Search results for: political activism

Authors: Tania Mitra

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Digital Activism or Cyber Activism uses digital media as a means to disseminate information and mobilize masses towards a specific goal. When digital activism was first born in the early 1990s, it was primarily used by groups of organized political activists. However, with the advent of social media, online activism has filtered down to the individual- one who does not necessarily belong to or identify with an agenda, group, or political party. A large part of digital activism today stems from the individual’s notion of what is right and wrong. This gives rise to a discourse around descriptive ethics and the implications of the independent digital activist. Although digital activism has paved the way for and bolstered support for causes like the MeToo Movement and Black Lives Matter, the lack of a unified, organized body has led to counterintuitive progressions and suspicions regarding the movements. The paper introduces the ideas of 'clout' culture, click baits, and clicktivism (the phenomenon where activism is reduced to a blind following of the online trends), to discuss the impacts of exclusive digital activism. By using Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian approach to ethics, that places emphasis on the best possible outcome for a society, the paper will show how individual online activism reaching for a larger, more common end can sometimes lead to an undermining of that end, not only in the online space but also how it manifests in the real world.

Keywords: digital activism, ethics, independent digital activist, utilitarianism

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Authors: Dafni Kalatzi Pantera

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How globalisation affects environmental activism? Existing research on this relationship focuses on the influence of the world polity on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental movements. However, globalisation is a multidimensional process which promotes pro-environmental ideas through the world polity, but it also fosters economic growth which is considered antagonistic to the environment. This article models the way that globalisation as a whole affects individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism, and the main argument is that globalisation’s impact is conditional on political ideology. To test the above hypothesis, individual and country level data are used for European countries between 1981-2020. The results support the expectation of the article that although globalisation has a positive impact on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism when it interacts with political ideology, its influence differs between ideological spectrums.

Keywords: environmental activism, globalisation, political ideology, world polity

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Lee Kar Heng

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Activists are people who use strong actions such as public protests or social media accusations in support of or opposition to controversial issues. While activism is the act of using such vigorous campaigns and actions to achieve political or social changes by the activists, today, the pressure and stresses from activism do not only grow in terms of civil rights but also in racial justice, labour reforms, and environmental change, to name a few. Some activism acts are constructive, but many are destructive, and they affect businesses as activists direct their sights on corporations, business entities, and organizations to achieve their supporting objectives beyond reasonable means. The paper attempts to share experiences of businesses being attacked by activists and how the attacks are mitigated. In sharing, this paper will discuss the effectiveness of the activist action and ways to react to them. The positive and negative impacts caused by activists' support action against corporations are also discussed.

Keywords: activism, conflicts, business, social responsibility

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Authors: Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy

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Companies have recently embraced political activism as an alleged responsibility toward the communities they operate in. As a result of its recency, there is little understanding of the impact of corporate activism on consumers. In addition, embracing corporate activism engenders polarizing opinions, potentially leading to a crisis of morality shown in past literature to flourish in online settings. The present study contributes to the literature on communication management, which currently lacks research on stakeholder perceptions toward corporate activism in general and from the perspective of the stakeholders’ emotions of brand hate versus a love that they display before a specific corporate act of activism. For this purpose, the study analyzed online reactions on Twitter following Disney’s stance against Florida’s House Bill 1577 enacted in April 2022. Dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay Bill” by the left wing and the “Parental Rights Bill” by the conservative movement, the legislation triggered polarizing opinions in society and among Disney’s stakeholders, as the company announce it was taking action against it. Given the scarcity of research on corporate political activism and crises of morality, the current study enacted the case study methodology. Consequently, it answered to the research questions of how online stakeholders responded to Disney’s stance as well as why they formed such an opinion. The data were collected from Twitter over a seven-day period of analysis, namely from March 28- April 3, 2022. The period of analysis started on the day Disney announced its stance (March 28, 2022) until the reactions to its announcement petered out significantly (April 3, 2022). The final sample of analysis consisted of N=1,344 and represented Twitter comments in response to the company’s political announcement. The data were analyzed using the grounded theory methodology, which implied multiple exposures to the text and the undertaking of an inductive-deductive approach that led to the emergence of several recurrent themes. The findings revealed that the stakeholders’ prior emotions toward the company (brand hate versus brand love) did not play a greater role in their (dis)agreement with the latter’s activism than the users’ political stances. Specifically, whether they despised or hated Disney prior to this incident was less significant than their personal political stances. Above all, users were more inclined to transition from brand love to brand hate and vice versa based on the political side they viewed Disney to fall under.

