on economic growth of Pakistan.

Keywords: FDI inflows, trade openness, political instability, terrorist attacks

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Authors: Siti Dewi Aisyah

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Islamic Muslim fashion has become a trend in Indonesia. It is said that social media has a huge impact on its development. Indonesia is ranked among the most users of social media. That is why people who wear hijab also use social media for different purposes, one of this is to introduce hijab fashion. Consequently, they are becoming famous in social media. Social media has become a tool for communicating their beliefs as a Muslim as well as personal branding as a good hijabi yet with a fashionable style. This research will examine the social media such as Blog and Instagram, how it triggers the consumer culture to hijabi, what is the actual meaning behind of their feed posts in their social media, how they produce good photograph in their social media and for what reason they use social media. This research had been conducted through in-depth interviews with several bloggers who created Hijabers Community who have made a new trend in Muslim fashion and also Instagrammers who made their feeds as a style inspiration. The methodology used for this research is by analyzing Blog and Instagram through visual analysis that also examines the semiotic meaning behind the photographs that are posted by the people on the social media especially about the Islamic Modest Fashion trend. The theoretical framework for this research is about studying social media that is examined through visual analysis. The Muslim fashion trend was lead by several bloggers and continued to Instagram which then created a consumption pattern. From colourful colors, pastel colors, monochrome colors to neutral coffee tone colors, it was influenced by the Muslim fashion designers that also become digital influencers in social media. It was concluded that social media had been a powerful promotional and effective tool to change the trend in Indonesian Muslim Fashion trend.

Keywords: blog, instagram, consumer culture, muslim fashion, social media, visual analysis

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Authors: Zeinab Mirabulqasemi, Gholamali Hatam

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This article discusses the significance of mural paintings in Iranian culture, particularly within the context of religious tombs known as Imamzadehs. These tombs, dedicated to Shiite imams and other revered religious figures, serve as important religious and communal spaces. The tradition of tomb construction evolved from early Islamic practices, gradually transforming burial sites into places of worship. In the Gilan region of Iran, these tombs hold a revered status, serving as focal points for religious observances and social gatherings. The murals adorning these tombs often depict religious motifs, with a particular emphasis on events like the Day of Judgment and the martyrdom of the Imams, notably the saga of Ashura. These paintings also reflect the community's social perspectives and historical allegiances. Various architectural styles are employed in constructing these tombs, including Islamic, traditional, local, and aesthetic architecture. However, the region's climate poses challenges to the preservation of these structures and their murals. Despite these challenges, efforts are made to document and preserve these artworks to ensure their accessibility for future generations. This research also studies tomb paintings by adopting a multifaceted approach, including library research, image analysis, and field research. Finally, it examines the portrayal of significant figures such as the Shiite imams, prophets, and Imamzadehs within these murals, highlighting their thematic significance and cultural importance.

Keywords: cultural ritual, Shiite imams, mural, belief foundations, religious paintings

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Authors: Zeynep Selin Acar

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In the world of wars, it is aimed to find ways to protect civilians propound by political elites. Current threats may come from edges of the security concerns, meaning uncontrollable terrorist groups, unanticipated government-supported armed groups or separatists, and unimaginable merge of the previous with foreign supports or oppositions of which could flow into all groups– flaws of international state system. These threats resulted in transformation of inter-state system into a world system with distinctive actors and brought along the changes in strategic plans of political and military bodies, as well as adaptations of principles framing the strategies in terms of may-be-applicable international law constrained by ethical considerations. This paper aims to analyse the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), being one of those, with its criteria aiming to regulate military interventions taking the protection of civilians both as the reason for intervention, jus ad bellum or right to war, and as the duties during the intervention, jus in bello or how to conduct the war. In addition it will discuss the rise of its bindingness in terms of Responsibility Not to Veto (RNtoV), Franco/Mexican Political Declaration opened in signature for UN member states on September 2015.

