Search results for: Insurgency

Authors: Sachoiba Inkah

Abstract:

The Northeast region has not been a major factor in India’s foreign policy calculation since independence. Instead, the region was ignored and marginalized even to the extent of using force and repressive Acts such as AFSPA(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) to suppress the voices of both states and non-state actors. The liberalization of the economy in the 90s in the wake of globalization gave India a new outlook and the Look East Policy (LEP) was a paradigm shift in India’s engagement with the Southeast Asian nations as it seeks to explore the benefits of the ASEAN. The reorienting of India’s foreign policy to ‘Neighborhood First” is attributed to the present political dispensation, which is further widened to include ‘Extended Neighborhood.’ As a result, the Northeastern states have become key players in India’s participation in regional groupings such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and BCIM. The need for external balancing, diplomacy and development has reset India’s foreign policy priorities as the Northeast states lie in the confluence of South Asia, Southeast and East Asia, and a stakeholder in Act East Policy. The paper will explore the role of Northeastern states in the framework of Indian foreign policy as it shares international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar and most importantly, study the case of Nagas who are spread across Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar. The Indo-Myanmar border is an area of conflict and various illegal activities such as arms trafficking, illegal migrants, drug, and human trafficking are still being carried out and in order to address this issue, both India and Myanmar need to take into consideration the various communities living across the border. And conflict and insurgency should not be a yardstick to curtailed development of infrastructures such as roads, health facilities, transport, and communication in the contested region. The realities, perceptions, and contentions of the Northeastern states and the different communities living in the border areas need a wider discourse as the region the potential to drive India’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors and extended neighborhood. The methods employed are analytical and more of a descriptive analysis on India’s foreign policy framework with a focus on Nagas in Myanmar, drawing from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official documents, data, and statistics released by various governmental agencies, parliamentary debates, political speeches, press releases, treaties and agreements, historical biographies and organizational policy papers, protocols and procedures of government conferences, regional organization study reports etc. The paper concludes that the recent proactive engagement between India and Myanmar on trade, defense, economic, and infrastructure development are positive signs cementing bilateral ties, but there is not much room for the people-to-people connect, especially for people living in the borderland. The Freedom of Movement Regime that is in place is limited and there is more scope for improvement as people in the borderland looks towards trade and commerce to not only uplift the border economy but also act as a catalyst for robust engagement between the two countries, albeit with more infrastructure such as road, healthcare, education, a tourist hotspot, trade centers, mobile connectivity, etc.

Keywords: foreign policy, infrastructure development, insurgency, people to people connect

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Authors: C. Arslan, K. Yakar

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Social media is one of the most important and effective means of social interaction among people in which they create, share and exchange their ideas via photos, videos or voice messages. Although there are lots of communication tools. Social media sites are the most prominent ones that allows the users articulate themselves in a matter of seconds all around the world with almost any expenses and thus, they became very popular and widespread after its emergence. As the usage of social media increases, it becomes an effective instrument in social matters. While it is possible to use social media to emphasize basic human rights and protest some failures of any government as in “Arab Spring”, it is also possible to spread propaganda and misinformation just to cause long lasting insurgency, upheaval, turmoil or disorder as an instrument of intervention to internal affairs and state sovereignty by some hostile groups or countries. It is certain that social media has positive effects on participation in democracies allowing people express themselves freely and limitlessly, but obviously, the misuse of it is very common and it is quite possible that even a five-minute-long video record can topple down a government or give a solid reason to a government to review its policies on some certain areas. As one of the most important and effective means of participation, social media presents some opportunities as well as risks. In this study, the place of social media for participation in democracies will be demonstrated under the light of opportunities and risks.

Keywords: social media, democracy, participation, risks, opportunities

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Authors: Abdullah Beyazkurk, Onur Ozdemir

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The evolution of warfare has been affected from technological developments to a large extent. Another important factor that affected the evolution of warfare is the space. Technological developments became cornerstones for the organization of the forces on the field, while space of the battlefield gained importance with the introduction of urban areas as 'battlefields'. The use of urban areas as battlefields increased the casualty, while technological developments began to play a remedial role. Thus, the unmanned systems drew attention as the remedy. Today's widely used unmanned aerial vehicles have great effects on the operations. On the other hand, with the increasing urbanization, and the wide use of urban areas as battlefields make it a necessity to benefit from unmanned systems on the ground as well. This study focuses on the use of unmanned aerial systems as well as unmanned ground systems in urban warfare, with regards to their performance and cost affectivity. The study defends that the use of unmanned vehicles will be remedial for increasing casualty rates, while their precision and superhuman capacity will manifest the performance advantage. The findings of this study will help modern armies focus on unmanned systems, especially for the urban, anti-terror, or counter insurgency operations.