Keywords: corporate political advocacy, crisis management, brand hate, brand love

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Authors: Brianna Z. Ross, Jonathan N. Livingston

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Given that discussions of racism and racial tensions have become more salient, there is a need to evaluate the impacts of racialization among Black individuals. Racial discrimination has become one of the most common experiences within the Black American population. Likewise, Black individuals have indicated a need to address their racial identities at an earlier age than their non-Black peers. Further, Black individuals have been found at the forefront of multiple social and political movements, including but not limited to the Civil Rights Movement, Black Lives Matter, MeToo, and Say Her Name. Moreover, the present study sought to explore the predictive relationships that exist between racial discrimination, racial identity, and activism in the Black community. The results of standard and hierarchical regression analyses revealed that racial discrimination and racial identity significantly predict each other, but only racial discrimination is a significant predictor for the relationship to activism. Nonetheless, the results from this study will provide a basis for social scientists to better understand the impacts of racialization on the Black American population.

Keywords: activism, racialization, racial discrimination, racial identity

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Authors: Katherine Anson

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This paper takes a closer look at the use of day-to-day informal working practices in Latin American spatial, cultural activism against gentrification. Through a discursive analysis of the Ecuadorian communally made film documentary San Roque: A House for All (2015), and the study of the political conflict around the gentrification of the place, the essay illustrates how the purposeful showcase of indigenous uses of space claims ownership over the city’s downtown area. This argument concludes that by making visible everyday indigenous ways of production in relation to space, the video contests the neoliberalist aim to proletarianize the urban poor, and therefore, to transform them into a landless group. This approach demonstrates that through representations of their own cultural working practices grassroots organizations consciously deconstruct/contest the capitalist urbanization of space.

Keywords: cultural activism, gentrification, indigenous working traditions, neoliberalism, urban displacement, everyday forms of resistance

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Authors: Shreeya Umashankar

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The Supreme Court of India has emerged as the most powerful organ of State and amongst the foremost constitutional courts in the world through the instrument of Public Interest Litigation (PIL), the exercise of writ jurisdiction and the expansive interpretation of fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India. Judicial activism impinging on every facet of governance has become the norm in recent times. This paper traces the evolution of judicial activism since Independence through pronouncements of the Supreme Court. It brings out distinct phases in this evolution– the initial phase of judicial restraint, the first phase of an activist judiciary where the Supreme Court primarily was concerned with protection of fundamental rights and humane treatment of citizens; the second phase where the Supreme Court took keen interest in preservation and protection of the environment; the third phase where the Supreme Court extended its reach into the socio-economic arena and the fourth phase when issues of transparency and probity in governance led to interventions by the Supreme Court. The paper illustrates through judgements of the Supreme Court that the instrument of the PIL and the exercise of writ jurisdiction by the Supreme Court go beyond the traditional postulates of judicial processes and political theory on separation of powers between the organs of State.

Keywords: fundamental rights, judicial activism, public interest litigation, Supreme Court of India

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Authors: G. Arockiasamy, B. Sujeevan Kumar, Surendheran

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Human progress and development are highly influenced by the power of information access and technology. A global and multi-national transformation all over the word is possible due to digitalization. In the process of exchanging information, experience, and resources, there is a radical shift in who controls them. Mass media has turned the world into a global village by strengthening communication network. As a result, a new digital culture has emerged as a social network commonly known as new media. Today the advancement of technology is at the doorstep of everyone linking to anywhere. The traditional social restrictions are broken down by the new type of virtual communication modality that transcends people beyond boundaries At the same time media empire has invaded every nook and corner of the world through great expansion. Media activism is growing stronger and stronger but the truth and true meaning lost in the process. This paper explores the peoples’ attitude to media activism and tracing its direction. The methodology employed is random sampling survey and content analysis method. Both qualitatively and quantitatively measured. The findings tend to show 60 percent indicate media activism as positive and others indicate as negative. As a conclusion, media activism has danger within but depends on nature of the development of human orientation.