Keywords: civilian protection, protection as responsibility, responsibility to protect, responsibility not to veto

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Authors: Mohamed Faslan

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This paper describes how caste-based differentiation functions among the Southern Muslims of Sri Lanka despite Islamic egalitarian principles. Such differences are not promoted by religious teachings, mosques, or the various Islamic religious denominations. Instead, it underpins a hereditary, hierarchical stratification in social structure. Since Islam is against social stratification and promotes egalitarianism, what are the persuasive social structures that organize the existing caste system among Southern Muslims? To answer this puzzle, this paper discusses and analyses the caste system under these five subsections: ancestry; marriage; geography; mosque ownership or trustees; and occupation. The study of caste in Sri Lanka is generally compartmentalized into separate Sinhala and Tamil systems. Most caste studies have focused on the characteristics, upward mobility, or discrimination of specific castes in relation to other castes within ethnic systems. As an operational definition, in this paper, by “southern” or the south of Sri Lanka, I refer to the Kalutara, Galle and Matara Districts. This research was conducted in these three districts, and the respondents were selected purposively. Community history interviews were used as a tool for collecting information, and grounded theory used for analysis. Caste stratification among the Southern Muslims of Sri Lanka is directly connected to whether they are descended from Arab or South Indian ancestors. Arab ancestors are considered upper caste and South Indian ancestors are considered lower caste. Endogamy is the most serious driving factor keeping caste system functioning among Muslims while the other factors—geography, mosques, and occupations—work as supporting factors.

Keywords: caste, social stratification, Sri Lanka Muslims, endogamy

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Authors: Farida Prihatini

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As a largest Muslim country in the world with around 215 Muslim inhabitants, Indonesia interestingly is not an Islamic country. Yet, Indonesia is not a secular country as well. The country has committed to be a unity in diversity country where people from various socio-political background may be coexistent live in this archipelago country. However, many provinces and Muslim groups are disposed of special regulation for Muslim people, namely local ordinances with sharia nuances, applied specifically in provinces, cities or regions where Muslim inhabitants are the majority. For the last two decades, particularly since Indonesia reform movement of 1998, a lot of local ordinances (Peraturan Daerah) with Sharia nuance have been enacted and applied in several provinces, cities and regions in Indonesia. The local ordinances are mostly deal with restriction of alcohol, prohibition of prostitution, Al Qur'an literacy, obligation to wear Muslim attire and zakat or alms management. Some of local ordinances have been warmly welcomed by society, while other ordinances have created tension. Those who oppose the ordinances believe that such things regulated by the ordinances are in violation of human rights and democracy, part of privacy rights of the people and must not be regulated by the State or local government. This paper describes the dynamic of local Ordinances with sharia nuances in Indonesia, in this research is limited to three ordinances: on the restriction of alcohol, prohibition of prostitution and obligation to wear Muslim attire. The researcher employs a normative method by studying secondary data and local ordinances in selected areas in Indonesia. The findings of the paper are that local ordinances with sharia nuances are indeed part of the needs of society, yet, in their implementation must take the pluralism of Indonesia and the state basic foundation, which is Pancasila (five pillars) into account.

Keywords: local, ordinances, sharia, rights

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Authors: Samanwita Paul

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Borrowing from Kabeer’s framework of empowerment, participation of women at Panchayat level politics (grassroots level of politics in India) has been conceptualized as a resource in the study and the impact of the same in influencing the policies at the grassroots as an agency. The study attempts to examine such intricacies in the dynamics of participation and policy formulation at the Panchayat level and to assess its overall impact in altering the recognition and redistribution of women. A conscious attempt has been made to go beyond formal politics and consider participants of the informal political processes as subjects of the study. Primary surveys were conducted for data collection in 4 Panchayat villages (from Jalpaiguri district in West Bengal) of which 2 wards from each were selected based on the nature of reservation of the panchayat seats. In-depth interviews with the Panchayat members and an approximate of 80 voters from each of the villages were conducted. This has been further analyzed with the aid of appropriate statistical tools and narratives. Preliminary findings show that women from vulnerable sections tend to participate more in the political process since it offers them a means of negotiating with their vulnerabilities however in case of its impact on policy formulation, the effect of women’s participation does to appear to be as profound.