Keywords: technology, warfare, urban warfare, unmanned systems, unmanned ground vehicles, unmanned aerial vehicles

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Authors: Jimoh Yusuf Amuda

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Human security is a great panacea for sustainable development of world societies. Today the whole globe cum human species is living in nightmares of insecurity. This is due to acts of terrorism by various terrorists’ organization worldwide. The situation is on the increase daily. The number of lives and properties lost to religious insurgency cannot be quantifiably analyzed. It is on this note that this paper examine the book haram menace in northern Nigerian vis-à-vis it’s threat to the existence of human lives. The methodology applied for this research is the multi-disciplinary approach, the use journal articles, news papers, magazines, oral interview. Field trips to areas of terrorist attack and the use of text books. The following recommendations were made base on the findings. First of all the Nigerian government should declare total war on the book haram terrorist, then secondly the source of armament coming to this terrorist should be blocked, thirdly the European world should also place an arms embargo on terrorist source arms demands, also security agencies-police, the military, immigration, customs, state security service should work hand-in-hand, in a security tight measures to reduce the penetration of insurgent into the society.

Keywords: human, insecurity, security, terrorism

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Authors: Vivek Krishna, Nikhil Jain, A. Mary Posonia A., Albert Mayan J

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Terrorism and insurgency are significant global issues that require constant attention and effort from governments and scientists worldwide. To combat these threats, nations invest billions of dollars in developing new defensive technologies to protect civilians. Breakthroughs in vehicle automation have led to the use of sophisticated machines for many dangerous and critical anti-terrorist activities. Our concept of an "Unmanned Ground Vehicle" can carry out tasks such as border security, surveillance, mine detection, and active combat independently or in tandem with human control. The robot's movement can be wirelessly controlled by a person in a distant location or can travel to a pre-programmed destination autonomously in situations where personal control is not feasible. Our defence system comprises two units: the control unit that regulates mobility and the motion tracking unit. The remote operator robot uses the camera's live visual feed to manually operate both units, and the rover can automatically detect movement. The rover is operated by manpower who controls it using a joystick or mouse, and a wireless modem enables a soldier in a combat zone to control the rover via an additional controller feature.

Keywords: robotics, computer vision, Machine learning, Artificial intelligence, future of AI

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Authors: Collins Ogbu, Godwin Johnny Akpan, James NDA Jacob

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The debilitating outcomes of violent conflict, consummated by rural armed banditry have nonetheless, occasioned the need for the mapping of crime zones in Nigeria. As a step towards understanding the scourge of armed bandits, ungoverned spaces have been uncovered as the most dominant excuse for rural crimes and fierce confrontations. From the creeks of the Niger Delta to the forest of Sambisa, Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) have proliferated to the vagaries of national insecurity. While the trends present indications of State fragility, the paucity of governance in these so-called ungoverned spaces has persistently reflected a Hobbesian state of nature, where the fittest survives. This study, therefore, interrogates the demographic implications of these ungoverned spaces by specifically identifying the most immediate features of the characters in the areas under investigation. The Farmers-Herders Crises, Niger-Delta Militancy, Boko-Haram Insurgency, Armed Robbery, Kidnapping and Cattle Rustling all define the major focus. In undertaking this study, anecdotal sources will be relied on, while extant information on the concept of ungoverned spaces will be content-analyzed. It is hoped that the knowledge gathered, as a result, will ultimately aid in proffering a dependable panacea to the crises of rural armed banditry in Nigeria.

