Search results for: women activism

Authors: Tania Mitra

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Digital Activism or Cyber Activism uses digital media as a means to disseminate information and mobilize masses towards a specific goal. When digital activism was first born in the early 1990s, it was primarily used by groups of organized political activists. However, with the advent of social media, online activism has filtered down to the individual- one who does not necessarily belong to or identify with an agenda, group, or political party. A large part of digital activism today stems from the individual’s notion of what is right and wrong. This gives rise to a discourse around descriptive ethics and the implications of the independent digital activist. Although digital activism has paved the way for and bolstered support for causes like the MeToo Movement and Black Lives Matter, the lack of a unified, organized body has led to counterintuitive progressions and suspicions regarding the movements. The paper introduces the ideas of 'clout' culture, click baits, and clicktivism (the phenomenon where activism is reduced to a blind following of the online trends), to discuss the impacts of exclusive digital activism. By using Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian approach to ethics, that places emphasis on the best possible outcome for a society, the paper will show how individual online activism reaching for a larger, more common end can sometimes lead to an undermining of that end, not only in the online space but also how it manifests in the real world.

Keywords: digital activism, ethics, independent digital activist, utilitarianism

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Authors: Piumi L. Denagamage, Vibusha Madanayake

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At the end of a 30-year civil war in Sri Lanka in 2009, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) played a prominent role in post-war development and peacebuilding. Women were a major “beneficiary” of NGO activities on socio-economic empowerment, capacity building for advocacy, and grassroots participation in activism. Undoubtedly, their contribution to Sri Lanka’s post-war transition is tremendous. As development practitioners and researchers who have worked closely with several international and national NGOs in Sri Lanka’s post-war setting, the authors, while practicing self-reflexivity, intend to theorize the grey literature prepared by NGOs against the theoretical frameworks of Transnational and Third World feminisms. Using examples of the grassroots activities conducted by the NGOs with war-affected women, the paper questions whether Colombo-based feminism represents the lived realities of grassroots women at the transnational level. It argues that Colombo-based feminists use their power and exposure to Western feminist approaches to portray diverse forms of oppression women face at grassroots levels, their needs for advocacy, and different modes of resistance on the ground. Many NGOs depend on international donor funding for their grassroots work, which also contributes to their utilization of Western-led knowledge. Despite their efforts to “save marginalized women from oppression,” these modes of intervention are often rejected by the public, including women at local levels. This has also resulted in the rejection of feminism entirely as a culturally root-less alien Western ideology. The analysis connects with the Transnational and Third World theoretical feminist perspectives to problematize the power relations between Western knowledge systems and the lived experiences of grassroots women in the peacebuilding process through NGO activism in Sri Lanka. It also emphasizes that the infiltration of Western knowledge through NGOs has led to the participation of grassroots women only through adjustments of their lived experiences to match the alien knowledge rather than theorizing based on their own lived realities. While sharing a concern that NGOs’ power to adopt Western knowledge systems is often unchecked and unmitigated, the paper signifies the importance of adopting the methods of alternative theorizing to ensure meaningful participation of Third World women in peacebuilding.

Keywords: alternative theorizing, colombo-based feminism, grassroots women in peacebuilding, NGO activism, transnational and third world feminisms

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Authors: Emilie Fort

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Two major pitfalls emerge at the intersection of gender and peacebuilding literature: the comprehension of women as a homogeneous category and a focus on women's participation in formal peace processes and state structures. However, women belong (and identify) to distinct ethnic, religious, or social groups, and the variety of their social location impacts their ability to mobilize, to participate in peace processes as well as the way they envision peace. This study is based on interviews conducted (remotely) with women activists from the post-Yugoslav area. It shows that women's economic empowerment and education are central issues that must be addressed for women political participation being effective. This has implications for peace projects –their priorities, scales of implementation, etc.– and the allocation of civil society’s funds.