Keywords: recognition, redistribution, political participation, women

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Authors: Manuel Iretzberger

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This paper aims to uncover the ideological aspects in the political thought of Carl Schmitt, who is enjoying an ever-increasing popularity in various academic fields, following in the wake of rising interest in questions of sovereignty and legitimacy. Given Schmitt’s biography, i.e. his role as the ‘Crown Jurist of the Third Reich’ (Gurian), an extraordinarily thorough examination is necessary; however, instead of merely ‘deconstructing’ his works, certain ontological truths he might have attained, shall be taken seriously. To this end, his notions of politics and the state of exception are scrutinized, which are indeed considered intriguing, yet prove to be enigmatic and impalpable at the core when read closely. In order to explain this conjuncture, both Schmitt’s philosophy of history and his ‘secret discussion’ (Agamben) with Walter Benjamin are depicted. As it turns out – it is argued – his concept of the Political has to be conceived of as embedded in a much broader context: In a post-transcendental, immanent age, he regards traditional modes of representation as no longer feasible and clings to authoritarianism as a surrogate – his Catholicism plays a decisive role here, forcing him to inject normatively biased assumptions into his political writings. Seeing Schmitt perform ‘rearguard action’ not only serves to disarm his work of most of its menacing aura, it also allows drawing conclusions about ways of legitimatizing democratic rule in modern times, as the paper tries to outline in its last section.

Keywords: Benjamin, history, immanence, Schmitt, sovereignty

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Authors: Mustafa Mabruk

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Groups such as Al-Shabaab have managed to radicalize many individuals abroad, including the first American citizen to ever be radicalized. Yet the pathways of radicalization for these foreign individuals are understudied. Moreover, current measures to prevent foreign radicalization are ineffective, with privacy, screening and profiling implications that render current counter-radicalization efforts counterproductive. Such measures exhibit strictness, political bias, and harshness. As confirmed by recent studies, such counter-radicalization issues exacerbate existing grievances and channel fresh recruits to Al-Shabaab. Addressing these challenges is paramount, requiring alternative strategies to effectively reduce radicalization without triggering further harm. The development of counter-narratives emerges as a potential measure with minimal risk of exacerbating grievances, yet the development of such counter-narratives necessitates a thorough understanding of the radicalization pathways of foreign individuals that are understudied. This study investigates the success of Al-Shabaab in recruiting individuals abroad by analyzing their propaganda in conjunction with analyzing identity-focused theories of radicalization, including Framing Theory and Social Identity Theory. Qualitative content analysis is used to analyze various propaganda material, including tweets, speeches, and webpages. The analysis reveals that issues of identity are of major significance in the radicalization patterns identified and that grievances of Muslims worldwide are used to exploit identity-related grievances. Based on these findings, the paper argues that such evidence enhances our understanding of potential deradicalization pathways and present counter-narratives based on Islamic scripture.

Keywords: counter-narratives, foreign radicalization, identity grievances, propaganda analysis

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Authors: Karin Schoenpflug, Christine M. Klapeer

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In a large study for the Vienna City Council’s Antidiscrimination unit (WASt) an interdisciplinary team (in the fields of economics, sociology and political science) working with urban economics, critical citizenship studies, the sociology of work & inequality and urban political/human geography conducted an online survey asking LGBTIs (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersex people) in Vienna detailed questions on their quality-of-life, happiness and well-being. 3.161 persons responded and provided us with a rich data set concerning: 1) Labor market structures, discrimination, working conditions and employment practices (economic citizenship); 2) access to health care, welfare, education and safety in public spaces (social citizenship); 3) political participation as well as access to legal institutions (political citizenship). All those fields are important dimensions in regards to “full” citizenship and the well-being of the LGBTI population, but are also constitutive for the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities into the city population(s) of Vienna. Our data also allows us to map the sexual geography of Vienna as LGBTI communities are more likely to live in certain districts; some places are considered safe(r) and “friendlier”. In this way our work helps to fill a research gap connecting (urban) spaces and sexuality, and it produces new data and insights on the quality-of-life of this subpopulation. Our findings allow for urban (policy) planning and limiting violence and discrimination and improving the collective wellbeing and social cohesion.