Keywords: ungoverned spaces, rural armed banditry, state fragility, conflicts

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Authors: Francis N. Okpaleke

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The threat of Fulani herder militancy in Nigeria has led to a volatile security situation characterized by communal strife, arms proliferation, rural banditry, and insurgency. The exigency of this situation resonates in the eco-survivalist theory of farmer-herder conflict which holds that the herder deems the farmers’ unwarranted incursions into his grazing terrain as an effrontery that must reprised and a call to war. In spite of the rising incidence of Fulani militancy in Nigeria, only little is known concerning the phenomenon. The bulk of prevailing ideas on the subject has been largely and unnecessarily journalistic and anecdotal, lacking in intellectual depth, fecundity and rigour. The issue has remained scarcely documented by way of organized research. There is therefore a need for a systematic investigation that would leverage scholarly and policy insights on the subject which is the purpose of this study. The study will therefore, seek to examine the nexus between nomadic pastoralism and the incidence of herder-farmer conflicts in Nigeria with particular reference to the central region of the country. By means of qualitative descriptive analysis predicated on the theory of eco-violence, the paper explores the contemporary historical and structural drivers of this conflict, its relationship with the dynamics of climate change in Nigeria and its implication of human security in Nigeria. The paper also proffers theoretical and policy recommendations to mitigate the onto ward conflict.

Keywords: eco-survivalism, conflict, pastoralism, nomads

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Authors: Zafar Iqbal

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This article aims at analyzing the U.S.-Taliban peace deal considering the cross- pressures that both parties (U.S. and Taliban) faced and eventually paved the way for a negotiated settlement to the two-decade-long war. The paper first discusses the peace process initiated by President Obama in 2009 and then explores the factors that compelled both the parties to sign this deal. The study is based on secondary data and interviews done with the leading experts on Afghanistan along with the Taliban Qatar office spokesperson’s interview. The theoretical framework is based on the interplay of diplomacy and domestic politics: two-level games logic proposed by Robert D. Putnam. The two-level games suggest that actors involved in negotiations face cross-pressures and are constrained both by the expectations of the domestic audience and their counterpart’s zone of possible agreement. This paper will take the cross pressures for both sides as the permissive factors for the entire process of negotiations. However, there will be a slight aberration in the application of Putnam’s two-level games. In this case, it is not inter-state negotiations but between an all-powerful state and the unyielding non-state actors. The study concludes that both the parties faced domestic as well as international pressure which compelled them to sign a deal that could lead to an end of the two-decade-long war. Furthermore, it looks at the potential prospects and challenges of the deal following the U.S. withdrawal.

Keywords: neo-Taliban insurgency, negotiations, two-level game, U.S.-Taliban peace deal, U.S. withdrawal

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Authors: Saroj Kumar Rath

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When insurgency erupted in Kashmir in 1989, it was quickly backed by Pakistan. Kashmir witnessed terrorism for more than a decade till 2004 when Indian forces decimated militancy. After the US pressure in 1992, terrorist training camps of Pakistan shifted to Afghanistan and al Qaeda and the Taliban had taken over training of Kashmiri militants in Afghanistan after 1997 as part of their global jihad. The Indo-Pak rivalry over Kashmir dispute had taken a new turn in the aftermath of 9/11 developments. Islamabad viewed its Afghan policy through the prism of denying India any advantage in Kabul. Pakistan was successful in refuting Indian presence in Kabul for a decade through the Taliban. After the 9/11 attacks the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) saw Northern Alliance, supported by the Americans and all of Pakistan’s regional rivals – India, Iran, and Russia – as claiming victory in Kabul. For Pakistan’s military regime, this was a strategic disaster and prompted the ISI to give refuge to the escaping Taliban, while denying full support to Hamid Karzai. The new development in Afghanistan prompted India to establish a foothold it had lost nearly a decade earlier. India established diplomatic contacts with Afghanistan; supported the Karzai government and funded aid programs. Pakistan alleged that Indian agents are training Baloch and Sindhi dissidents in Pakistan through Afghanistan. Kabul had suddenly become the new Kashmir – the new battleground for India-Pakistan rivalry.

Keywords: Afghan imbroglio, Kashmir conflict, Indo-Pak rivalry, US policy in South Asia

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Authors: Aleburu Rufus Edeki

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The activities of Boko Haram terrorist group have become worrisome in Nigeria. Boko Haram killed innocent civilians, destroyed schools, churches, military barracks, police stations, and other government establishments. The federal government of Nigerian Military engaged in counter-insurgency to curtail the activities of Boko Haram militant. The engagement of the military led to mass killing across the Northeast region. The reported cases of mass-killing led to petition written to the International Criminal Court by the civil society organization as a result of denial by the military authorities of their involvement. The investigation carried out by the International Criminal Court awash by denial of military involvement in war crimes. As a result of this denial, the ICC called for further investigation of war crimes by the military. This study was carried out among fifty-eight participants. In-depth interviews were conducted among the following participants: civilians 41; human rights commission 5 and civil society 12. This study revealed that professional ethics is associated with denial of military involvement in mass killing in the region. This study also revealed that denial is associated with personality. It was also found that social attributes such as trauma, shame, ostracism, criticism, and punishment are found with denial. It is therefore concluded in this study that protection is needed for war actors, so that situation of denial is minimal in post-conflict truth findings.