Keywords: media activism, media industry, program, truth information, orientation and nature

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Authors: Klaudia Muca

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Disability studies as an international movement are still developing, especially in the Central and East European young democratic countries. It is crucial to recognize in what manner this development might lead to create a sustainable social environment. Thanks to disability studies the process of introducing disability studies and its main ideas might become as effective as in the 90s in the USA or other Western countries. In the Central and East Europe lack of activism in favor of the disabled in the early stages of democratic transition (i.e. the 80s and 90s) caused misrepresentation of the disabled and their experience in present political and social sphere of life. People with disabilities were made to hold a minor position in society due to political changes that introduced in fact non-equal democracy. The results of this study indicate that activism in favor of people with disabilities and works of art created by the disabled are tools that influence present disability politics. That suggests that young European democracies need to modify their current political path in order to establish more equal social policies.

Keywords: democratic transformation, disability as minority, misrepresentation of experience, non-equal democracy, sustainability

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Authors: Jenny Lee

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Fat Studies is emerging as an interdisciplinary area of study, intersecting with Gender Studies, Sociology, Human Development and the Creative Arts. A focus on weight loss, and, therefore, fat hatred, has resulted in a form of discriminatory institutional practice that impacts women in the Western world. This focus is sanctioned by a large dieting industry, medical associations, the media, and at times, government initiatives. This paper will discuss the emergence of the so-called ‘Obesity Epidemic’ in Australia and the Western world and the stereotypes that thin equals healthy and fat equals unhealthy. This paper will argue that, for those with a health focus, ‘Health at every size’ is a more effective principle, which involves striving for healthy living, without a focus on weight loss. This discussion will contextualise an autoethnographic exploration of how fat acceptance and Health at Every Size can be encouraged through fat activism and fat political art. As part of this paper, a selection of the recent performance, writing and art in Australia will be presented, including Aquaporko, the fat femme synchronised swim team and VaVaBoomBah, the Melbourne fat burlesque performances.

Keywords: activism, fat, health, obesity, performance

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Authors: Christian Nounkeu Tatchou

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The concept of mediatization of politics describes changes with regards to media and politics, as the political sphere is increasingly shaped by the media and conforms to its logic. The mediatization of politics in established democracies of the West has been the object of several researches. However, there is an overwhelming paucity of literature on this reconfiguration of the political life around the media in the emerging democracies of the Sub-Saharan Africa. A majority of Sub-Saharan countries have been progressively experiencing the modernization of their societies and significant developments with respect to political communication since the early 1990s. This has been facilitated by factors such as the adoption of democratic reforms, the development of mass media, the advent of social media and the rapid spread of new information and communication technologies. Thus, this paper investigates the extent to which political communication in Sub-Saharan Africa is mediatized, especially with regards to the social media. Through in-depths interviews with twenty political leaders and political observers in Cameroon and Ghana, this article argues that the social media has become the main arena of voters’ mobilization and political participation in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a greater extent of freedom for political activism on social media is observed in the new democracy of Ghana, unlike in the enduring authoritarian political system of Cameroon where the government attempts to control the use and content of political discourse on social media.

