Search results for: the international covenant on civil and political rights

Authors: Kyujin Shim

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This study explores how individual motivations in political psychology will lead to political expression and online discourse, and how those online political discourses result in individuals’ exposure to extreme/ personally-entertaining/ disinhibiting content. This study argues that a new framework beyond the conventional paradigm (e.g., selective exposure based on partisanship/ ideology) is needed for better grasp of non-ideological/ anarchic, and/or of nonpartisan yet anonymity-/ extremity-/ disinhibition-related online behaviors regarding political conversations. Further, this study proposes a new definition of ‘selective exposure,’ with special attention to online efficacy and psychological motivations/gratifications sought in the online sphere.

Keywords: selective exposure, fear of isolation, political psychology, online discourse

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Authors: Edward C. Smith

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Historical narration in literature and film is an act that necessarily develops and deforms history, whether consciously or unconsciously. Such “translation” suffers or thrives depending on its historical context and on the ability of the artist/artists to make choices that enhance or diminish social and political reality. This “translation” and its challenges is examined from within the historical and political context of the 1930 Berlin film premiere of “All Quiet on the Western Front,” a film based on Erich Maria Remarque’s 1928 best-selling novel. Both the film and the novel appeared during a period in which the “aestheticization” of reality predominated. This was an era in early 20th-century European society in which life was conceived of as innately artistic and structured like an art form. The emergence of this modern consciousness, one in which memory and history surrendered their former authority, enabled conservative propaganda of the period to denounce all art that did not adhere conceptually to its political tenets, with “All Quiet” becoming yet another of its “victims.”

Keywords: documentary and propaganda film, film and TV audiences, international literature in film studies, popular culture and film

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Authors: Mike Omilusi

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Since the Buhari administration came to power, it has gained the people’s confidence with its anti-corruption efforts. Making culprits account for their past unlawful deeds, in a very determined and aggressive manner ever witnessed in the nation’s political history, generates different reactions among Nigerians. However, some questions remain pertinent to this study: Are Nigerians really advocating persecution or prosecution in respect of the graft suspects? Do they want conviction without being convinced? Is their outburst propelled by emotions and revengeful anticipation of having suspected looters of the nation’s commonwealth behind bars? Can the war be successfully fought without resorting to impunity? Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this study seeks to interrogate the claim of fundamental human rights in the face of wanton looting of the nation’s resources. If, as opined by President Buhari, corruption is a crime against humanity, then it is argued that those who commit such crime should be subjected to penalties prescribed by law. Such crime -as corruption in this study- deprives the citizens of welfare, social amenities and good things of life. In this instance, it also poses threats to national security, having misappropriated funds meant for the war against the Boko Haram terrorism as revealed by the anti-corruption agency in the country. A theoretically-driven investigation, this essay raises some expectations within the context of good governance-propelled anti-corruption crusade, making modest recommendations as to how corruption should be prevented and combated within the confine of rule of law.