Keywords: ex-Yugoslavia, gender-based issues, peacebuilding, women activism

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Authors: Lee Kar Heng

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Activists are people who use strong actions such as public protests or social media accusations in support of or opposition to controversial issues. While activism is the act of using such vigorous campaigns and actions to achieve political or social changes by the activists, today, the pressure and stresses from activism do not only grow in terms of civil rights but also in racial justice, labour reforms, and environmental change, to name a few. Some activism acts are constructive, but many are destructive, and they affect businesses as activists direct their sights on corporations, business entities, and organizations to achieve their supporting objectives beyond reasonable means. The paper attempts to share experiences of businesses being attacked by activists and how the attacks are mitigated. In sharing, this paper will discuss the effectiveness of the activist action and ways to react to them. The positive and negative impacts caused by activists' support action against corporations are also discussed.

Keywords: activism, conflicts, business, social responsibility

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Authors: Dafni Kalatzi Pantera

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How globalisation affects environmental activism? Existing research on this relationship focuses on the influence of the world polity on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental movements. However, globalisation is a multidimensional process which promotes pro-environmental ideas through the world polity, but it also fosters economic growth which is considered antagonistic to the environment. This article models the way that globalisation as a whole affects individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism, and the main argument is that globalisation’s impact is conditional on political ideology. To test the above hypothesis, individual and country level data are used for European countries between 1981-2020. The results support the expectation of the article that although globalisation has a positive impact on individuals’ willingness to participate in environmental activism when it interacts with political ideology, its influence differs between ideological spectrums.

Keywords: environmental activism, globalisation, political ideology, world polity

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Authors: Jenny Lee

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Fat Studies is emerging as an interdisciplinary area of study, intersecting with Gender Studies, Sociology, Human Development and the Creative Arts. A focus on weight loss, and, therefore, fat hatred, has resulted in a form of discriminatory institutional practice that impacts women in the Western world. This focus is sanctioned by a large dieting industry, medical associations, the media, and at times, government initiatives. This paper will discuss the emergence of the so-called ‘Obesity Epidemic’ in Australia and the Western world and the stereotypes that thin equals healthy and fat equals unhealthy. This paper will argue that, for those with a health focus, ‘Health at every size’ is a more effective principle, which involves striving for healthy living, without a focus on weight loss. This discussion will contextualise an autoethnographic exploration of how fat acceptance and Health at Every Size can be encouraged through fat activism and fat political art. As part of this paper, a selection of the recent performance, writing and art in Australia will be presented, including Aquaporko, the fat femme synchronised swim team and VaVaBoomBah, the Melbourne fat burlesque performances.

Keywords: activism, fat, health, obesity, performance

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Authors: Lara Góes Da Costa

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This paper analyzes the social dimension of the empowerment of women in Brazil, following the principles of human development of the UN WOMEN, in particular the sixth principle, which establishes the promotion of gender equality through social policy initiatives and activism in general aimed at community. In Brazil, women's empowerment has taken social networks through the creation of avatars and pages of dissemination and promotion of gender equality, as well as denunciations and educational posts such as 'Observe Gender', 'Empower Two Women', 'Black Intellectual Women', among others. At the same time, women's social inclusion bills in various sectors are trailing in the legislative apparatus, with little or no relation to the current discussion of gender diversity and intersectionality. In this sense, this article establishes an analytical parallel between the media manifestations of social networks and the social distance of the representatives of the legislative power. This parallelly shows the political failing to meet the social demands of inclusion, as to multiply the creation of laws and the effectiveness of the principle of promoting gender equality.