Keywords: mediatization, political communication, social media, sub-saharan africa

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Authors: Claire Stafford, John Lewis, Ashley Stripling

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The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between both the independent effects and intersection between COVID-19 and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement simultaneously to investigate how the two events have coincided with impacting race-based traumatic stress in Black Americans. Four groups will be surveyed: Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism, Black Americans who did not participate in BLM-related activism, White Americans who participated in BLM-related activism, and White Americans who did not participate in BLM-related activism. Participants are between the ages of 30 and 50. All participants will be administered a Brief Trauma Questionnaire with an additional question asking whether or not they have ever tested positive for COVID-19. Based on prior findings, it is expected that Black Americans will have significantly higher levels of COVID-19 contraction, with Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism having the highest levels of contractions. Additionally, Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism will likely have the highest self-reported rates of traumatic experiences due to the compounding effect of both the pandemic and the BLM movement. With the development of the COVID-19 pandemic, stark racial disparities between Black and White Americans have become more defined. Compared to White Americans, Black Americans have more COVID-19-related cases and hospitalizations. Researchers must investigate and attempt to mitigate these disparities while simultaneously critically questioning the structure of our national health care system and how it serves our marginalized communities. Further, a critical gaze must be directed at the geopolitical climate of the United States in order to holistically look at how both the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement have interacted and impacted race-based stress and trauma in African Americans.

Keywords: COVID-19, black lives matter movement, race-based traumatic stress, activism

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Authors: Kubra Sultan Yuzuncuyil, Aytekin İsman, Berkay Bulus

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With the developments of information and communication technologies, the forms of molding public opinion have changed. In the presence of Internet, the notion of activism has been endowed with digital codes. Activists have engaged the use of Internet into their campaigns and the process of creating collective identity. Activist movements have been incorporating the relevance of new communication technologies for their goals and opposition. Creating and managing activism through Internet is called Online Activism. In this main, Slow Food Movement which was emerged within the philosophy of defending regional, fair and sustainable food has been engaging Internet into their activist campaign. This movement supports the idea that a new food system which allows strong connections between plate and planet is possible. In order to make their voices heard, it has utilized social networks and develop particular skills in the framework online activism. This study analyzes online activist skills of Slow Food Movement (SFM) develop and attempts to measure its effectiveness. To achieve this aim, it adopts the model proposed by Sivitandies and Shah and conduct both qualitiative and quantiative content analysis on social network use of Slow Food Movement. In this regard, the sample is chosen as the official profile and analyzed between in a three month period respectively March-May 2017. It was found that SFM develops particular techniques that appeal to the model of Sivitandies and Shah. The prominent skill in this regard was found as hyperlink abbreviation and use of multimedia elements. On the other hand, there are inadequacies in hashtag and interactivity use. The importance of this study is that it highlights and discusses how online activism can be engaged into a social movement. It also reveals current online activism skills of SFM and their effectiveness. Furthermore, it makes suggestions to enhance the related abilities and strengthen its voice on social networks.

Keywords: slow food movement, Twitter, internet, online activism

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Authors: Marcya Burden, Savonna Greer

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In the wake of social unrest around the world, protest movements have been captured like never before. As protest movements have evolved, so too have their visibility and sources of coverage. Long gone are the days of print media as our only glimpse into the action surrounding a protest. Now, with social networks such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, we have access to real-time video footage of protest movements and human rights activism that can reach millions of people within seconds. This research paper investigated various social media network platforms’ statistical usage data in the areas of human rights activism and protest movements, paralleling with other past forms of media coverage. This research demonstrates that social networks are extremely important to protest movements and human rights activism. With over 2.9 billion users across social media networks globally, these platforms are the heart of most recent protests and human rights activism. This research shows the paradigm shift from the Selma March of 1965 to the more recent protests of Ferguson in 2014, Ni Una Menos in 2015, and End Sars in 2018. The research findings demonstrate that today, almost anyone may use their social networks to protest movement leaders and human rights activists. From a student to an 80-year-old professor, the possibility of reaching billions of people all over the world is limitless. Findings show that 82% of the world’s internet population is on social networks 1 in every 5 minutes. Over 65% of Americans believe social media highlights important issues. Thus, there is no need to have a formalized group of people or even be known online. A person simply needs to be engaged on their respective social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat) regarding any cause they are passionate about. Information may be exchanged in real time around the world and a successful protest can begin.

