Search results for: cross-border activism

Authors: Minhae Shim Roth

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The “Deinstitutionalization movement” refers to the spatial transition in the United States during the mid-20th century when the treatment of mental illness purportedly moved from long-term psychiatric institutions to community integrated care. Contrary to the accepted narrative of mental health care in the U.S., asylums did not close or empty. Some remained psychiatric hospitals, which came to be called forensic hospitals or state hospitals; others were converted into prisons or carceral institutions. During Deinstitutionalization, the asylum system became an appendage of the carceral system, with state hospitals becoming little more than holding centers for prisoners who were civilly committed, those incompetent to stand trial, offenders with mental health issues, and those found not guilty by reason of insanity. Psychiatric patients who became prisoners and prisoners who became patients became entangled in the phenomenon called transinstitutionalization. This paper investigates the relationship between psychiatric and criminal incarceration in 20th century California and focuses particularly on the case of Korean-American Chol Soo Lee, who fought detention in the psychiatric-prison system through the writ of habeas corpus. This study uses methodologies like critical theory, close reading, and archival research. This paper argues that during his psychiatric hospitalization at Napa State Hospital and incarceration in the California Department of Corrections, Lee underwent what sociologist Erving Goffman coined in his 1960 text Asylums as the process of “mortification.” After a burst of Asian American solidarity and legal aid that resulted in Lee’s triumphant release from Death Row in 1983 through a writ of habeas corpus, Lee struggled in the free world due to the long-lasting consequences of institutionalization, which led to alienation, recidivism, and an early death at the age of 62. This paper examines the trajectory of Lee’s trial and the legal activism behind it within the context of Goffman’s theory of total institutions and offer a nuanced reading of Lee’s case both during and after his incarceration.

Keywords: criminal justice, criminal law, law and mental capacity, habeas corpus, deinstitutionalization, mental health

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Authors: Mapule Maema

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The paper aims to highlight the role that community activism has played in promoting social justice around housing issues in the Western Cape. The Western Cape is one of the largest spatially segregated provinces in South Africa which continues to exhibit grave inequalities between cities, townships and farms. These inequalities cut across intersectional issues such as, race, class, gender, and politics. The main challenges facing marginalized communities in the Western Cape include access to housing, land and basic services. This is not peculiar to only the Western Cape, the entire country is facing similar challenges however the Western Cape is seen as a fasted urbanizing province in the country due to tourism. Various social movements have been formed across the country to counter these challenges, however, this paper focuses on the resilience communities have fostered despite the myriad housing and spatial crisis they are faced with. The paper focuses on the Legal Resource’s Centre’s clients from an informal settlement called Imizamo Yethu based in Hout Bay Valley area. The 18 hectare settlement houses approximately 33600 people. On the 21st July 2017, Hout Bay experienced violent protests following an eviction order passed by the City of Cape Town. The protest was characterized by tensions within the community regarding the super-blocking initiative which aims to establish roads in informal settlements to ensure basic services. Residents against the process argued that there were no proper consultations done to educate them on what this process entailed. Public participation is one of the objectives the municipalities aim to promote however it remains a great challenge. In order to highlight the experiences of the LRC clients in relation to what motivated their involvement in the movement, how it felt their participation, and aspirations, the paper will employ qualitative research methods. Qualitative research methods enable the researcher to get a deeper and nuanced understanding of the social world in the eyes of those who experienced it. It is a flexible methodology that enables one to also understand social processes and the significance they generate. Data will be collected through the use of the World Cafe as a focus group method. The World Café is a simple, effective and flexible format for hosting group dialogue. The steps taken when setting up a World Café includes the following: setting the context (why you are bringing people together and what you want to achieve), create hospitality space (make participants feel at home and free to discuss issues), explore questions that matter, connect diverse perspectives (the opportunity to actively contribute your thinking), listen together for patterns and insights, share collective discoveries and learnings. Secondary data will be used to augment the data collected. Stories of impact will be drawn from the exercises. This paper will contribute to the discourse of sustainable housing and urban development and the research outputs will be disseminated to the public for learning.