Keywords: gender, rights, justice, social networks

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Authors: Ayesha Murtza

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Controlling images develop misinformed behaviors about impoverished Muslim Pakistani women that add to the oppression these Pakistani women endure their whole lives. Meanwhile, patriarchal and stereotypical societies provide an ideological justification for gender, class, and racial oppression, especially for women. Cojoining the concepts of controlling images by Patricia Hill Collins (1990) and binary thinking by Barbara Christian (1987), this paper discusses the ways in which various controlling images of urban and rural women are being presented in Pakistani dramas. These images reinforce an interlocking system of oppression for women in Pakistan. This paper further explores how these controlling images of intersecting components like class, gender, religion, ethnicity, physical appearance, color, and caste normalize hegemonic gendered oppression in society and how men have the same attitude towards women of their family whether they belong to the rural or urban class since they are the product of the same society. It further sheds light on how these matrixes of domination are an inevitable part of Pakistani women’s everyday lives and how these women reinforce survival strategies for coping with all these forms of oppression. By employing the feminist interactional framework, this paper elucidates the role of masculinity, femininity, feminist activism, and traditional knowledge against a monolithic image of Pakistani women. By highlighting these, this paper complicates the role of descriptive and visual images, religion, women’s rights, and the stereotypical role of women in Pakistani dramas.

Keywords: controlling images, oppression, women, Pakistan

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Authors: G. Arockiasamy, B. Sujeevan Kumar, Surendheran

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Human progress and development are highly influenced by the power of information access and technology. A global and multi-national transformation all over the word is possible due to digitalization. In the process of exchanging information, experience, and resources, there is a radical shift in who controls them. Mass media has turned the world into a global village by strengthening communication network. As a result, a new digital culture has emerged as a social network commonly known as new media. Today the advancement of technology is at the doorstep of everyone linking to anywhere. The traditional social restrictions are broken down by the new type of virtual communication modality that transcends people beyond boundaries At the same time media empire has invaded every nook and corner of the world through great expansion. Media activism is growing stronger and stronger but the truth and true meaning lost in the process. This paper explores the peoples’ attitude to media activism and tracing its direction. The methodology employed is random sampling survey and content analysis method. Both qualitatively and quantitatively measured. The findings tend to show 60 percent indicate media activism as positive and others indicate as negative. As a conclusion, media activism has danger within but depends on nature of the development of human orientation.

Keywords: media activism, media industry, program, truth information, orientation and nature

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Qazi Sarah Rasheed

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Feminism and religion have been regarded as opposing binaries. The reason being that religion is regarded as a tool to legitimize the patriarchal control over women, and therefore, it stands in contrast with the basic feminist principle of gender equity. Hence, the issue of incompatibility between religion and gender parity is often discussed by the feminist as well as secular/liberal discourses, but the feminist discourse has suffered a serious backlash in the recent times for it alienates those women who want to liberate but not at the expense of their religious identity. Though in the Western feminist thought, religion is regarded as a tool of patriarchy that promotes women’s suppression, but for many women, religion can be a source of liberation that advances their rights. The feminists in general, fail to realize that religion, as a social phenomenon may not necessarily promote a series of dogmatic doctrines which are inevitably retrogressive or instinctively status-quoist especially when it comes to the social reforms affecting gender orders. The traditional institution of religion could be instrumental to provide what the women in contemporary situation demand. This paper highlights how the Muslim women in India negotiate and mediate this opposition in an Islamic context. To advance the socio-legal recognition of women’s rights, they question the male privilege and patriarchy in a meaningful way without challenging their Islamic doctrines and try to build a feminist consciousness from within religion.

Keywords: feminism, Islam, Muslim women's rights, religious identity

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Authors: Brianna Z. Ross, Jonathan N. Livingston

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Given that discussions of racism and racial tensions have become more salient, there is a need to evaluate the impacts of racialization among Black individuals. Racial discrimination has become one of the most common experiences within the Black American population. Likewise, Black individuals have indicated a need to address their racial identities at an earlier age than their non-Black peers. Further, Black individuals have been found at the forefront of multiple social and political movements, including but not limited to the Civil Rights Movement, Black Lives Matter, MeToo, and Say Her Name. Moreover, the present study sought to explore the predictive relationships that exist between racial discrimination, racial identity, and activism in the Black community. The results of standard and hierarchical regression analyses revealed that racial discrimination and racial identity significantly predict each other, but only racial discrimination is a significant predictor for the relationship to activism. Nonetheless, the results from this study will provide a basis for social scientists to better understand the impacts of racialization on the Black American population.