Keywords: activism, protests, human rights, networks

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Authors: Tina Beyene

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In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

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Authors: Martin Camps

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The two-thousand-mile border that divides the United States and Mexico is a “contact zone” of cultural friction and unbalanced power relations as defined by Mary Louise Pratt. The interest of this paper is to analyze digital platforms created to address the study and comprehension of the borderlands with pedagogical and research reasons. The paper explores ways to engage students in archival and analytical practices to build a repository of resources, links, and digital tools and consider how to adapt them to the study of the borderlands. Sites such as “Torn Apart / Separados,” “Digital Borderlands,” “Borderlands Archives Cartography,” and “Juaritos Literario” show visualizations, mapping, and access to materials and marginal literature on the border phenomenon. Analyzing these projects contributes to highlighting digital projects and the study of the border and how to engage in activism via the study of literature and the representation of a human tragedy that underscores the divisions and biopolitics imposed on the Global South and imagine the digital border futures.

Keywords: borderlands, digital humanities, activism, border literature

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Authors: Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy

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In the US, corporations have recently embraced political stances in an attempt to respond to the external pressure exerted by activist groups. To date, research in this area remains in its infancy, and few studies have been conducted on the way stakeholder groups respond to corporate political advocacy in general and in the immediacy of such a corporate announcement in particular. The current study aims to fill in this research void. In addition, the study contributes to an emerging trajectory in the field of crisis management by focusing on the delineation between crises (unexpected events related to products and services) and scandals (crises that spur moral outrage). The present study looked at online reactions in the aftermath of Elon Musk’s endorsement of the Republican party on Twitter. Two data sets were collected from Twitter following two political endorsements made by Elon Musk on May 18, 2022, and June 15, 2022, respectively. The total sample of analysis stemming from the data two sets consisted of N=1,374 user comments written as a response to Musk’s initial tweets. Given the paucity of studies in the preceding research areas, the analysis employed a case study methodology, used in circumstances in which the phenomena to be studied had not been researched before. According to the case study methodology, which answers the questions of how and why a phenomenon occurs, this study responded to the research questions of how online users perceived Tesla and why they did so. The data were analyzed in NVivo by the use of the grounded theory methodology, which implied multiple exposures to the text and the undertaking of an inductive-deductive approach. Through multiple exposures to the data, the researcher ascertained the common themes and subthemes in the online discussion. Each theme and subtheme were later defined and labeled. Additional exposures to the text ensured that these were exhaustive. The results revealed that the CEO’s political endorsements triggered moral outrage, leading to Tesla’s facing a scandal as opposed to a crisis. The moral outrage revolved around the stakeholders’ predominant rejection of a perceived intrusion of an influential figure on a domain reserved for voters. As expected, Musk’s political endorsements led to polarizing opinions, and those who opposed his views engaged in online activism aimed to boycott the Tesla brand. These findings reveal that the moral outrage that characterizes a scandal requires communication practices that differ from those that practitioners currently borrow from the field of crisis management. Specifically, because scandals flourish in online settings, practitioners should regularly monitor stakeholder perceptions and address them in real-time. While promptness is essential when managing crises, it becomes crucial to respond immediately as a scandal is flourishing online. Finally, attempts should be made to distance a brand, its products, and its CEO from the latter’s political views.

Keywords: crisis management, communication management, Tesla, corporate political activism, Elon Musk

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Joel Zapata

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Chicana/o Activism in the Southern Plains Through Time and Space, a digital history project available at PlainsMovement.com, helps reveal an understudied portion of the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement: the way it unfolded on the Southern Plains. The project centers around an approachable interactive map and timeline along with a curated collection of materials. Therefore, the project provides a digital museum experience that has not emerged within the region’s museums. That is, this digital history project takes scholarly research to the wider public, making it is also a publicly facing history project. In this way, the project adds to both scholarly and socially significant conversations, showing that the region was home to a burgeoning wing of the Chicana/o Movement and that instances of police brutality largely spurred this wing of the social justice movement. Moreover, the curated collection of materials demonstrates that police brutality united the plains’ Mexican population across political ideology, a largely overlooked aspect within the study of Mexican American civil rights movements. Such a finding can be of use today since contemporary Latina/o social justice organizations generally ignore policing issues even amid a rise in national awareness regarding police abuse. In making history accessible to Mexican origin and Latina/o communities, these same communities may in-turn use the knowledge gained from historical research towards the betterment of their social positions—the foundational goal of Chicana/o history and the related field of Chicana/o Studies. Ultimately, this digital history project is intended to draw visitors to further explore the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement within and beyond the plains.