Keywords: corruption, rule of law, human rights, prosecution, commonwealth

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Authors: Tholaine Matadi

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South Africa is a democratic country with a historical record of racially-motivated marginalisation and exclusion of the majority. During the apartheid era the country was run along pieces of legislation and policies based on racial segregation. The system held a tight clamp on interracial mixing which forced people to remain in segregated areas. For example, a citizen from the Indian community could not own property in an area allocated to white people. In this way, a great majority of people were denied basic human rights. Now, there is a supreme constitution with an entrenched justiciable Bill of Rights founded on democratic values of social justice, human dignity, equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution also enshrines the values of non-racialism and non-sexism. The Constitutional Court has the power to declare unconstitutional any law or conduct considered to be inconsistent with it. Now, more than two decades down the line, despite the abolition of apartheid, there is evidence that South Africa still experiences hate crimes which violate the entrenched right of vulnerable groups not to be discriminated against on the basis of race, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, occupation, or disability. To remedy this mischief parliament has responded by drafting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. The Bill has been disseminated for public comment and suggestions. It is intended to combat hate crimes and hate speech based on sheer prejudice. The other purpose of the Bill is to bring South Africa in line with international human rights instruments against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance identified in several international instruments. It is against this backdrop that this paper intends to analyse the impact of the Bill on the rights to human dignity, equality, and freedom. This study is significant because the Bill was highly contested and creates a huge debate. This study relies on a qualitative evaluative approach based on desktop and library research. The article recurs to primary and secondary sources. For comparative purpose, the paper compares South Africa with countries such as Australia, Canada, Kenya, Cuba, and United Kingdom which have criminalised hate crimes and hate speech. The finding from this study is that despite the Bill’s expressed positive intentions, this draft legislation is problematic for several reasons. The main reason is that it generates considerable controversy mostly because it is considered to infringe the right to freedom of expression. Though the author suggests that the Bill should not be rejected in its entirety, she notes the brutal psychological effect of hate crimes on their direct victims and the writer emphasises that a legislature can succeed to combat hate-crimes only if it provides for them as a separate stand-alone category of offences. In view of these findings, the study recommended that since hate speech clauses have a negative impact on freedom of expression it can be promulgated, subject to the legislature enacting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate-Crimes Bill as a stand-alone law which criminalises hate crimes.

Keywords: freedom of expression, hate crimes, hate speech, human dignity

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Authors: Aleksandra Majewska

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The article analyses the impact of Western sanctions on Russian rhythmic gymnastics since the outbreak of war in Ukraine. The chronological presentation of events shows how international political tensions and economic sanctions have affected the organisation of competitions, training and the careers of athletes. The article outlines the key moments and decisions that have changed the landscape of Russian sport, including the decision to change the citizenship made by some gymnasts in order to continue competing in international competitions. Russia strongly opposes participation in competitions without its flag and anthem while maintaining the view that Russian gymnasts are crucial to the prestige of rhythmic gymnastics in the world. In response to the sanctions, Russia created its own rules for rhythmic gymnastics, according to which they now compete domestically. Furthermore, this sport in Russia is strongly linked to politics, which further emphasises its importance in the national and international context. The information collected derives from numerous interviews with Russian athletes, coaches and other people, which are available only in the Russian language. The findings highlight the significant difficulties Russian athletes have faced due to their isolation in the international arena and the adaptive strategies adopted by Russia in the face of these challenges. The article makes an important contribution to understanding the consequences of global politics on the world of sport and the fate of individual athletes.

Keywords: sport, gymnastics, war in Ukraine, sanctions

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: B. Gültekin, T. Gültekin

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Peace diplomacy is the most important international tool to maintain peace all over the World. This study consists of three parts. In the first part, the leadership of Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party, will be introduced as a tool of peace communication and peace management. Also, in this part, peace communication will be explained by the peace leadership traits of Devlet Bahçeli, who is one of the efficient political leaders representing the concepts of compromise and agreement on different sides of politics. In the second part of study, it is aimed to analyze Devlet Bahçeli’s leadership within the frame of peace communication and the final part of this study is about creating an original public communication model for public diplomacy based on Devlet Bahçeli as an example. As a result, the main purpose of this study is to develop an original peace communication model including peace modules, peace management projects, original dialogue procedures and protocols exhibited in the policies of Devlet Bahçeli. The political leadership represented by Devlet Bahçeli inspires political leaders to provide peace communication. In this study, principles and policies of peace leadership of Devlet Bahçeli will be explained as an original model on a peace communication platform.

Keywords: public diplomacy, dialogue management, peace leadership, peace diplomacy

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Authors: Yuhong Li, Luyu Mao