Keywords: urban sexual geographies, LGBTI, socio-economic status, Vienna, sitizenship status

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Authors: Peshawa Jalal Mohammed

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Following the recent political conflict in the Middle East, the number of refugees and internally displaced people increased in the last decades. The flood of displaced people became a big issue for the host communities in the neighbouring countries and Europe. The need for research about the education and integration of the refugees became urgent. After the appearance of the Islamic State and displacing millions of Syrian people, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq became a safe shelter for hundreds of thousands of Syrians and international organisations helping the refugees. This study focuses on the factors of parental involvement among the host community and refugee parents and its role in the academic success of children. The setting is the three provinces of Iraqi Kurdistan (Erbil, Sulaimani, and Dohuk), including the refugee camps in the three provinces. Based on the purpose of the study, the study was designed as a descriptive survey study with a mixed approach, qualitative (open-ended), and quantitative (questionnaire) questions and both forms of data were integrated and analysed. The current study participants were 8th and 9th graders at the basic school level, studying at public schools and their parents. The sampling design was the selection of local schools and schools in the refugee camps in the region's three provinces. The number of participants for each of the two groups was 250 students and 250 parents. The results showed that parents' socioeconomic status, gender, and place of residency have significant roles in students' parental involvement and academic success of their students. The results also show the characteristics of parental inspiration to their children's future and their expectations from education.

Keywords: refugee, education, parental involvement, socioeconomic

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Authors: Constâncio Augusto Machanguana

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The world over, resettling communities, for whatever purpose (mining, dams, forestry and wildlife management, roads, or facilitating services delivery), often leads to tensions between those resettled, the investors, and the local and national governments involved in the process. Causes include unclear government legislation and regulations, confusing Corporate Social Responsibility policies and guidelines, and other social-economic policies leading to unrealistic expectations among those being resettled, causing frustrations within the community, shifting them to any imminent conflict against the investors (company). The exploitation of heavy mineral sands along Mozambique’s long coastline and hinterland has not been providing a benefit for the affected communities. A case in point is the exploration, since 2018, of heavy sands in Chibuto District in the Southern Province of Gaza. A likely contributing factor is the standard type of socio-economic surveys and community involvement processes that could smooth the relationship among the parties. This research aims to investigate alternative processes to plan, initiate and guide resettlement processes in such a way that tensions and conflicts are avoided. Based on the process already finished, compared to similar cases along with the country, mixed methods to collect primary data were adopted: three focus groups of 125 people, representing 324 resettled householders; five semi-structured interviews with relevant stakeholders such as the local government, NGO’s and local leaders to understand their role in all stages of the process. The preliminary results show that the community has limited or no understanding of the potential impacts of these large-scale explorations, and the apparent harmony between the parties (community and company) may hide the dissatisfaction of those resettled. So, rather than focusing on negative mining impacts, the research contributes to science by identifying the best resettlement approach that can be replicated in other contexts along with the country in the actual context of the new discovery of mineral resources.

Keywords: conflict mitigation, resettlement, mining, Mozambique

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Authors: Halilu Babaji, Adamu Buba

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Illicit arms and the emergence of armed groups have witnessed unprecedented situations of political uncertainties in Nigeria, and the twenty-first century globalisation has established the process that has benefited a good number of militia groups and thereby boosting both illicit arms movement and the thriving of terrorist groups, which are largely responsible for the longstanding threat to the national security and stability of the country. This has unleashed unforeseen consequences on the entire Sub-region, following an inflow of weapons and armed fighter which are motivated by weak governance, insecurity and poverty. The social, economic and political environments make it a fertile breeding ground for the penetration and development of terrorist groups in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Keywords: arms, emergence, insecurity, groups