Keywords: Boko Haram, crime, insurgence, war

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Authors: Temitope Ogungbemi

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Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (also called Boko Haram) in the North-East of Nigeria has facilitated ideological binarity in discourses on the crisis. Since its proliferation, media representation of the crisis has facilitated identity contamination and ideological struggle through which other critical issues, such as religious intolerance, ethnic diversity and other forms of class conflict in the Nigerian state, are brought to public notice. Though Boko Haram insurgency is ideological laden, the manifestation of the inherent ideologies requires extensive scholarly attention in order deconstruct the veiled ideologies. Therefore, the thrust of this study is to critically investigate identity (mis)representation as a basis for ideological mapping in discourses on Boko Haram in Nigeria, adopting critical discourse analytical tools supported with insights from systemic functional linguistics and critical discourse analysis. The data for this study consist of articles on Boko Haram in Nigerian newspapers published in English. The data selection is purposive and aimed at responding to challenges that are inherent in Nigeria's multifaithism and multiculturalism, and their effects on the construction of narratives on Boko Haram. The study reveals that identity manipulation is a constructive device for ideological mapping, realised through labeling, agency activation, and transitivity. Identity representation in discourses on Boko Haram depicted four dichotomous binarities using exclusion, generalisation, contrasting and attribution.

Keywords: identity representation, ideology, Boko Haram, newspapers

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Authors: Emmanuel Anim

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Ghana has been touted as an oasis of peace in Africa following her relatively peaceful democratic elections, proliferated number of the media, and freedom of speech. Besides, the former Gold Coast country is yet to experience any major incidence of terrorism. Nevertheless, the somewhat occasional simmering violence and conflicts arising from political, religious and chieftaincy skirmishes, largely at its northern part portrays that it is not immune to the political violence of terrorism. The predominantly-based qualitative research reveals that current conditions of socio-politico-economic, and religious issues in Ghana places the West African country on the possible sidelines of the phenomenon of terrorism, when its status quo is juxtaposed with the factors enumerated to have culminated in the rise of Boko Haram, and its accompanying insurgency in Nigeria. Arguing from the perspective of the theory of Social Movement, the analyses and discussions note that the current state of affairs in Ghana could foster domestic terrorism in the country. What is more, the research shows that Ghana faces threats from transnational terrorism given the tendency for elements in Ghana to sympathize and subscribe to the ideological dictates and appeals from Boko Haram and other terrorist organizations. As a consequence, the study recommends that adverse conditions of poverty, poor governance, unemployment, and rising levels of (Islamic) religious radicalization should be remedied by economic improvements, good governance, job creation, and de-radicalization programs by government officials to aid mitigate the incidence of terrorism in the country.

Keywords: Boko Haram, Ghana, Nigeria, terrorism

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Authors: Luxi Chen

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The land finance in China in recent years has propelled urban renewals in the name of historical conservation and led to massive gentrification and compulsory relocation. Such inequalities cause insurgence. Drawing on public planning information, ethnographic field notes, and online interview data about Guangzhou's Enninglu Area, this paper aims to present how such insurgence has been contained and put down gradually through depoliticization narratives represented by "improving living conditions," "conserving historical culture," and "public participation”. This paper's findings include that 1) Besides economic growth, maintaining social stability in alignment with the central government are equally important to local government, reveals the latter efforts to mediate the growth coalition, residents, media, and academics so as to reconstruct the interface between state and society; 2) To empower the insurgence, the media and academics use public interests for propaganda, that diverts attention away from its political dimension; 3) In response, the government introduces improved regulations and planning, turning social inequalities into technical inadequacy so as to become the defender of public interests, which justifies the incoming renewal and prevents public questioning. By comparing regime changes among governments, developers, residents, media, and academics caused by renewal policies, this paper presents the depoliticized narrative as a counter-insurgence strategy to contain social conflicts and to boost inner-city renewal.