Keywords: activism, racialization, racial discrimination, racial identity

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Authors: Claire Stafford, John Lewis, Ashley Stripling

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The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between both the independent effects and intersection between COVID-19 and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement simultaneously to investigate how the two events have coincided with impacting race-based traumatic stress in Black Americans. Four groups will be surveyed: Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism, Black Americans who did not participate in BLM-related activism, White Americans who participated in BLM-related activism, and White Americans who did not participate in BLM-related activism. Participants are between the ages of 30 and 50. All participants will be administered a Brief Trauma Questionnaire with an additional question asking whether or not they have ever tested positive for COVID-19. Based on prior findings, it is expected that Black Americans will have significantly higher levels of COVID-19 contraction, with Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism having the highest levels of contractions. Additionally, Black Americans who participated in BLM-related activism will likely have the highest self-reported rates of traumatic experiences due to the compounding effect of both the pandemic and the BLM movement. With the development of the COVID-19 pandemic, stark racial disparities between Black and White Americans have become more defined. Compared to White Americans, Black Americans have more COVID-19-related cases and hospitalizations. Researchers must investigate and attempt to mitigate these disparities while simultaneously critically questioning the structure of our national health care system and how it serves our marginalized communities. Further, a critical gaze must be directed at the geopolitical climate of the United States in order to holistically look at how both the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement have interacted and impacted race-based stress and trauma in African Americans.

Keywords: COVID-19, black lives matter movement, race-based traumatic stress, activism

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Authors: Kubra Sultan Yuzuncuyil, Aytekin İsman, Berkay Bulus

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With the developments of information and communication technologies, the forms of molding public opinion have changed. In the presence of Internet, the notion of activism has been endowed with digital codes. Activists have engaged the use of Internet into their campaigns and the process of creating collective identity. Activist movements have been incorporating the relevance of new communication technologies for their goals and opposition. Creating and managing activism through Internet is called Online Activism. In this main, Slow Food Movement which was emerged within the philosophy of defending regional, fair and sustainable food has been engaging Internet into their activist campaign. This movement supports the idea that a new food system which allows strong connections between plate and planet is possible. In order to make their voices heard, it has utilized social networks and develop particular skills in the framework online activism. This study analyzes online activist skills of Slow Food Movement (SFM) develop and attempts to measure its effectiveness. To achieve this aim, it adopts the model proposed by Sivitandies and Shah and conduct both qualitiative and quantiative content analysis on social network use of Slow Food Movement. In this regard, the sample is chosen as the official profile and analyzed between in a three month period respectively March-May 2017. It was found that SFM develops particular techniques that appeal to the model of Sivitandies and Shah. The prominent skill in this regard was found as hyperlink abbreviation and use of multimedia elements. On the other hand, there are inadequacies in hashtag and interactivity use. The importance of this study is that it highlights and discusses how online activism can be engaged into a social movement. It also reveals current online activism skills of SFM and their effectiveness. Furthermore, it makes suggestions to enhance the related abilities and strengthen its voice on social networks.