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Authors: Sevcan Ozturk

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the twentieth-century Muslim philosopher Muhammad Iqbal’s philosophy of action in the light of the main issues of contemporary philosophy of action. Iqbal is one of the most celebrated and eminent figures of modern Islamic thought. However, a review of the works on Iqbal shows that most of the central concepts of his philosophy have not received enough attention. His notion of ‘action’ in its philosophical context is one of these concepts. One of the main characteristics of Iqbal’s approach is that he develops his discussion around the main themes of contemporary philosophy of action, which includes ontological and conceptual questions regarding the nature of human actions. He also discusses that action is the only way to develop human personality, and that the human being can only achieve immortality promised by Islam through his actions. Therefore, while presenting an approach that can be read in the light of contemporary philosophy of action, which has become one of the significant parts of modern philosophical discussions in the west particularly since the nineteenth century, he, at the same time, develops his own philosophy of action in the light of Islamic resources. Consequently, these two main characteristics of his discussion of the notion of action make his philosophy of action an important contribution to contemporary philosophy of action, a field that ignores the discussions of Muslim philosophers on action. Therefore, this paper aims at highlighting Iqbal’s contribution to the modern debate of action by analysing Iqbal’s notion of action in the light of the contemporary issues of philosophy of action. This will, first of all, include an examination of contemporary action theory. Although the main discussions of contemporary philosophy of action will provide the methodology of this study, the main paradigms of Iqbal’s approach to the notion of action will also be considered during the examination of the discussions of philosophy of action. Then, Iqbal’s own philosophy of action will be established in the light of the contemporary philosophy of action. It is hoped that this paper will cultivate a dialogue between Iqbal scholars and those working in the field of philosophy of action, and that it will be a contribution to the fields of Iqbal studies, philosophy of action, and intercultural philosophy.

Keywords: action, development of personality, Muhammad Iqbal, philosophy of action

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Shailendra M. Pradhan, Upendra M. Pradhan

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Disasters are perennial features of human civilization. The recurring earthquakes, floods, cyclones, among others, that result in massive loss of lives and devastation, is a grim reminder of the fact that, despite all our success stories of development, and progress in science and technology, human society is perennially at risk to disasters. The apparent threat of climate change and global warming only severe our disaster risks. Darjeeling hills, situated along Eastern Himalayan region of India, and famous for its three Ts – tea, tourism and toy-train – is also equally notorious for its disasters. The recurring landslides and earthquakes, the cyclone Aila, and the Ambootia landslides, considered as the largest landslide in Asia, are strong evidence of the vulnerability of Darjeeling hills to natural disasters. Given its geographical location along the Hindu-Kush Himalayas, the region is marked by rugged topography, geo-physically unstable structure, high-seismicity, and fragile landscape, making it prone to disasters of different kinds and magnitudes. Most of the studies on disasters in Darjeeling hills are, however, scientific and geographical in orientation that focuses on the underlying geological and physical processes to the neglect of social and political conditions. This has created a tendency among the researchers and policy-makers to endorse and promote a particular type of discourse that does not consider the social and political aspects of disasters in Darjeeling hills. Disaster, this paper argues, is a complex phenomenon, and a result of diverse factors, both physical and human. The hazards caused by the physical and geological agents, and the vulnerabilities produced and rooted in political, economic, social and cultural structures of a society, together result in disasters. In this sense, disasters are as much a result of political and economic conditions as it is of physical environment. The human aspect of disasters, therefore, compels us to address intricating social and political challenges that ultimately determine our resilience and vulnerability to disasters. Set within the above milieu, the aims of the paper are twofold: a) to provide a political and sociological account of disasters in Darjeeling hills; and, b) to identify and address the root causes of its vulnerabilities to disasters. In situating disasters in Darjeeling Hills, the paper adopts the Pressure and Release Model (PAR) that provides a theoretical insight into the study of social and political aspects of disasters, and to examine myriads of other related issues therein. The PAR model conceptualises risk as a complex combination of vulnerabilities, on the one hand, and hazards, on the other. Disasters, within the PAR framework, occur when hazards interact with vulnerabilities. The root causes of vulnerability, in turn, could be traced to social and political structures such as legal definitions of rights, gender relations, and other ideological structures and processes. In this way, the PAR model helps the present study to identify and unpack the root causes of vulnerabilities and disasters in Darjeeling hills that have largely remained neglected in dominant discourses, thereby providing a more nuanced and sociologically sensitive understanding of disasters.