Keywords: community activism, influence, social justice, development

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Authors: Hana Drštičková

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The paper describes the findings of a qualitative, engaged research focused on the intersection between transgender and autistic identity in a politically engaged setting of activist (trans, queer, crip, disability justice or any combination thereof) groups. It explores the relationship that autistic and trans people have towards activism and how do they feel their identity(ies) impact the kind of political action they take. Geographically, the research terrain is located mainly in Czechia; however, there are important overlaps with other Eastern European countries. The basis of the research’s approach is built on the interconnected principles of the feminist theory of intersectionality, queer/trans studies, disability studies and the concept of the Neurodiversity Paradigm. This paper argues that the social phenomenon of autism and transness is formed differently in Czechia/Eastern Europe and, therefore, deserves additional attention. Nevertheless, it points out that, even though the socio-political context is different, the fact that these identities have a radical political potential to disrupt normative structures in society remains the same. The measure of oppression these structures generate, and the near absence of any public discourse beyond the pathological paradigm in the chosen terrain contributes to the emergence of mainly queer and trans-activist, and to a lesser extent crip, disability justice or mad activist groups, that attract trans and autistic membership. The subsections of the research focus on the topics of the mutual influence of both identities in flux within individual participants, the perceived (dis)connection of networks of oppression or, conversely, support and identification with the community or communities, and the question of how the trans* and autistic members feel their presence affects the activity, internal dynamics, thematic scope and general values of the activist groups they participate in. The research methodology includes participant observation and active participation in groups where the researcher acts as a partial insider, semi-structured in-depth interviews and a critical participatory methodology. Also included is the reflection of not only the combination of researcher and insider roles but also the combination of research and activist intent.

Keywords: activism, autism, queer, neurodiversity, neuroqueer, transgender

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Authors: Joshua Doe, George Amoako

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Purpose: In an increasingly digital world, the realm of sports fandom has extended its borders, creating a vibrant ecosystem of online communities centered around football clubs. This study ventures into the intricate interplay of motivations that drive football fans to respond to brand activism and its profound implications for brand antagonism and engagement among two of Ghana's most revered premier football clubs. Methods: A sample of 459 fervent fans from these two rival clubs were engaged through self-administered questionnaires expertly distributed via social media and online platforms. Data was analysed, using PLS-SEM. Findings: The tapestry of motivations that weave through these online football communities is as diverse as the fans themselves. It becomes apparent that fans are propelled by a spectrum of incentives. They seek education, yearn for information, revel in entertainment, embrace socialization, and fortify their self-esteem through their interactions within these digital spaces. Yet, it is the nuanced distinction in these motivations that shapes the trajectory of brand antagonism and engagement. Surprisingly, the study reveals a remarkable pattern. Football fans, despite their fierce rivalries, do not engage in brand antagonism based on educational pursuits, information-seeking endeavors, or socialization. Instead, it is motivations rooted in entertainment and self-esteem that serve as the fertile grounds for brand antagonism. Paradoxically, it is these very motivations coupled with the desire for socialization that nurture brand engagement, manifesting as active support and advocacy for their chosen club brand. Originality: Our research charters new waters by extending the boundaries of existing theories in the field. The Technology Acceptance Uses and Gratifications Theory, and Social Identity Theory all find new dimensions within the context of online brand community engagement. This not only deepens our understanding of the multifaceted world of online football fandom but also invites us to explore the implications these insights carry within the digital realm. Contribution to Practice: For marketers, our findings offer a treasure trove of actionable insights. They beckon the development of targeted content strategies that resonate with fan motivations. The implementation of brand advocacy programs, fostering opportunities for socialization, and the effective management of brand antagonism emerge as pivotal strategies. Furthermore, the utilization of data-driven insights is poised to refine consumer engagement strategies and strengthen brand affinity. Future Studies: For future studies, we advocate for longitudinal, cross-cultural, and qualitative studies that could shed further light on this topic. Comparative analyses across different types of online brand communities, an exploration of the role of brand community leaders, and inquiries into the factors that contribute to brand community dissolution all beckon the research community. Furthermore, understanding motivation-specific antagonistic behaviors and the intricate relationship between information-seeking and engagement present exciting avenues for further exploration. This study unfurls a vibrant tapestry of fan motivations, brand activism, and rivalry within online football communities. It extends a hand to scholars and marketers alike, inviting them to embark on a journey through this captivating digital realm, where passion, rivalry, and engagement harmonize to shape the world of sports fandom as we know it.