Keywords: slow food movement, Twitter, internet, online activism

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Authors: Tina Beyene

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In this paper examines the state of grassroots feminist activism in the backdrop of state feminism in Ethiopia. Specifically, I examine the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (aka CSO law), a 2009 law that banned so-called foreign NGOs—i.e., those receiving more than 10% of its operating budget from non-local sources— from working in the areas of human rights, democracy, governance, and gender equality. Viewed as government retribution for the NGO opposition to the government in the 2005 elections, the law aimed to halt the work groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), who were defined as a “foreign” NGO. Based on interviews with prominent Ethiopian women’s rights leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, I assess how grassroots feminist organizing adapts to state suppression on the one hand, and the aggressive entry of the state into women’s rights work on the other hand. While the 2009 law has slowed down the work of women’s rights activism, displaced feminists view feminist advocacy as cyclical and the state as neither fully adversarial nor an ally but rather as an instable entity that at times provides political openings to push ambitious feminist agendas. Grassroots activists are regrouping and developing new political responses strategies such as coding rights issues to fit state mandate; dissembling rights work in permissible social provision language; rechanneling political work into informal spaces and unregistered social clubs; innovating new funding partnerships, and reassembling as privately held research and advocacy companies. my study reveals how grassroots feminist politics operates in the shadow of a hostile state and within the confines of local politics.

Keywords: grassroots feminism, ethiopian feminism, civil society and gender, state feminism

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Authors: Natalie M. Khazaal

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The effects of the civil war on Lebanese women have been challenging to conceptualize. For some, war is a liberating and empowering force for women, while for others it is one that subjugates women and disempowers them in new ways. Scholars have explored the impact on the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) on women in the fields of labor history, political activism and literary production. In all these arenas, women’s role and visibility were contested and negotiated in diverse ways. But probably the most visible arena where this contestation took place was television. Dramatized entertainment series were crucial sites where fictional women battled out the gender question, and which reflected and participated in the negotiations of gender politics. Even more stunningly, actual television stations became part of this battle through the plots and portrayals of women that they created. The state-backed Tele-Liban (TL) peddled patriarchal articulations of gender that directly competed with the edgy vision of liberated, independent women on the pirate Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC). This presentation explores how LBC used gender to distinguish its brand against the retrograde TL programing. Television series are an important medium for creating, testing and reenacting gender politics. They are even more consequential in another way. They are the sites where a dramatic shift in the relationship between Arab television and Arab publics—from benign neglect of public concerns towards engagement with audiences—took place for the first time. As this shift is at the heart of why Arab media was seen as a participant in the Arab uprisings, it is important to explore the roots of the shift in the dramas and comedy series of the mid-1980s Lebanese television. This presentation argues that television battles over gender were consequential and need serious consideration as sites of unexpected meaning.

Keywords: gender, Lebanon, television, war, women

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Authors: Marcya Burden, Savonna Greer

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In the wake of social unrest around the world, protest movements have been captured like never before. As protest movements have evolved, so too have their visibility and sources of coverage. Long gone are the days of print media as our only glimpse into the action surrounding a protest. Now, with social networks such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, we have access to real-time video footage of protest movements and human rights activism that can reach millions of people within seconds. This research paper investigated various social media network platforms’ statistical usage data in the areas of human rights activism and protest movements, paralleling with other past forms of media coverage. This research demonstrates that social networks are extremely important to protest movements and human rights activism. With over 2.9 billion users across social media networks globally, these platforms are the heart of most recent protests and human rights activism. This research shows the paradigm shift from the Selma March of 1965 to the more recent protests of Ferguson in 2014, Ni Una Menos in 2015, and End Sars in 2018. The research findings demonstrate that today, almost anyone may use their social networks to protest movement leaders and human rights activists. From a student to an 80-year-old professor, the possibility of reaching billions of people all over the world is limitless. Findings show that 82% of the world’s internet population is on social networks 1 in every 5 minutes. Over 65% of Americans believe social media highlights important issues. Thus, there is no need to have a formalized group of people or even be known online. A person simply needs to be engaged on their respective social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat) regarding any cause they are passionate about. Information may be exchanged in real time around the world and a successful protest can begin.