Keywords: Darjeeling, disasters, PAR, vulnerabilities

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Authors: Nastaran Khoshsabk

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The evolution of communication through the Internet has influenced shaping and reshaping the self-presentation of social media users. Online communities both connect people and give voice to the voiceless allowing them to present themselves nationally and globally. People all around the world are experiencing censorship in different aspects of their life. Censorship can be externally imposed because of the political situations, or it can be self-imposed. Social media users choose the content they want to share and decide about the online audiences with whom they want to share this content. Most social media networks, such as Facebook, enable their users to be selective about the shared content and its availability to other people. However, sometimes instead of targeting a specific audience, users self-censor themselves or decide not to share various forms of information. These decisions are of particular importance in countries such as Iran where Internet is not the arena of free self-presentation and people are encouraged to stay away from political participation in the country and acting against the Islamic values. Facebook and some other social media tools are blocked in countries such as Iran. This project investigates the importance of social media in the life of Iranians to explore how they present themselves and construct their digital selves. The notion of cultural identity is applied in this research to explore the educational and informative role of social media in the identity formation and cultural representation of Facebook users. This study explores the self-censorship of Iranian adult Facebook users through their online self-representation and communication on the Internet. The data in this qualitative multiple case study have been collected through individual synchronous online interviews with the researcher’s Facebook friends and through the analysis of the participants’ Facebook profiles and activities over a period of six months. The data is analysed with an emphasis on the identity formation of participants through the recognition of the underlying themes. The exploration of online interviews is on the basis of participants’ personal accounts of self-censorship and cultural understanding through using social media. The driven codes and themes have been categorised considering censorship and place of culture on representation of self. Participants were asked to explain their views about censorship and conservatism through using social media. They reported their thoughts about deciding which content to share on Facebook and which to self-censor and their reasons behind these decisions. The codes and themes have been categorised considering censorship and its role in representation of idealised self. The ‘actual self’ showed to be hidden by an individual for different reasons such as its influence on their social status, academic achievements and job opportunities. It is hoped that this research will have implications for education contexts in countries that are experiencing social media filtering by offering an increased understanding of the importance of online communities; which can provide an educational environment to talk and learn about social taboos and constructing adults’ identity in virtual environment and through cultural self-presentation.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity formation, online communities, self-censorship

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Authors: Nasser Y. Athamneh

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Muzaffar al-Nawwab (1934--) is a modern Iraqi poet, critic, and painter, well-known to Arab youth of the second half of the 20th century for his revolutionary spirit and political activism. For the greater part of his relatively long life, al-Nawwab was wanted 'dead or alive,' so to speak, by most of the Arab regimes and authorities due to his scathing, and at times unsparingly obscene attacks on them. Hence it is that the Arab masses found in his poetry the rebellious expression of their own anger and frustration, stifled by fear for their physical safety. Thus, al-Nawwab’s contemporary Arab audience loved and embraced him both as an Arab exile and as a poet. They memorized and celebrated his poems and transmitted them secretly by word of mouth and on compact cassette tapes. He himself recited his own poetry and had it recorded on compact cassette tapes for fans to smuggle from one Arab country to the other. The themes of al-Nawwab’s poems are varied, but the most predominant among them is political opposition. In most of his poems, al-Nawwab takes up politics as the major theme. Yet, he often represents it coupled with the leitmotifs of women and wine. Indeed he oscillates almost systematically between political commitment to the revolutionary cause of the masses of his nation and homeland on the one hand and love for women and wine on the other. For the persona in al-Nawwab’s poetry, love-longing for the woman and devotion to the cause of revolution and Pan-Arabism are interrelated; each of them readily evokes the other. In this paper, an attempt is made at investigating the treatment and representation of the theme of revolution and political opposition in some of al-Nawwab’s poems. This investigation will be conducted through close reading and textual analysis of representative sections of the poetic texts under consideration in the paper. The primary texts for the study are selected passages from two representative poems, namely, 'The Night Song of the Bow Strings' (Watariyyaat Layliyyah) and 'In Wine and Sorrow My Heart [Is Immersed]' (bil-khamri wa bil-huzni fu’aady). Other poems and extracts from al-Nawwab’s poetic works will be drawn upon as secondary texts to clarify the arguments in the paper and support its thesis. The discussions and textual analysis of the texts under consideration are meant to show that revolution and undaunted political opposition is a predominant theme in al-Nawwab’s poetry, often represented through the use of the leitmotifs of women and wine.