Keywords: inner city renewal, depoliticization, historical conservation, public participation

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Authors: Damilohun D. Ayoyo, Anthony Mpiani, Temitope B. Oriola

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The debate on women’s roles in insurgencies and terrorist organizations continues to garner scholarly attention. While some scholars view women insurgents and terrorists as perpetrators, others have argued that they are non-agents and victims. This paper de/reconstructs the notion of ‘women as perpetrators’ of terrorism. Drawing on the narratives of rescued female Boko Haram operatives, and Boko Haram’s tactics for recruiting and deploying women and girls, the paper advances three main arguments. First, the growing social construction of women as perpetrators of terrorism – particularly radical Islamic terrorism – downplays the socio-cultural and structural processes leading to women’s involvement with terrorist organizations. Second, women agency in Boko Haram activities is better understood when grounded in the cultural and structural contexts of Northern Nigeria, Boko Haram’s construction of ‘female,’ and the experiences of female Boko Haram operatives. Third, the mechanisms through which female Boko Haram operatives are recruited and deployed make them more of non-agents and victims than perpetrators of terrorism. The paper draws on the agency-structure approach and argues that the gendered power asymmetries embedded in the cultures and structures of Northern Nigeria –the base of Boko Haram– contribute to the nature and dynamics of women’s involvement in the insurgency. Although the paper does not negate the agency of women in terrorism, it aligns with the studies that consider women insurgents as more victims than perpetrators of terror.

Keywords: Boko Haram, female agency, Northern Nigeria, patriarchy, perpetrator of terror, radical Islamic terrorism, sharia, victim of terror, women insurgents

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Authors: Cetin Arslan, Senol Tayan

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Social media is one of the most important and effective means of social interaction among people in which they create, share and exchange their ideas via photos, videos or voice messages. Although there are lots of communication tools, social media sites are the most prominent ones that allows the users articulate themselves in a matter of seconds all around the world with almost any expenses and thus, they became very popular and widespread after its emergence. As the usage of social media increases, it becomes an effective instrument in social matters. While it is possible to use social media to emphasize basic human rights and protest some failures of any government as in “Arab Spring”, it is also possible to spread propaganda and misinformation just to cause long lasting insurgency, upheaval, turmoil or disorder as an instrument of intervention to internal affairs and state sovereignty by some hostile groups or countries. It is certain that “social media” has positive effects on democracies letting people have chance to express themselves and to organize, but it is also obvious that the misuse of it, is very common that even a five-minute-long video can cause to wage a campaign against a country. Although it looks anti-democratic, when you consider the catastrophic effects of misuse of social media, it is a kind of area that serious precautions are to be taken without limiting democratic rights while allowing constant and perpetual share but preventing the criminal events. This article begins with the current developments in social media and gives some examples on misuse of it. Second part tries to put emphasize on the legal basis that can prevent criminal activities and the upheavals and insurgencies against state security. Last part makes comparison between democratic countries and international organizations’’ actions against such activities and proposes some further actions that are compatible with democratic norms.

Keywords: democracy, disorder, security, Social Media

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Authors: Temitope Francis Abiodun

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The practice of intelligence is not limited to the machinery of a nation state alone, yet not much research or analysis has been directed towards the spy-crafts and tradecrafts engaged in by violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the international community. The rise of 'private sector intelligence' in more recent years has only just begun to be interrogated by practitioners and academics. However, the use of intelligence by insurgents and other groups assembled to achieve varied forms of politico-military outcomes has often been overlooked. This paper examined the factors and conditions that gave rise to an increase in violent non-state actors (VNSAs), strategies aiding their deployment of insurgent intelligence, and as well the implications of their activities on global security. The failed state theory was adopted, while a descriptive research design served as the framework for the study. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources. The paper, however, revealed there were massive deployments of insurgent intelligence by violent non-state actors in contrast to a faulty pre-conception that insurgents were not as highly trained in deployment of intelligence as state actors, having assumed that the VNSAs lacked the sophistication to produce intelligence. However, the strategic objectives of insurgents (VNSAs) were revealed to depend on well-organized information gathering operations that feed into the tactical executions of their insurgency. The paper recommends, therefore, there is a need for adequate training on the part of security personnel in the states to be alive to their responsibilities; and there is also a need to ensure adequate border control and management to checkmate the influx of the various violent or deadly movements across global frontiers.