Keywords: online brand engagement, football fans, brand antagonism, motivations

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Authors: Kayliegh Richardson, Ana Speed

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The international campaign, '16 Days of Activism against Gender Based Violence', seeks to raise awareness and understanding of gender based violence in a variety of settings. The campaign requires its participants to join in for advancing the right to education and challenging violence, discrimination, and inequality and take into account intersections such as gender, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, socio-economic status and other social identifiers. The authors of this paper are both clinic supervisors at Northumbria University in Newcastle Upon Tyne, England. As part of their research project, the authors are going to ask final year students on the MLaw degree at Northumbria University to become involved in the campaign by participating in a variety of awareness-raising activities during the course of the 16 days, which runs from 27 November 2017 until 10 December 2017. As part of the campaign, the authors will be running the following activities for students to participate in 1. Documentary showing of Banaz, a love story followed by discussion group. 2. 16 blogs for 16 days. Students will contribute to our family law blog over the 16 days, with articles about gender based violence. 3. Guest lecture on domestic violence (potentially run by a domestic violence organisation) 4. Workshop by Professor Ruth Lewis who will be presenting her innovative research in gender based violence and online abuse. 5. Poster competition - the students are asked to submit a poster about the different forms of gender based violence or proposals for ending violence against women and girls. The research aims are to identify whether participation in the project: 1. increases the students' engagement with issues of gender justice 2. is an effective educational tool for raising the students' awareness and understanding of gender based violence in its many forms. 3. increases the students' understanding of the domestic and international framework for protecting victims (in particular women and children) of gender based violence. After the activities, an impartial, experienced researcher will be holding a focus group with volunteering students to discuss their experiences of participating in the activities and whether they felt that participation in the project achieved the aims set out above. This paper will discuss the activities undertaken by the students and will address the data gathered during the focus group. Finally, the authors will discuss their thoughts on whether awareness of gender-based violence and other international family law issues can be appropriately raised in an educational setting.

Keywords: gender based violence, clinical legal education, international family law, domestic abuse

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Authors: R. Barbour

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Peace-building organisations act as a network of information for communities. Through fieldwork, it was highlighted that grassroots organisations and activists may cooperate with each other in their actions of peace-building; however, they would not collaborate. Within two divided societies; Nicosia in Cyprus and Jerusalem in Israel, there is a distinction made by organisations and activists with regards to activities being more ‘co-operative’ than ‘collaborative’. This theme became apparent when having informal conversations and semi-structured interviews with various members of the activist communities. This idea needs further exploration as these distinctions could impact upon the efficiency of peacebuilding activities within divided societies. Civil societies within divided landscapes, both physically and socially, play an important role in conflict resolution. How organisations and activists interact with each other has the possibility to be very influential with regards to peacebuilding activities. Working together sets a positive example for divided communities. Cooperation may be considered a primary level of interaction between CSOs. Therefore, at the beginning of a working relationship, organisations cooperate over basic agendas, parallel power structures and focus, which led to the same objective. Over time, in some instances, due to varying factors such as funding, more trust and understanding within the relationship, it could be seen that processes progressed to more collaborative ways. It is evident to see that NGOs and activist groups are highly independent and focus on their own agendas before coming together over shared issues. At this time, there appears to be more collaboration in Nicosia among CSOs and activists than Jerusalem. The aims and objectives of agendas also influence how organisations work together. In recent years, Nicosia, and Cyprus in general, have perhaps changed their focus from peace-building initiatives to more environmental issues which have become new-age reconciliation topics. Civil society does not automatically indicate like-minded organisations however solidarity within social groups can create ties that bring people and resources together. In unequal societies, such as those in Nicosia and Jerusalem, it is these ties that cut across groups and are essential for social cohesion. Societies are a collection of social groups; individuals who have come together over common beliefs. These groups in turn shape the identities and determine the values and structures within societies. At many different levels and stages, social groups work together through cooperation and collaboration. These structures in turn have the capabilities to open up networks to less powerful or excluded groups, with the aim to produce social cohesion which may contribute social stability and economic welfare over any extended period.

Keywords: collaboration, cooperation, grassroots activism, networks of communication

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Authors: Kate L. Yusi

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This paper is an attempt to theoretically reframe the act of self-immolation beyond violence/non-violence discourse, to differentiate it from other paradigmatic examples of necropolitical activism like suicide bombing, in order to highlight its particular ontopolitical statement in relation to life and death and to re-energize its deactivating power. In this paper, the writer seeks to focus on self-immolation by Tibetan monks and other activists against Chinese imperialism, its continuing ethnic cleansing of the Tibetan people, forced assimilation, and territorial occupation. Here, the main driving force is this question: what does self-immolation mean to a people who are forced to live in deathspace? In other words, if one is reduced to nothingness that their deaths (as is their lives) become insignificant, in what ways does the reclamation of death/dying become a “way out” of this state-imposed enclave of death? To answer these questions, the writer engages with and put in conversation the works of Achille Mbembe, Elias Cannetti, and Giorgio Agamben.