Keywords: activism, protests, human rights, networks

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Authors: Katherine Anson

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This paper takes a closer look at the use of day-to-day informal working practices in Latin American spatial, cultural activism against gentrification. Through a discursive analysis of the Ecuadorian communally made film documentary San Roque: A House for All (2015), and the study of the political conflict around the gentrification of the place, the essay illustrates how the purposeful showcase of indigenous uses of space claims ownership over the city’s downtown area. This argument concludes that by making visible everyday indigenous ways of production in relation to space, the video contests the neoliberalist aim to proletarianize the urban poor, and therefore, to transform them into a landless group. This approach demonstrates that through representations of their own cultural working practices grassroots organizations consciously deconstruct/contest the capitalist urbanization of space.

Keywords: cultural activism, gentrification, indigenous working traditions, neoliberalism, urban displacement, everyday forms of resistance

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Authors: Shreeya Umashankar

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The Supreme Court of India has emerged as the most powerful organ of State and amongst the foremost constitutional courts in the world through the instrument of Public Interest Litigation (PIL), the exercise of writ jurisdiction and the expansive interpretation of fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India. Judicial activism impinging on every facet of governance has become the norm in recent times. This paper traces the evolution of judicial activism since Independence through pronouncements of the Supreme Court. It brings out distinct phases in this evolution– the initial phase of judicial restraint, the first phase of an activist judiciary where the Supreme Court primarily was concerned with protection of fundamental rights and humane treatment of citizens; the second phase where the Supreme Court took keen interest in preservation and protection of the environment; the third phase where the Supreme Court extended its reach into the socio-economic arena and the fourth phase when issues of transparency and probity in governance led to interventions by the Supreme Court. The paper illustrates through judgements of the Supreme Court that the instrument of the PIL and the exercise of writ jurisdiction by the Supreme Court go beyond the traditional postulates of judicial processes and political theory on separation of powers between the organs of State.

Keywords: fundamental rights, judicial activism, public interest litigation, Supreme Court of India

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Authors: Chan Eang Teng, Tang Mui Joo

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With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13^th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.

Keywords: social media, political participation, political activism, democracy, political communication

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Authors: Rasha Kumari Panda

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The crime against women in closed door is an important burning issue in day to day life. Domestic violence has become daily part of women’s life. It affects the millions of the women throughout the India as it violates their human rights. Crime against women behind closed door is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, discrimination against women moreover, when the world is approaching towards modernization, worse the condition of women and girls in our society. This paper examines how the rights of women are being violated and suggests the remedial measures to empower women. Powerlessness of women is the root cause of violence has been specifically addressed.

Keywords: domestic violence, cruelty, dowry, statutes

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Authors: Martin Camps

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The two-thousand-mile border that divides the United States and Mexico is a “contact zone” of cultural friction and unbalanced power relations as defined by Mary Louise Pratt. The interest of this paper is to analyze digital platforms created to address the study and comprehension of the borderlands with pedagogical and research reasons. The paper explores ways to engage students in archival and analytical practices to build a repository of resources, links, and digital tools and consider how to adapt them to the study of the borderlands. Sites such as “Torn Apart / Separados,” “Digital Borderlands,” “Borderlands Archives Cartography,” and “Juaritos Literario” show visualizations, mapping, and access to materials and marginal literature on the border phenomenon. Analyzing these projects contributes to highlighting digital projects and the study of the border and how to engage in activism via the study of literature and the representation of a human tragedy that underscores the divisions and biopolitics imposed on the Global South and imagine the digital border futures.