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Globalization has led to an increasingly interconnected international community and transmitted risks to every corner of the world through the chain of globalization. Security risks arising from international conflicts seem inescapable. Some countries have begun to build their capacity to deal with the globalization of security risks. They establish disembedding security mechanisms that transcend spatial or temporal boundaries and promote security cooperation with countries or regions that are not geographically close. This paper proposes four hypotheses of the phenomenon of "risks and security disembedding" in the post-Cold War international society and uses them to explain The United Kingdom’s behavior in the Bosnian War and the Russo-Ukrainian War. In the Bosnian War, confident in its own security and focused on maintaining European stability, The UK has therefore chosen to be cautious in its use of force in international frameworks such as the EU and to maintain a very limited intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina's affairs. In contrast, the failure of the EU and NATO’s security mechanism in the Russo-Ukrainian war heightened Britain's anxiety, and the volatile international situation led it to show a strong tendency towards security disembedding, choosing to conclude security communities with extra-territorial states. Analysis suggests that security mechanisms are also the starting point of conflict and that countries will rely more on disembedding mechanisms to counteract the global security risks. The current mechanism of security disembedding occurs as a result of the global proliferation of security perceptions as a symbolic token and the recognition of an expert system of security mechanisms formed by states with similar security perceptions.

Keywords: disembedding mechanism, bosnia war, the russian-ukrainian war, british security strategy

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Chloe Fauchon

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In Europe, the right to a fair trial is enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights, signed in 1950, in its famous Article 6, and, in the field of the European Union, in Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, binding since 2009. The right to a fair trial is, therefore, a fundamental right protected by all the relevant treaties. The right to a fair trial is an "umbrella right" which encompasses various sub-rights and principles. Although this right applies in all the proceedings, it gets a special relevance in criminal matters and, particularly, regarding the defendant. In criminal proceedings, the parties are not equal: the accusation is represented by a State-organ, with specific prerogatives, and the defense does not benefit from these specific powers and is often inexperienced in criminal law. Equality of arms, and consequently the right to a fair trial, needs some specific mechanisms to be effective in criminal proceedings. For instance, the defendant benefits from some procedural rights, such as the right to a lawyer, the right to be informed of the charges against them, the right to confront witnesses, and so on. These rights aim to give the defendant the tools to dispute the accusation. The role of the defense is, therefore, very important in criminal matters to avoid unjustified convictions. This specificity of criminal matters justifies that the focus will be put on them during this study. Then this paper will also focus on French and Spanish legal orders. Indeed, if the European Court and Convention on Human Rights are the most famous instruments to protect the right to a fair trial, this right is also guaranteed at a constitutional level in European national legal orders in Europe. However, this enshrinement differs from one country to the other: for instance, in Spain, the right to a fair trial is protected explicitly by the 1978 constitutional text, whereas, in France, it is more of a case-law construction. Nevertheless, this difference between both legal orders does not imply huge variations in the substantive aspect of the right to a fair trial. This can be specifically explained by the submission of both States to the European Convention on Human Rights. This work aims to show that, although the French and Spanish legal orders differ in the way they protect the right to a fair trial, this right eventually has the same substantive meaning in both legal orders.

Keywords: right to a fair trial, constitutional law, French law, Spanish law, European Court of Human Rights

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Authors: Laura Lee Prather

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A functioning democracy is defined by various characteristics, including freedom of speech, equality, human rights, rule of law and many more. Lawsuits brought to intimidate speakers, drain the resources of community members, and silence journalists and others who speak out in support of matters of public concern are an abuse of the legal system and an encroachment of human rights. The impact can have a broad chilling effect, deterring others from speaking out against abuse. This article aims to suggest ways to address this form of judicial harassment. In 1988, University of Denver professors George Pring and Penelope Canan coined the term “SLAPP” when they brought to light a troubling trend of people getting sued for speaking out about matters of public concern. Their research demonstrated that thousands of people engaging in public debate and citizen involvement in government have been and will be the targets of multi-million-dollar lawsuits for the purpose of silencing them and dissuading others from speaking out in the future. SLAPP actions chill information and harm the public at large. Professors Pring and Canan catalogued a tsunami of SLAPP suits filed by public officials, real estate developers and businessmen against environmentalists, consumers, women’s rights advocates and more. SLAPPs are now seen in every region of the world as a means to intimidate people into silence and are viewed as a global affront to human rights. Anti-SLAPP laws are the antidote to SLAPP suits and while commonplace in the United States are only recently being considered in the EU and the UK. This researcher studied more than thirty years of Anti-SLAPP legislative policy in the U.S., the call for evidence and resultant EU Commission’s Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member States Recommendations, the call for evidence by the UK Ministry of Justice, response and Model Anti-SLAPP law presented to UK Parliament, as well as, conducted dozens of interviews with NGO’s throughout the EU, UK, and US to identify varying approaches to SLAPP lawsuits, public policy, and support for SLAPP victims. This paper identifies best practices taken from the US, EU and UK that can be implemented globally to help combat SLAPPs by: (1) raising awareness about SLAPPs, how to identify them, and recognizing habitual abusers of the court system; (2) engaging governments in the policy discussion in combatting SLAPPs and supporting SLAPP victims; (3) educating judges in recognizing SLAPPs an general training on encroachment of human rights; (4) and holding lawyers accountable for ravaging the rule of law.