Keywords: necropolitics, self immolation, tibetan people, chinese imperialism

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Authors: Emilie Fort

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Two major pitfalls emerge at the intersection of gender and peacebuilding literature: the comprehension of women as a homogeneous category and a focus on women's participation in formal peace processes and state structures. However, women belong (and identify) to distinct ethnic, religious, or social groups, and the variety of their social location impacts their ability to mobilize, to participate in peace processes as well as the way they envision peace. This study is based on interviews conducted (remotely) with women activists from the post-Yugoslav area. It shows that women's economic empowerment and education are central issues that must be addressed for women political participation being effective. This has implications for peace projects –their priorities, scales of implementation, etc.– and the allocation of civil society’s funds.

Keywords: ex-Yugoslavia, gender-based issues, peacebuilding, women activism

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Maria C. Almario, Pam Remer, Jeff Resse, Kathy Moran, Linda Theander Adam

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The identification of victims of human trafficking and consequential service provision is characterized by a significant disconnection between the estimated prevalence of this issue and the number of cases identified. This poses as tremendous problem for human rights advocates as it prevents data collection, information sharing, allocation of resources and opportunities for international dialogues. The current paper introduces the Inclusive Human Trafficking Checklist (IHTC) as a measurement methodology with theoretical underpinnings derived from dialectic theory. The presence of human trafficking in a person’s life is conceptualized as a dynamic and dialectic interaction between vulnerability and exploitation. The current papers explores the operationalization of exploitation and vulnerability, evaluates the metric qualities of the instrument, evaluates whether there are differences in assessment based on the participant’s profession, level of knowledge, and training, and assesses if users of the instrument perceive it as useful. A total of 201 participants were asked to rate three vignettes predetermined by experts to qualify as a either human trafficking case or not. The participants were placed in three conditions: business as usual, utilization of the IHTC with and without training. The results revealed a statistically significant level of agreement between the expert’s diagnostic and the application of the IHTC with an improvement of 40% on identification when compared with the business as usual condition While there was an improvement in identification in the group with training, the difference was found to have a small effect size. Participants who utilized the IHTC showed an increased ability to identify elements of identity-based vulnerabilities as well as elements of fraud, which according to the results, are distinctive variables in cases of human trafficking. In terms of the perceived utility, the results revealed higher mean scores for the groups utilizing the IHTC when compared to the business as usual condition. These findings suggest that the IHTC improves appropriate identification of cases and that it is perceived as a useful instrument. The application of the IHTC as a multidisciplinary instrumentation that can be utilized in legal and human services settings is discussed as a pivotal piece of helping victims restore their sense of dignity, and advocate for legal, physical and psychological reparations. It is noteworthy that this study was conducted with a sample in the United States and later re-tested in Colombia. The implications of the instrument for treatment conceptualization and intervention in human trafficking cases are discussed as opportunities for enhancement of victim well-being, restoration engagement and activism. With the idea that what is personal is also political, we believe that the careful observation and data collection in specific cases can inform new areas of human rights activism.

Keywords: exploitation, human trafficking, measurement, vulnerability, screening

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Authors: J.T. Chivanga

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This paper conceptualizes the significance of human rights activism by the Zimbabwean diaspora in the United Kingdom by analyzing how the diaspora advocates for the promotion of the rights of the people in Zimbabwe. It critiques the strategic essentialism theory that is used by the government of Zimbabwe as a basis to discredit the work of transnational advocacy groups. The research advances this position by articulating that the diaspora does not falsify nor simplify them to garner external support on the human rights situation in Zimbabwe. It establishes and shows the significance of transnational advocacy by articulating how the Zimbabwean diaspora addresses and brings to the attention of the international community human rights violations in Zimbabwe that would otherwise not have seen the light of day due to the absence of a conducive environment in that country that stifles the organization of protests under repressive laws such as the public order and security act of 2009.