Keywords: borderlands, digital humanities, activism, border literature

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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Authors: Sana Zia

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One of the most important questions for research on Muslim women's representation is the relationship between Islam and women’s situation in Islamic countries. In this context, certain questions can be raised like is it possible to analyze women’s situation in Islamic countries like Pakistan? Or what is the relationship between Islam and patriarchy? So this paper will examine all these questions by analysing Muslim women's representation in Pakistani Cinema. It is also significant to note that despite political and religious constraints in Muslim countries, in particular, Pakistan, women have not only been part of the film industry for long, but they also have chosen films as their feminist tool to question and expose the effects of patriarchy, religious fundamentalism, and gender-specific socio-cultural oppression. The religious-cultural ethos that could include gender-specific restrictions and limitations on their creative expression as Muslim women in an Islamic society. A new wave of Pakistani cinema is pivoting around strong Muslim female characters and opened up a new thought about Islamic women.Their contributions and success through this medium emphasized the need to investigate the significance and effectiveness of contemporary cinema as a tool of resistance and cross-cultural communication in a Muslim society. So this research can also provide a better understanding about Islam that needs to be modernized and reclaimed from the clutches of fundamentalism and extremism. This paper thus investigates the interrelation of women's representation and Pakistani cinema by analysing two films ‘Bol: To speak up’ and ‘Dukhter: Daughter’. The feminist analysis of these films not only helps to understand the new trends and dimensions in representation of Muslim women in Pakistani cinema, but this also helps to raise awareness globally regarding the depiction of Muslim women. So to foreground the above mentioned discussion, the films under study helps to evaluate their significance, the role they play towards activism, resistance, and global awareness in terms of what could be termed as a Muslim woman. The paper thus provides a valuable insight that how and why Islam is being used as a mechanism to merge social, political and economic factors to define the rights and conditions of Pakistani Muslim women and highlight the cinematic struggle of the film maker’s which by using films as an awareness tool are going to highlight the problems and issues of Muslim women in the global world.

Keywords: Muslim women, Pakistani cinema, patriarchy, religious fundamentalism

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Authors: Mohammed Ibahrine

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One of the prominent trends in the Saudi digital space in recent years is the boom in the use of social networking sites such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter. As of 2016, Twitter has over six million users in Saudi Arabia. In the wake of the recent political instability in the Arab region, digital platforms have gained importance for both, personal and professional purposes. A conspicuously observable tide of social activism has risen, with Twitter playing an increasingly important role. One of their primary goals is to enforce the logic of public visibility, social mobility and civic participation in the Saudi society. Saudi women use Twitter to disseminate specific and relevant information and promote their social agenda that remained unrecognized and invisible in the mainstream media and thus in the public sphere. The question is to what extent does Twitter empower Saudi women or reinforces their social immobility and invisibility? This paper focuses on three kinds of empowerment through Twitter in the religiously conservative and socially patriarchal Saudi society. It traces and analyses how Saudi female hashtactivism is increasingly becoming a site of struggle over visibility, mobility, control, and civic participation. The underlying thesis is that Twitter makes a contribution to the development of participatory culture, especially in the lives of women.

Keywords: civic, hashtactivism, Saudi Arabia, Twiterverse

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Authors: Sangita Bharati

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Violence against women is now well recognised as a public health problem and human rights violation of worldwide significance. It is an important risk factor for women's ill health, with far reaching consequences for both their physical and mental health. Gender based violence takes many forms and results in physical, sexual and psychological harm to the women throughout their lives. Gender based violence often manifests unequal power relation between men and women in society and the secondary status of the women because of which women have to suffer a range of health problems in silence. This paper will aim at describing a few problems related to women’s health which are directly linked to their experience as victims of gender based violence.

Keywords: violence, health, women, society

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Authors: Qian Wang

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In this study, Chinese highly educated women referred to those women who are currently doing their Ph.D. studies, and those who have already had Ph.D. degrees. In ancient Chinese society, women were subordinated to men. The only gender role of women was to be a wife and a mother. With the rapid development of China, women are encouraged to pursue higher education. As a result of this, the number of highly educated women is growing very quickly. However, people, especially men, believe that highly educated women are challenging the traditional image of Chinese women. It is thus believed that highly educated women are very different with the traditional women. They are demonstrating an image of independent and confident women with promising careers. Plus, with the reinforcement of mass media, highly educated women are regarded as non-traditional women. People stigmatize them as the 'third gender' on the basis of male and female. Now, the 'third gender' has become a gender stereotype of highly educated women. In this study, 20 participants were interviewed to explore their perceptions of self and how these highly educated women respond to the stereotype. The study finds that Chinese highly educated women are facing a variety of problems and difficulties in their daily life, and they believe that one of the leading causes is the contradiction between patriarchal values and the views of gender equality in contemporary China. This study gives rich qualitative data in the research of Chinese women and will help to extend the current Chinese gender studies.