Keywords: Anti-SLAPP Laws and Policy, Comparative media law and policy, EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member Recommendations, International Human Rights of Freedom of Expression

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Laura Cami Vorpsi

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This research paper examines the potential of private law as a means to promote and safeguard human rights while also addressing the associated challenges and limitations of adopting such an approach. Historically, private law mechanisms, namely contract law, tort law, and property law, have been employed to govern and oversee private relationships and transactions. Nevertheless, it is increasingly acknowledged that private law can also assume a significant role in safeguarding and advancing human rights, particularly in circumstances where the safeguards provided by public law are insufficient or inaccessible. This study assesses the benefits associated with the utilization of private law as a complementary measure to public law safeguards. These advantages encompass enhanced efficacy and efficiency of remedies, as well as the capacity to customize solutions to suit the unique requirements and circumstances of individuals. Nevertheless, the present study also considers the constraints associated with private law mechanisms, such as the financial and procedural intricacies of legal proceedings, the possibility of imbalanced negotiation power, and the potential to worsen pre-existing disparities and systemic inequities. The paper posits that the adoption of a private law-based approach to human rights necessitates a meticulous design and implementation process in order to mitigate potential risks and optimize the advantages. In conclusion, this study examines the ramifications of these discoveries on policy and practice, highlighting the necessity for heightened awareness and education regarding the capacity of private law to advance and safeguard human rights. Additionally, it underscores the significance of establishing efficient and easily accessible mechanisms for upholding human rights within the private domain. The paper concludes by providing recommendations for future research in this domain, specifically emphasizing the necessity for additional empirical investigations to assess the efficacy and consequences of private law-oriented strategies in safeguarding human rights.

Keywords: private law, human rights, promoting, protecting, access to justice

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Authors: Jingsong Ma

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In political translation, ideology plays an important role in conveying implications accurately. Ideological collisions can occur in political translation when there existdifferences of political environments embedded in the translingual political texts in both source and target languages. To reach an accurate translationrequires the translatorto understand the ideologies implied in (and often transcending) the texts. This paper explores the conditions, procedure, and purpose of processingideological collision and resolution of such issues in political translation. These points will be elucidated by case studies of translating English and Chinese political texts. First, there are specific political terminologies in certain political environments. These terminological peculiarities in one language are often determined by ideological elements rather than by syntactical and semantical understanding. The translation of these ideological-loaded terminologiesis a process and operation consisting of understanding the ideological context, including cultural, historical, and political situations. This will be explained with characteristic Chinese political terminologies and their renderings in English. Second, when the ideology in the source language fails to match with the ideology in the target language, the decisions to highlight or disregard these conflicts are shaped by power relations, political engagement, social context, etc. It thus is necessary to go beyond linguisticanalysis of the context by deciphering ideology in political documents to provide a faithful or equivalent rendering of certain messages. Finally, one of the practical issues is about equivalence in political translation by redefining the notion of faithfulness and retainment of ideological messages in the source language in translations of political texts. To avoid distortion, the translator should be liberated from grip the literal meaning, instead diving into functional meanings of the text.