Keywords: strategic essentialism, transnational advocacy, public order and security act, Zimbabwe diaspora

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Authors: Amanda M. McLeroy, Tiera Tanksley

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The 2020 movement for Black Lives, ignited by anti-Black police brutality and exemplified by the public execution of George Floyd, underscored the dual potential of social media for political activism and perilous exposure to traumatic content for Black students. This study employs Critical Race Technology Theory (CRTT) to scrutinize algorithmic anti-blackness and its impact on Black youth's lives and educational experiences. The research investigates the consequences of vicarious exposure to police brutality on social media among Black adolescents through qualitative interviews and quantitative scale data. The findings reveal an unprecedented surge in exposure to viral police killings since 2020, resulting in profound physical, socioemotional, and educational effects on Black youth. CRTT forms the theoretical basis, challenging the notion of digital technologies as post-racial and neutral, aiming to dismantle systemic biases within digital systems. Black youth, averaging over 13 hours of daily social media use, face constant exposure to graphic images of Black individuals dying. The study connects this exposure to a range of physical, socioemotional, and mental health consequences, emphasizing the urgent need for understanding and support. The research proposes questions to explore the extent of police brutality exposure and its effects on Black youth. Qualitative interviews with high school and college students and quantitative scale data from undergraduates contribute to a nuanced understanding of the impact of police brutality exposure on Black youth. Themes of unprecedented exposure to viral police killings, physical and socioemotional effects, and educational consequences emerge from the analysis. The study uncovers how vicarious experiences of negative police encounters via social media lead to mistrust, fear, and psychosomatic symptoms among Black adolescents. Implications for educators and counselors are profound, emphasizing the cultivation of empathy, provision of mental health support, integration of media literacy education, and encouragement of activism. Recognizing family and community influences is crucial for comprehensive support. Professional development opportunities in culturally responsive teaching and trauma-informed approaches are recommended for educators. In conclusion, creating a supportive educational environment that addresses the emotional impact of social media exposure to police brutality is crucial for the well-being and development of Black adolescents. Counselors, through safe spaces and collaboration, play a vital role in supporting Black youth facing the distressing effects of social media exposure to police brutality.

Keywords: black youth, mental health, police brutality, social media

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Authors: Janaka B. Lewis

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“Narratives of Slavery and the Culture of Play” examines how play is discussed in early African American literature by both men and women to illustrate ways that they negotiated the hierarchy and oppression of enslavement. Reading narratives categorized as “slave narratives,” including those written by Frederick Douglass, Harriet Jacobs, and Olaudah Equiano, through the lens of play theory offers an illuminated analysis of the significance of play culture in these texts. It then reads late nineteenth-century play culture (or absence thereof) portrayed in literature as a lens for more contemporary African American oral and literary culture. These discussions of social constructions through literature bridge analyses of African American-authored texts and create a larger conversation about print media as a tool of activism and resistance. This essay also contributes to a larger body of analysis of nineteenth-century African American culture through literature.

Keywords: childhood, slavery, consciousness of play, 19th century African American culture

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Authors: Leoni Van Der Merwe

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Historically, in South Africa, disability has been viewed as a dilemma of the individual. The discourse surrounding the definition of disability and applicable theories are as fluid as the differing needs of persons with disabilities within society. In 1997, the Office of the Deputy President published the White Paper on the Integrated National Disability Strategy (WPINDS) which sought to integrate disability issues in all governmental development strategies, planning and programs as well as to solidify the South African government’s stance that disability was to be considered according to the social model and not the, previously utilized, medical model of disability. The models of disability are conceptual frameworks for understanding disability and can provide some insight into why certain attitudes exist and how they are reinforced in society. Although the WPINDS was regarded as a critical milestone in the history of the disability rights struggle in South Africa; it has taken approximately twenty years for the publication of a similar document taking into account South Africa’s changing social, economic, political and technological dispensation. December 2015 marked the approval of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (WPRPD) which seeks to update the WPINDS, integrate principles contained in international law instruments and endorse a mainstreaming trajectory for realizing the rights of persons with disabilities. While the WPINDS and the WPRPD were published two decades apart, both documents contain an emphasis on a transition from the medical model to the social model. Whereas, the medical model presupposes that disability is mainly a health and welfare matter and is focused on an individualistic and dependency-based approach; the social model requires a paradigm shift in the manner in which disability is constructed so as to highlight the shortcomings of society in respect of disability and to bring to the fore the capabilities of persons with disabilities. The social model has led to unmatched success in changing the perceptions surrounding disability. This article seeks to investigate the progress made in the implementation of the social model in South Africa by taking into account the effect of the diverse political and cultural landscape in promoting the historically entrenched medical model and the rise of disability activism prior to the new democratic dispensation as well as legislation, case law, policy documents and barriers in respect of persons with disabilities that are pervasive in South African society. The research paper will conclude that although numerous interventions have been identified and implemented to promote the consideration of disability within a social construct in South Africa, such interventions require increased national and international collaboration, resources and pace to ensure that the efforts made lead to sustainable results. For persons with disabilities, what remains to be seen is whether the proliferation of activism by interest groups, social awareness as well as the development of policy documents, legislation and case law will serve as the impetus to dissipate the view that disability is burden to be carried solely on the shoulders of the person with the disability.