Keywords: Chicana/o Movement, digital history, police brutality, newspapers, protests, student activism

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Authors: Akosua Asantewaa Anane

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Social media and its networking sites have become beneficial to society. With the advent of Web 2.0, many people are becoming technologically savvy and attracted to internet-based activities. With the click of a button, users are now sharing more information on topics, events and issues than before. A new phenomenon in the Ghanaian journalism sphere is the advent of blogger and citizen journalism, some of whom have become niche authorities. Niche authorities have emerged through the habitual and persistent curation of news on specific topics, resulting in the steady growth and emergence of valuable contributions to news sharing. Minimal studies have been conducted on niche authorities and their role in social activism in Ghana. This study, anchored on Cialdini’s Six Principles of Persuasion (reciprocation, consistency, social proof, liking, authority and scarcity), explores the features of niche authorities, their areas of expertise, as well as their authoritative voices in the curation of news stories. Using qualitative content analysis, cyber ethnography and thematic analysis of purposively sampled social media posts of five niche authorities, the study interrogates how these niche authorities employ the six principles of persuasion on their platforms to spark conversations on development, social inclusion and gender-based issues in the country. The study discusses how niche authorities deploy the principles in social activism and further recommends nurturing and mentoring communication strategies to progressively guide the youth to become future niche authorities in news curation and news sharing.

Keywords: social activism, cialdini’s six principles of persuasion, news curation, niche authorities

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Sofie Dewayani, Pratiwi Retnaningdyah

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Literacy practice is situated within the identity enactment in a particular time and space. The literacy practices in public places, ranging from city parks, urban slums to city roads are meeting places of discursive practices produced by dynamic interactions, and sometimes contestations, of social powers and capitals. The present paper examines the ways the literacy activists construct their sense of space in attempts to develop possibilities for literacy programs as they are sent to work with marginalized communities far away from their hometowns in Indonesia. In particular, this paper analyzes the activists’ reflections of identity enactment - othering, familiarity, and sense of comfort - as they are trying to make meaning of the communities’ literacy capitals and practices in the process of adapting with the communities. Data collected for this paper were travel diaries - serving as literacy narratives - obtained from a literacy residency program sponsored by the Indonesian Ministry of Education and Culture. The residency program itself involved 30 youths (18 to 30 years old) to work with marginalized communities in literacy activism programs. This paper analyzes the written narratives of four focal participants using Bakhtin’s chronotopes - the configurations of time and space - that figure into the youth’s meaning-making of literacy as well as their exercise of power and identity. Follow-up interviews were added to enrich the analysis. The analysis considers the youth’s ‘moment of departure’ a critical point in their reconstructions of self and space. This paper expands the discussions of literacy discourse and spatiality while lending its supports to literacy activism in highly diverse multicultural settings.

Keywords: chronotopes, discourse, identity, literacy activism

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Emilie Fort

Abstract:

Two major pitfalls emerge at the intersection of gender and peacebuilding literature: the comprehension of women as a homogeneous category and a focus on women's participation in formal peace processes and state structures. However, women belong (and identify) to distinct ethnic, religious, or social groups, and the variety of their social location impacts their ability to mobilize, to participate in peace processes as well as the way they envision peace. This study is based on interviews conducted (remotely) with women activists from the post-Yugoslav area. It shows that women's economic empowerment and education are central issues that must be addressed for women political participation being effective. This has implications for peace projects –their priorities, scales of implementation, etc.– and the allocation of civil society’s funds.