Keywords: translation, ideology, politics, society

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Authors: Marcya Burden, Savonna Greer

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In the wake of social unrest around the world, protest movements have been captured like never before. As protest movements have evolved, so too have their visibility and sources of coverage. Long gone are the days of print media as our only glimpse into the action surrounding a protest. Now, with social networks such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, we have access to real-time video footage of protest movements and human rights activism that can reach millions of people within seconds. This research paper investigated various social media network platforms’ statistical usage data in the areas of human rights activism and protest movements, paralleling with other past forms of media coverage. This research demonstrates that social networks are extremely important to protest movements and human rights activism. With over 2.9 billion users across social media networks globally, these platforms are the heart of most recent protests and human rights activism. This research shows the paradigm shift from the Selma March of 1965 to the more recent protests of Ferguson in 2014, Ni Una Menos in 2015, and End Sars in 2018. The research findings demonstrate that today, almost anyone may use their social networks to protest movement leaders and human rights activists. From a student to an 80-year-old professor, the possibility of reaching billions of people all over the world is limitless. Findings show that 82% of the world’s internet population is on social networks 1 in every 5 minutes. Over 65% of Americans believe social media highlights important issues. Thus, there is no need to have a formalized group of people or even be known online. A person simply needs to be engaged on their respective social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat) regarding any cause they are passionate about. Information may be exchanged in real time around the world and a successful protest can begin.

Keywords: activism, protests, human rights, networks

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Da Eun Sung

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In today’s world, cyber security has become an important international agenda. As the information age has arrived, the need for cyber defense against cyber attacks is mounting, and the significance of cyber cooperation in the international community is drawing attention. Through the course, international society has agreed that the institutionalization of international norms dealing with cyber space and cyber security is crucial ever. Nevertheless, the West, led by the United States of America, and 'the East', composed of Russia and China, have shown conflicting views on forming international norms and principles which would regulate and ward off the possible threats in cyber space. Thus, the international community hasn’t yet to reach an agreement on cyber security. In other words, the difference between both sides on the approach and understanding of principles, objects, and the definition has rendered such. Firstly, this dissertation will cover the Russia’s perception, strategy, and definition on cyber security through analyzing primary source. Then, it will delve into the two contrasting cyber security strategy between Russia and the US by comparing them. And in the conclusion, it will seek the possible solution for the cooperation in the field of cyber security. It is quite worthwhile to look into Russia’s views, which is the main counterpart to the US in this field, especially when the efforts to institutionalize cyber security by the US-led international community have met with their boundaries, and when the legitimacy of them have been challenged.

Keywords: cyber security, cyber security strategic, international relation in cyberspace, Russia

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Authors: Khrukulu Khusoh

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The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people.

Keywords: armed forces, insurgency, special laws, violence

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Authors: Meinrad Haule Lembuka

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Social work profession one of its primary mission is to restore and maintain human rights where social workers recognise all humanity as equal, and so too the philosophies that have developed across the world’s regions. Ubuntu means African Humanism, where realization of human rights has been a primary role for every member of community to protect other member. Before Universal declaration of human rights, African societies had a long history of embracing human rights through Ubuntu approach model. The article used Ubuntu theory to guide the review process of existing literature since Ubuntu theory since is grounded in African cultural values and ecology, and it was thought that application of Ubuntu theory was relevant to reflect reality of Ubuntu model and indigenization of social work in African context. Results have shown that in realization of human rights, Ubuntu was practiced is termed as model, philosophy, cultural values, way of life or framework originated in sub-sahara Africa and some of remarkably practice model in several African communities such as Angola, (gimuntu), Botswana (muthu), Burkina Faso (maaya), Ghana (biako ye), Malawi (umunthu), Mali (maaya/hadama de ya), Namibia (omundu), Nigeria (mutunchi/iwa/agwa), (bantu), Sierra Leonne (maaya), South Africa (ubuntu/botho) and Tanzania (utu/obuntu/bumuntu). Collective and holistic mechanism of Ubuntu is found through an Ubuntu framework that is contributed by individual, family, community and spirit that is characterised by interconnectedness of all things and beings. Each society has its own name but the practice remained the same and realization of human rights in Africa context was centred through human dignity, Ubuntu is built under cultural values of humanism that brings implications for African social worker to integrate this indigenous model into social work practice in restoring and maintain human rights. Social workers should promote policies and practices that demonstrate respect for human life, difference, support and expansion of cultural knowledge and resources, advocate for programmes and institutions that demonstrate cultural competence and promote policies that safeguard the rights and confirm equity and social justice for all people.