Keywords: disability, medical model, social model, societal barriers, South Africa

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Authors: Lara Góes Da Costa

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This paper analyzes the social dimension of the empowerment of women in Brazil, following the principles of human development of the UN WOMEN, in particular the sixth principle, which establishes the promotion of gender equality through social policy initiatives and activism in general aimed at community. In Brazil, women's empowerment has taken social networks through the creation of avatars and pages of dissemination and promotion of gender equality, as well as denunciations and educational posts such as 'Observe Gender', 'Empower Two Women', 'Black Intellectual Women', among others. At the same time, women's social inclusion bills in various sectors are trailing in the legislative apparatus, with little or no relation to the current discussion of gender diversity and intersectionality. In this sense, this article establishes an analytical parallel between the media manifestations of social networks and the social distance of the representatives of the legislative power. This parallelly shows the political failing to meet the social demands of inclusion, as to multiply the creation of laws and the effectiveness of the principle of promoting gender equality.

Keywords: gender, rights, justice, social networks

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Authors: Abiodun Odusote

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This paper gives content to the Provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it offers new perspectives on the nature of fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and the duties of citizens. It makes inquiries into the justiciability of these rights and examines the reasoning of the Nigerian courts in the interpretation and enforcement of the rights. The paper examines the emerging jurisprudence in India and South Africa and lessons are drawn from their respective models of enforcement of similar rights. The paper concludes by proposing more creative and novel alternatives to the enforcement and enjoyments of these rights, including: enforcement through Acts of Parliament, enforcement through other Constitutional provisions, indirect enforcement, enforcement through regional and international courts, enforcement by constructive engagement, and enforcement through electoral process. Overall, it is shown that there are available a variety of practical and effective ways of improving the realization and enjoyment of the provisions of Chapter II of the CFRN.

Keywords: constructive-engagement, indirect enforcement, judicial activism, justiciability, social rights

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Authors: Hafiz M. Inamullah, Altaf Ullah

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Environmental degradation is a serious issue that has adverse impacts on the human population locally, regionally, and globally. There is a dire need to adopt an environmentally friendly lifestyle to minimize further environmental degradation. One of the mediums through which environmentally friendly attitudes and behavior may be inculcated is through school education. The purpose of this study was to investigate environmental activities organized in High Schools of District Peshawar. The population for this study was comprised of 77 Headmasters of the High Schools in District Peshawar. A sample of 65 Headmasters was selected randomly from the above-mentioned population. One questionnaire was developed from the relevant literature for the Headmasters and was self-administered by the researcher. The collected data was entered into Excel and was analyzed and interpreted through SPSS 20 using the frequencies and percentages, and the Chi-square test was applied. The results indicated that most high schools had never organized environmental activities for secondary-level students. It was suggested that the high schools might organize various environmental activities such as plantations, park visits, debate competitions, environmental clubs, and drawing competitions.

Keywords: proinvirmenlaism, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, secondary level, Peshawar

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Daniel Joseph Whittaker

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This paper examines the broad array of historic sites from which Chicago common brick has emerged, and the methods this brick has been utilized within and around a new hybrid structure recently completed-and periodically opened to the public, as a private art, architecture, design, and social activism gallery space. Various technical aspects regarding the structural and aesthetic reuse methods of salvaged brick within the interior and exterior of this new Tadao Ando-designed building in Lincoln Park, Chicago, are explored. This paper expands specifically upon the multiple possible origins of Chicago common brick, as well as the extant brick currently composing the surrounding alley which is integral to demarcating the southern site boundary of the old apartment building now gallery. Themes encompassing Chicago’s archeological and architectural history, local resource extraction, and labor practices permeate this paper’s investigation into urban, social and architectural history and building construction technology advancements through time.

Keywords: masonry construction, history brickmaking, private museums, Chicago Illinois, Tadao Ando

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Authors: Luis Pascasio

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In a time when murky debates on US immigration policy are polarizing a nation steeped in partisan and nativist politics, certain media texts are proposing to challenge the dominant ways in which immigrant discourses are shaped in political debates. The paper will examine how two media texts perform counter-hegemonic discourses against institutionalized concepts on citizenship. The article looks at Documented (2014), a documentary film, written and directed by Jose Antonio Vargas, a Pulitzer-winning journalist-turned-activist and a self-proclaimed undocumented immigrant; and DefineAmerican.com, an online media platform that articulates the convergence of multiple voices and discourses about post-industrial and post-semiotic citizenship. As sites of meaning production, the two media texts perform counter-narratives that inspire new forms of mediated social activism and postcolonial identities. The paper argues that a closer introspection of the media texts reveals emotional, thematic and ideological claims to an interrogation of a diasporic discourse on redefining the rules of inclusion and exclusion within the postmodern dialogic of citizenship.