Keywords: terrorism, non-violent state actors, private sector intelligence, security

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Authors: Okpu Enoh Ndip Nkongho

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The type of political leadership in place impacts a state's economic development or underdevelopment directly and indirectly. One of the main challenges to Cameroon's economic development may be ineffective or misguided political leadership. The economy of the Cameroon state has declined significantly due to a number of factors, including a lack of effective and feasible economic policies, a reliance on crude oil that is excessive, tribal politics, the threat of insurgency, bribery, and corruption, violations of human rights, neglect of other sectors like science, technology, education, and transportation, and a careless attitude on the part of the administrators toward the general public. As a result, the standard of living has decreased, foreign exchange has decreased, and the value of the Cameroonian currency has depreciated. Therefore, from 2000 to 2023, this paper focused on the relationship between political leadership and economic development in Cameroon and offered suggestions for improving political leadership that will, in turn, lead to the country's economy getting back on track. The study employed a qualitative technique, with the framework for the investigation derived from the trait theory of leadership. According to the information provided above, the paper was able to conclude that there is a lack of cooperation between the three branches of government in Cameroon. This is shown in situations when one branch operates independently of the others and refuses to function as a backup when needed. The study recommended that the Executive collaborate closely with the National Assembly to speed action on some key legislation required to stimulate economic development. On the other hand, there is a need for more clarity and consistency in the government's policy orientation. There is no doubt that our current economic troubles are at least partially the result of a lack of economic policy leadership and confidence.

Keywords: politics, leadership, economic, development, Cameroon

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Authors: Ali Christian Chinedu, Asogwa Vincent Chidindu, Ejiofor Toochukwu Eleazar, Okadi Ashagwu Ojang

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The increasing rate of Boko Haram insurgency, farmer-herder clashes, and kidnapping in Nigeria has resulted in food shortages and high cost of protein sources like beef and fish. This challenge could be curbed with the production of edible insects, which contain several nutritional benefits like calories, protein, fat, vitamins, and minerals, depending on their species, metamorphic stage, and diet. Unfortunately, the benefits and competencies in producing, preserving, and marketing edible insects are still unknown to the public, including prospective farmers in Nigeria. Hence, this study determined teachers’ perception of integrating edible insects into the Animal Husbandry Curriculum in Senior Secondary Schools in Nigeria to equip the future generation with the relevant competencies for alternative sustainable protein supply. The study was carried out in Enugu State, Nigeria. The participants for the study comprised 162 agricultural science teachers. A questionnaire titled: Edible Insects Integration in Animal Husbandry Curriculum Questionnaire (EIIAHCQ) was used to collect data using a descriptive survey research design. We conducted data collection with the help of six research assistants. The study identified 11 objectives, 11 contents, 10 teaching methods, and 9 evaluation methods that could be integrated into the existing curriculum of animal husbandry in Nigeria. Among others, the Ministry of Education should integrate the finding of this study into the curriculum of Animal Husbandry in Nigeria to enhance the protein supply and curb food insecurity now and in the future.

Keywords: animal husbandry curriculum, edible insects, entomophagy, integration, secondary school, Nigeria

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Authors: Lawan Ja’afar Tahir

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This research work centered on the problem of free Arms flow around the Nigeria and Chad Border. The whole of the northeastern Nigerian region has been devastated by the crisis of insecurity facilitated by more than a decade of insurgency. One of the major issues of concern to security experts and personnel in the country is how the insurgents are getting access to weapons, which gave them more strength to fight the war for this long period, which has become so difficult to overcome. Among the possible avenues that continue to strengthen the enemies is the easy access to the arms flow from the neighboring countries, especially the Republic of Chad, which borders Nigeria to the east, where Boko Haram gained firm roots. This paper, therefore, looked at the nature of the waterway of the Nigeria/Chad Border, which has become a source of strength to the insurgents as the flow of weapons is one of the cheapest things on the Border. The availability of such arms flow has also led to the People abandoning their lands and economic and commercial activities, especially those settlements between the Border of these two countries. For more than eight years now, they have suspended their livelihood activities, roads were blocked and chances of survival in the rural areas were minimal due to the frequent attacks carried out by the insurgents. However, this research looks at the causes of the arms flow along the Border of these neighboring countries, the extent of damage done as a result of the availability of the weapons, and how far the Nigerian government has gone in curtailing the menace of the flow of dangerous weapons into the country. The research looked at the ways arm dealers are conniving with settlers along the border as well as the various ways they followed to reach their target. The work provided suggestion as to how the fragile Border should be managed with the view to reduce the influx of arms without control, which, according to this research, is the central factor that continues to unleash and give terror groups the opportunity to destroy people for more than a decade.