Keywords: African ubuntu, indigenous practice, African humanism, African human rights, social work and human rights

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Authors: Andreas Aceranti, Simonetta Vernocchi, Federica Brondoni, Marco Colorato, Marta Primatesta

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This study entitled “LGBT+ migrants: a cultural and legislative comparison in Canada, Italy and Egypt” suggests an analysis of the living conditions of migrants who are members of the LGBT+ community in Canada, Italy and Egypt. The acronym LGBT+ refers to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and all other gender identities and sexual orientations that do not fit into the male and female binary. This study aims at reflecting on the living conditions of LGBT+ migrants and the relatable difficulties they may face due to the culture and laws of their countries. Migratory flows were examined by providing a definition of "migrant" and the choices that drive a person to migrate elsewhere explained, followed by a focus on the recognition of refugee status related to sexual orientation and gender identity. Furthermore, we will deal with Canada, Italy and Egypt respectively, by analyzing for each country the history and rise of the LGBT+ community, the different laws and especially the migrants’ rights. Finally, the services and associations designed to provide a response to the needs of these people will be analyzed, highlighting the branches which nowadays operate in those areas and the importance of the cultural mediator.

Keywords: LGBTQ+, migrants, international rights, discrimination

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Dianne Lyneth Alavado

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At the turn of the millennium, development paradigms in the international scene revolved around one goal: elimination of global poverty without comprising human rights. One measure which achieved high endorsement and visibility in the world of work is the Decent Work Agenda (DWA) championed by the United Nation’s (UN) specialized agency for work, the International Labour Organization (ILO). The DWA has been thoroughly promoted and recommended as an ingredient of development planning and a poverty reduction strategy, particularly in developing countries such as the Philippines. The global imperative of economic growth is measurable not only in the numbers raked in by countries in terms of expanding economy but also by the development and realization of the full capacities of their people. Decent work (DW), as an outcome and not just a development approach, promises poverty eradication by means of providing both quantity and quality work that is accompanied by rights, representation, and protection. As a party to these international pacts, the Philippines is expected to heed the call towards a world free from poverty through well-endorsed measures such as the DWA with the aid of multilateral and donor organizations such as the ILO. This study aims to assess the capacity and readiness of the Philippines to achieve the goals of the DWA. This is a qualitative research using the sociological and juridical lens in the desk analysis of existing Philippine laws, policies, and programs vis-à-vis decent work indicators set forth by the ILO. Interview with experts on the Philippine labor situation is conducted for further validation. The paper identifies gaps within the Philippine legal system and its collection of laws, acts, presidential decrees, department orders and other policy instruments aimed towards achieving the goals of the DWA. Among the major findings of this paper are: the predisposition of Philippine labor laws towards the formal sector; the need for alternative solutions for the informal sector veering away from the usual dole-outs and livelihood projects; the needs for evaluation of policies and programs that are usually self-evaluated; the minimal reach of the labour inspectorate which ensures decent work; and the lack of substantial penalty for non-compliance with labor laws. The paper concludes with policy implications and recommendations towards addressing the potholes on the road to Decent Work.

Keywords: decent work agenda, labor laws, millennium development goals, poverty eradication, sustainable development goal

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Authors: Miguel Manero De Lemos

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The ‘innovative and creative’ seminal decision of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) was not welcomed by academic opinion. The court recognized that terrorism is a crime under international law in times of peace. Scholars widely – and sometimes aggressively – criticize this conclusion. This article asserts that, while some aspects of the decision of the STL might be defective, the basic premise, that it is indeed such a crime, is sound. This article delves into the method that the court used to attain such an outcome and explains why the conclusion of the court is correct, albeit the use of a different method is to be preferred. It also argues that subsequent developments leave little room to keep arguing that there is no international crime of terrorism.