Keywords: Chinese highly educated women, gender stereotype, self, the ‘third gender’

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

Abstract:

This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy

Abstract:

Companies have recently embraced political activism as an alleged responsibility toward the communities they operate in. As a result of its recency, there is little understanding of the impact of corporate activism on consumers. In addition, embracing corporate activism engenders polarizing opinions, potentially leading to a crisis of morality shown in past literature to flourish in online settings. The present study contributes to the literature on communication management, which currently lacks research on stakeholder perceptions toward corporate activism in general and from the perspective of the stakeholders’ emotions of brand hate versus a love that they display before a specific corporate act of activism. For this purpose, the study analyzed online reactions on Twitter following Disney’s stance against Florida’s House Bill 1577 enacted in April 2022. Dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay Bill” by the left wing and the “Parental Rights Bill” by the conservative movement, the legislation triggered polarizing opinions in society and among Disney’s stakeholders, as the company announce it was taking action against it. Given the scarcity of research on corporate political activism and crises of morality, the current study enacted the case study methodology. Consequently, it answered to the research questions of how online stakeholders responded to Disney’s stance as well as why they formed such an opinion. The data were collected from Twitter over a seven-day period of analysis, namely from March 28- April 3, 2022. The period of analysis started on the day Disney announced its stance (March 28, 2022) until the reactions to its announcement petered out significantly (April 3, 2022). The final sample of analysis consisted of N=1,344 and represented Twitter comments in response to the company’s political announcement. The data were analyzed using the grounded theory methodology, which implied multiple exposures to the text and the undertaking of an inductive-deductive approach that led to the emergence of several recurrent themes. The findings revealed that the stakeholders’ prior emotions toward the company (brand hate versus brand love) did not play a greater role in their (dis)agreement with the latter’s activism than the users’ political stances. Specifically, whether they despised or hated Disney prior to this incident was less significant than their personal political stances. Above all, users were more inclined to transition from brand love to brand hate and vice versa based on the political side they viewed Disney to fall under.

Keywords: corporate political advocacy, crisis management, brand hate, brand love

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Authors: Akosua Asantewaa Anane

Abstract:

Social media and its networking sites have become beneficial to society. With the advent of Web 2.0, many people are becoming technologically savvy and attracted to internet-based activities. With the click of a button, users are now sharing more information on topics, events and issues than before. A new phenomenon in the Ghanaian journalism sphere is the advent of blogger and citizen journalism, some of whom have become niche authorities. Niche authorities have emerged through the habitual and persistent curation of news on specific topics, resulting in the steady growth and emergence of valuable contributions to news sharing. Minimal studies have been conducted on niche authorities and their role in social activism in Ghana. This study, anchored on Cialdini’s Six Principles of Persuasion (reciprocation, consistency, social proof, liking, authority and scarcity), explores the features of niche authorities, their areas of expertise, as well as their authoritative voices in the curation of news stories. Using qualitative content analysis, cyber ethnography and thematic analysis of purposively sampled social media posts of five niche authorities, the study interrogates how these niche authorities employ the six principles of persuasion on their platforms to spark conversations on development, social inclusion and gender-based issues in the country. The study discusses how niche authorities deploy the principles in social activism and further recommends nurturing and mentoring communication strategies to progressively guide the youth to become future niche authorities in news curation and news sharing.

Keywords: social activism, cialdini’s six principles of persuasion, news curation, niche authorities

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