Keywords: counter-narratives, documentary filmmaking, postmodern citizenship, diaspora media

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Authors: Guilherme Reis Ranieri, Guilherme Leite Gaudereto, Michele Toledo, Luis Fernando Amato-Lourenco, Thais Mauad

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Given the importance to urban sustainability and the growing relevance of the term ‘community garden’, this paper aims to conduct a bibliometric analysis of the term. Using SCOPUS as database, we analyzed 105 articles that contained the keywords ‘community garden’, and conducted a cluster analysis with the associated keywords. As results, we found 205 articles and 404 different keywords. Among the keywords, 334 are not repeated anytime, 44 are repeated 2 times and 9 appear 3 times. The most frequent keywords are: community food systems (74), urban activism (14), Communities of practice (6), food production (6) and public rethoric (5). Within the areas, which contains more articles are: social sciences (74), environmental science (29) and agricultural and biological sciences (24).The three main countries that concentrated the papers are United States (54), Canada (15) and Australia (12). The main journal with these keywords is Local Environment (10). The first publication was in 1999, and by 2010 concentrated 30,5% of the publications. The other 69,5% occurred 2010 to 2015, indicating an increase in frequency. We can conclude that the papers, based on the distribution of the keywords, are still scattered in various research topics and presents high variability between subjects.

Keywords: bibliometrics, community garden, metrics, urban agriculture

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Authors: Rudy Ralph Martinez

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The 1960s provided us with some of the most iconic protest images of the late-20th century. This was the result of worldwide unrest and the proliferation of filmmaking equipment, which led to a flood of photos and films depicting war and activism. Many of these images and films played a pivotal role in shaping the ever-evolving discussions surrounding the ‘60s. However, too often, radical imagery finds itself subsumed by consumer culture, a degradation that flattens radical imagery and turns it into consumer products. With this in mind, the work that follows is an analysis of one of the little-discussed chapters of the 60s and 70s, and it is that of the New German Cinema movement and its relationship with the Rote Armee Fraktion, or Red Army Faction (RAF), an armed Marxist-Leninist group founded in West Germany in 1970. The RAF arose out of a milieu which included student activists protesting Western military involvement in the Vietnam War, civil rights activists, and third world guerillas. The actions undertaken by the group throughout their first decade in existence, including bombings, and assassinations, would create West Germany’s most dire political crisis since the Nazi era, culminating in a crisis of legitimation remembered as the German Autumn, which saw the suicides of several of the militants and the assassination of SS officer-cum-prominent industrialist, Hans Martin-Schleyer. Throughout the 1970s, young filmmakers associated with the New German Cinema sought to analyze the political situation as it was unfolding, their films contributing to the public discourse in concomitance with the government and the media. Four notable examples of these films are Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’sDie Verlorene Ehre der Katharina Blum oder: Wie Gewaltentstehen und wohinsieführenkann (The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum, or: How Violence Develops and Where it Can Lead) (1975), a dark drama about the media’s role in forming public opinion, Deutschland im Herbst(Germany in Autumn) (1977), an experimental collective work released mere months after the German Autumn, Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s Die Dritte Generation (The Third Generation) (1979), a satire about an inept cell of radical militants, and Die bleierne Zeit (The Leaden Time, alt. title: Marianne and Juliane) (1981), an intimate portrayal about two sisters whose activism leads them down disparate paths. The filmmakers of the New German Cinema refused to underline their films with the Manichaean claims respectively espoused by the RAF and the government. These complex portrayals found offspring in films such as Christian Petzold’s Die innere Sicherheit(The State I Am In) (2000), a portrait of a family on the run after the reunification of Germany but were countered by glossy high-budget portrayals such as Uli Edel’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex(The Baader-Meinhof Complex) (2008). In focusing on the aesthetic structure of these films in relation to the political atmosphere of the late-60s and 70s West Germany, I hope to shed light on questions concerning spectatorship, surveillance, the role of journalism, and how politics disrupts personal relationships, and the kinship between artists and so-called terrorists.