Keywords: ex-Yugoslavia, gender-based issues, peacebuilding, women activism

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Hana Drštičková

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The paper describes the findings of a qualitative, engaged research focused on the intersection between transgender and autistic identity in a politically engaged setting of activist (trans, queer, crip, disability justice or any combination thereof) groups. It explores the relationship that autistic and trans people have towards activism and how do they feel their identity(ies) impact the kind of political action they take. Geographically, the research terrain is located mainly in Czechia; however, there are important overlaps with other Eastern European countries. The basis of the research’s approach is built on the interconnected principles of the feminist theory of intersectionality, queer/trans studies, disability studies and the concept of the Neurodiversity Paradigm. This paper argues that the social phenomenon of autism and transness is formed differently in Czechia/Eastern Europe and, therefore, deserves additional attention. Nevertheless, it points out that, even though the socio-political context is different, the fact that these identities have a radical political potential to disrupt normative structures in society remains the same. The measure of oppression these structures generate, and the near absence of any public discourse beyond the pathological paradigm in the chosen terrain contributes to the emergence of mainly queer and trans-activist, and to a lesser extent crip, disability justice or mad activist groups, that attract trans and autistic membership. The subsections of the research focus on the topics of the mutual influence of both identities in flux within individual participants, the perceived (dis)connection of networks of oppression or, conversely, support and identification with the community or communities, and the question of how the trans* and autistic members feel their presence affects the activity, internal dynamics, thematic scope and general values of the activist groups they participate in. The research methodology includes participant observation and active participation in groups where the researcher acts as a partial insider, semi-structured in-depth interviews and a critical participatory methodology. Also included is the reflection of not only the combination of researcher and insider roles but also the combination of research and activist intent.

Keywords: activism, autism, queer, neurodiversity, neuroqueer, transgender

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Authors: Babatunde Kolawole

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This paper embarks on an exploration of the compelling interplay between documentary filmmaking and activism, delving into their symbiotic relationship and profound impact on advocacy and social justice causes. Through an in-depth analysis of diverse case studies, it seeks to illuminate the instances where documentary films have emerged as potent tools for effecting social change and advancing the principles of justice. This research underscores the vital role played by documentary filmmakers in harnessing the medium's unique capacity to engage, educate, and mobilize audiences while advocating for societal transformation. The primary focus of this study is on a selection of compelling case studies spanning various topics and causes, each exemplifying the marriage between documentary filmmaking and activism. These case studies encompass a broad spectrum of subjects, from environmental conservation and climate change to civil rights movements and human rights struggles. By examining these real-world instances, this paper endeavors to provide a comprehensive understanding of the strategies, challenges, and ethical considerations that underpin the practice of documentary filmmaking as a form of activism. Throughout the paper, it becomes evident that the potency of documentary filmmaking lies in its ability to blend artistry with social impact. The selected case studies vividly demonstrate how documentary filmmakers, armed with cameras and a passion for change, have emerged as critical agents of societal transformation. Whether it be exposing environmental atrocities, shedding light on systemic inequalities, or giving voice to marginalized communities, these documentaries have played a pivotal role in pushing the boundaries of advocacy and social justice. One of the key themes explored in this paper is the evolving nature of documentary filmmaking as a tool for activism. It delves into the shift from traditional observational documentaries to more participatory and immersive approaches, highlighting the dynamic ways in which filmmakers engage with their subjects and audiences. This evolution is exemplified in case studies where filmmakers have collaborated with the communities they document, fostering a sense of agency and empowerment among those whose stories are being told. Furthermore, this research underscores the ethical considerations inherent in the intersection of documentary filmmaking and activism. It scrutinizes questions surrounding representation, objectivity, and the responsibility of filmmakers in portraying complex social issues. By dissecting ethical dilemmas faced by documentary filmmakers in these case studies, this paper encourages a critical examination of the ethical boundaries and obligations in the realm of advocacy-driven filmmaking. In conclusion, this paper aims to shed light on the remarkable potential of documentary filmmaking as a catalyst for activism and social justice. Through the lens of compelling case studies, it illustrates the transformative power of the medium in effecting change, amplifying underrepresented voices, and mobilizing global audiences. It is hoped that this research will not only inform the discourse on documentary activism but also inspire filmmakers, scholars, and advocates to continue leveraging the cinematic art form as a formidable force for a more just and equitable world.

Keywords: film, filmmaker, documentary, human right

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

Abstract:

Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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