Keywords: Arabic poetry, Muzaffar al-Nawwab, politics, revolution

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Authors: Leyi Wang

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The effect of religion on conflicts is usually over-focused. Religion is not the root cause of conflicts. There are always social, political or economic factors pushing the acceleration of conflicts. Meanwhile, the charisma of religion on calling for adherents is often utilized by political leaders as a tool of providing legitimacy to the initiating of violence and mobilizing the public during conflicts. What people identify from the connections between religion and conflicts is fake. There are some strategies used by politicians to upgrade the conflicts into violence. Consequently, there are some assumptions of which try to limit the religion’s effects on accelerating conflicts. This essay aims to discuss the roles of religion in international relations and argues that the religion difference is not the real source of conflicts in the globe, by reviewing the relevant literature for understanding the research background and gap of this topic. Also, this essay will suggest some implementations on dealing with the regional conflicts.

Keywords: religion, conflicts, criticism, international relations

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Authors: Chuenaarom Chantimachaiamorn

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This study is an analysis of the roles of the Thai monks i.e. the Sangha in the development of the civil society, democracy and politics in Thailand. This study may be significant for determining the relation of Buddhism and its Sangha to the Thai society and polity. This study is based upon the documentary research from the sources of Pali Scripture, historical documents, and other publications and related matter, including with the interviews concerning political thought and role of high senior monk, scholarly monks and Dhamma-espousing monk who are well known and accepted by people in general for their political role in contemporary Thai society.

Keywords: Buddhism, role, monk, Sangha, civil society, politics

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Authors: Mona Alyedreessy

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This study, which is based on a qualitative study sample of thirty-four British converts from different ages, ethnicities, social classes, areas and religious backgrounds in London, investigates the common challenges, problems and abuse in the name of Islam that many British female Muslim converts experienced during their time as Muslims, which caused them to leave the faith. It is an important study, as it creates an awareness of the weaknesses found in western Muslim societies and in various Islamic educational programs that causes people to leave Islam and contribute towards its negative reputation in the media. The women in this study shared common problems regarding gender and racial discrimination, identity development, feminism, marriage, parenting, Muslim culture, isolation, extremism, belonging and practising Islam in both Muslim and non-Muslim societies with differing sacrifices and consequences that caused them to de-convert. The study argues that many of the personal, religious and social problems female Muslim converts experience are due to a lack of knowledge about Islam and their rights as Muslim women, which often results in them being vulnerable and influenced by the opinions, attitudes and actions of uneducated, abusive, non-practising and extremist Muslims. For example, it was found that young female converts in particular were often taken advantage of and manipulated into believing that many negative actions displayed by patriarchal Muslim husbands were a part of Islam. This created much confusion, especially when their husbands used specific Quran texts and Hadiths to justify their abuse, authority and attitudes that made them miserable. As a result and based on the positive experiences of some converts, the study found that obtaining a broad Islamic education that started with an intimate study of the Prophet Muhammad’s biography alongside being guided by the teachings of western Muslim scholars contributed greatly towards a more enjoyable conversion journey, as women were able to identify and avoid problematic Muslims and abuse in the name of Islam. This in turn helped to create a healthier family unit and Muslim society. Those who enjoyed being Muslims were able to create a balanced western Muslim identity by negotiating and applying their own morals and western values to their understanding of The Prophet’s biography and The Quran and integrated Islamic values into their own secular western environments that were free from foreign cultural practices. The outcomes of the study also highlight some effective modern approaches to da’wah based on the teachings of The Prophet Mohammad and other prophets for young Arab and Asian Muslims who marry, study and live among non-Muslims and converts.

Keywords: abuse, apostasy, converts, Muslims

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