Keywords: new german cinema, film history, red army faction, german cinema

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Authors: Christian Nounkeu Tatchou

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The concept of mediatization of politics describes changes with regards to media and politics, as the political sphere is increasingly shaped by the media and conforms to its logic. The mediatization of politics in established democracies of the West has been the object of several researches. However, there is an overwhelming paucity of literature on this reconfiguration of the political life around the media in the emerging democracies of the Sub-Saharan Africa. A majority of Sub-Saharan countries have been progressively experiencing the modernization of their societies and significant developments with respect to political communication since the early 1990s. This has been facilitated by factors such as the adoption of democratic reforms, the development of mass media, the advent of social media and the rapid spread of new information and communication technologies. Thus, this paper investigates the extent to which political communication in Sub-Saharan Africa is mediatized, especially with regards to the social media. Through in-depths interviews with twenty political leaders and political observers in Cameroon and Ghana, this article argues that the social media has become the main arena of voters’ mobilization and political participation in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a greater extent of freedom for political activism on social media is observed in the new democracy of Ghana, unlike in the enduring authoritarian political system of Cameroon where the government attempts to control the use and content of political discourse on social media.

Keywords: mediatization, political communication, social media, sub-saharan africa

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

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This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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Authors: Mohammed Ibahrine

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One of the prominent trends in the Saudi digital space in recent years is the boom in the use of social networking sites such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter. As of 2016, Twitter has over six million users in Saudi Arabia. In the wake of the recent political instability in the Arab region, digital platforms have gained importance for both, personal and professional purposes. A conspicuously observable tide of social activism has risen, with Twitter playing an increasingly important role. One of their primary goals is to enforce the logic of public visibility, social mobility and civic participation in the Saudi society. Saudi women use Twitter to disseminate specific and relevant information and promote their social agenda that remained unrecognized and invisible in the mainstream media and thus in the public sphere. The question is to what extent does Twitter empower Saudi women or reinforces their social immobility and invisibility? This paper focuses on three kinds of empowerment through Twitter in the religiously conservative and socially patriarchal Saudi society. It traces and analyses how Saudi female hashtactivism is increasingly becoming a site of struggle over visibility, mobility, control, and civic participation. The underlying thesis is that Twitter makes a contribution to the development of participatory culture, especially in the lives of women.

Keywords: civic, hashtactivism, Saudi Arabia, Twiterverse

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Authors: Michael Augustus Akagbor

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Same-sex relationships have always existed in Ghana. In coastal towns such as James Town in the heart of the country’s capital, persons who were sexually different and attracted to members of their own sex were able to live their lives openly as queer persons without any fear for their lives. Since 2006, this idyllic existence has been under attack, with LGBTQ+ communities suffering violence and discrimination. This paper highlights the lived experiences of the LGBTIQ+ community in Ghana against the backdrop of the anti-gay bill - The Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 (now renamed the Human Sexual Rights and Family Values Bill, 2021), currently before Parliament, introduced by eight members of Parliament as a Private Members’ Bill, and its implications for the LGBTQ+ community. The paper makes recommendations to key stakeholders on strategies to counter the cultural and religious arguments/strategies and activism of the anti-LGBTQ+ movement in Ghana. It relied on secondary data from a variety of sources, including the Bill before Parliament, media reports, and baseline surveys and studies conducted by LGBTQ organizations and other Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Ghana and elsewhere.

Keywords: sexual rights, promotion, family values, lgbtq+, ghana, discrimination

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Laura C. Solzbacher, Caja Thimm

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Journalists worldwide have been confronted with a variety of ethical challenges over the last years. Because of massive changes in media technology and the public sphere, especially online journalism has trouble to uphold the fundamental values of journalism. In particular, the increasing amount of fake news and hate speech puts journalists under more and more pressure. In order to understand better how journalists judge this development and how they adapt in their daily work, a survey with journalists in Germany was carried out. 303 professional journalists participated in an online questionnaire. Results show that 65% underline that economic pressure grows and nearly the same number describe a change in the role of journalists in society. Furthermore, 61% agree that they put more time into research to secure their work against accusations of fabricating fake news. Interestingly, over 60% see a change in the role of journalists in society. The majority (85%) confirms that print journalism has to give way for online platforms and that the influence of social media for journalism grows (75%). Half of the surveyed advocate for more personalized public activism on part of journalists, such as appearance in talk shows and public talks. The results of the study will be discussed in light of the ongoing debate on ethical standards as a condition for a sustainable and trustworthy digital public sphere.

Keywords: ethics, fake news, journalism, public sphere

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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