Keywords: terrorism, STL, crime, international criminal law

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Authors: Paiboon Chuwatthanakij

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Each of the countries around the world has different ways of management and many of them depend on people to administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is addressing this problem through representatives during current elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to change in the House and the Cabinet. This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing confrontations within the establishment. There are many political parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act on Political Parties 2007. This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad. The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has strict provisions on the political structure over the number of members and the number of branches involved within political parties system. Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all independent political parties to join our current political structure. Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large organization under the existing Thai laws. Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between all political parties. With this new operation, individual political parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until current political institutions change their system to accommodate public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem with all political parties in Thailand.

Keywords: coalesced, political party, sovereignty, elections

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Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: A. Yousuf, M. Iqbal, A. Mir, S. Aziz

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This study deals with the women’s right to land for gender equality. Economic Transformation Initiative, Gilgit-Baltistan (ETI-GB), an ambitious program supported by International Fund for Agricultural Development United Nation (IFAD, UN), aims to strengthen land reforms process in disputed area of Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) Pakistan, that is taking place first time in the history. This project is a brick to build the foundation of land reforms and land policies in GB. The ETI-GB provides substantive support to government of GB in developing policy measures and initiatives to promote women’s right to have and to own land is kind of unconventional step in a very traditional society. It would be interesting to have discussion and document the people’s response regarding this project. The study has used mixed method for data collection. For qualitative data, content analysis is used to have a thorough understanding of different types of land reforms across the globe particularly in South Asia. Theoretical understanding of the literature is essential which provides the basis why land reforms are important and how far it plays an important role when it comes to eliminating inequality. Focused group discussion was carried out for verification and triangulation of data. For quantitative, survey was conducted to take responses from the people of the region and analyzed. The program is implemented in Ghizer district of GB. 2340 households were identified as beneficiaries of newly developed land. Among them, 2285 were men households, and 55 were women households. There is a significant difference between men and women households. In spite of great difference, it is a great achievement of the donor that in history of GB, first time women are going to be entitled to land ownership. GB is a patriarchal society, many social factors like cultural, religious play role for gender inequality. In developing countries, such as Pakistan, the awareness of land property rights has not been given proper attention to gender equality development frameworks. It is argued that land property rights of women have not been taken into mainstream policymaking in the development of nation building process. Consequently, this has generated deprivation of women’s property rights, low income level, lack of education and poor health. This paper emphasises that there should have proper land property right of women in Gilgit-Baltistan Pakistan, provided that the gender empowerment could be increased in terms of women’s property rights.

Keywords: gender equality, women right to land ownership, property rights, women empowerment

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Authors: Nel Jayson Santos

Abstract:

The growing number of international students in post-secondary institutions in Canada has positively contributed to the country’s economy and educational systems while also enriching cultural diversity in the classrooms. However, international students face social and relational challenges as they try to adapt to their host nation’s culture. One specific area of cultural adaptation among international students that has yet to be studied extensively is dating experiences and romantic relationships. Although numerous studies have been done regarding the relational challenges and dating experiences of American international students, only a few studies have focused on international students based in Canada. Hence, this study examines the dating preferences, dating challenges, and dating adaptations of international students based in Vancouver, Canada. Using a social constructivist approach, a semi-structured interview was conducted among fifteen heterosexual international college students. Inductive thematic analysis was then used to analyze the gathered data and identify common themes. Findings suggest that students’ (1) preferences were influenced by racial background and parental approval of dating partners; (2) students experienced language barriers and cultural differences; (3) students adapted through constant communication and being open-minded. Finally, the analysis intends to help counselors and psychologists in various colleges to help understand the issues of international students in terms of intimate and romantic relationships.

Keywords: higher education, international students, dating experiences, cultural adaptation

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Authors: Kirill Neverov

Abstract:

In the paper is considered issues of civic participation in context of changing political landscape of Argentina. Last two years, this South American country faced a drastic change of political course. Pro-peronist, left-oriented administration of Christina Fernandez de Kirchner were replaced by right of center Mauricio Macri's one. The study is focused on inclusive policy in conditions of political transformations. We use network analysis to figure out which actors are involved in participation and to describe connections between them. As a resuflt, we plan to receive map of transactions which form inclusive policy in Argentina.

Keywords: civic participation, Argentina, political transformation, network analysis

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

Abstract:

Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

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