Keywords: border, insecurity, weapons, management

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Authors: Mukhtar Sarkin-Kebbi

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Insurgency, religious extremism and other related religious crises become hydra-headed in Nigeria, which caused destruction of human lives and properties worth of billions naira. As result, millions people were displaced and million children were out of school most of whom from Muslims community. The wrong teaching and misinterpretation of Islam by some Muslim community fuel the spread of extremist ideology hatred among Muslim sects, non-Muslims and emergency of extremist groups, like Boko Haram. A multi-religious country like Nigeria to realise its development in all human aspects, there must be unity and religious tolerance. Many agreed that changing the ideologies of insurgents and religious extremism will require intellectual role with vigorous campaign. Muslim scholars can play a vital role in promoting social reform and peaceful coexistence. This paper discusses the importance of unity among Muslim community and religious tolerance in light of the Qur’an and the Hadith. The paper also reviews the relationship between Muslims and non Muslims during the life time the Prophet (S.A.W.) in order to serve as exemplary model. Contemporary issues such as religious extremism, sectarians, intolerance and their consequences were examined. To minify religious intolerance and extremism,the paper identifies the roles to be played by Muslim scholars with references from Qur’an and Sunnah. The paper concludes that to realise overall human development and eternal salvation, Muslim should shun away from any religious crises and embrace unity and religious tolerance. Finally the paper recommends among others that only pious and learned scholars should be allowed to preach in any religious gathering, Muslim should exercise patience, tolerance in dealing with Muslims and non Muslims. Muslims should leave by example from the teaching of Qur’an and Sunnah of the Prophet (S.A.W.).

Keywords: Muslim scholars, peace building, religious extremism, religious tolerance

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Authors: Jonathan K. Hill

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The transportation networks throughout Africa remain the only transportation infrastructure system in the world that is attacked by terrorists at a high frequency, so the international community can learn from each attack. The targeting of transportation should be recognized as a direct attack against a civilian population, so the international community should work to better understand the types of attacks utilized, the types of improvised explosive device designs adapted to transportation targets, and the ways the various modes of transportation have been attacked throughout the continent. Some countries have seen grenade attacks that have resulted in only injuries, while some countries have experienced large vehicle bombings that have resulted in hundreds of injuries and numerous deaths. With insurgencies, explosive devices have been small, complex, and generally target an enemy of the insurgency. With terrorist bombings, the explosive devices have been large, brazen, and targeted at civilian populations. And, these civilian populations are easily targeted within the transportation system. The presentation provided by Assess Africa LLC is titled ‘Evolution of Bombings Against Transportation Infrastructure’ and covers improvised explosive device characteristics, how improvised explosive devices have been adapted to transportation targets in Africa, analyses recent incidents, and provides some advice for effective protective measures. A main component of the improvised explosive device characteristics portion of the presentation focuses on the link between explosive device components, the intelligence network, and the bomb-builder’s network. By understanding the components, how the use of various components can be linked to a terrorist group’s capabilities, and how the bomb-builder acquires materials, the analysis of improvised explosive device attacks takes on a new direction – one that focuses on defeating the network instead of merely reviewing incidents of the past.

Keywords: Africa, bombings, critical infrastructure protection, transportation security

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Authors: Lubem Matthew Kwaghkor

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Terrorism, which remains one of the largest threats faced by various nations and communities around the world, including Nigeria, is the calculated use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population to attain particular goals that might be political, religious, or economical. Several terrorist groups are currently active in Nigeria, leading to attacks on both civil and military targets. Among these groups, Boko Haram is the deadliest terrorist group operating majorly in Borno State. The southern part of Borno State in North-Eastern Nigeria has been plagued by terrorism, insurgency, and conflict for several years. Understanding the dynamics of terrorism is crucial for developing effective strategies to mitigate its impact on communities and to facilitate peace-building efforts. This research aims to develop a mathematical model that captures the dynamics of terrorism within the southern part of Borno State, Nigeria, capturing both government and local community intervention strategies as control measures in combating terrorism. A compartmental model of five nonlinear differential equations is formulated. The model analyses show that a feasible solution set of the model exists and is bounded. Stability analyses show that both the terrorism free equilibrium and the terrorism endermic equilibrium are asymptotically stable, making the model to have biological meaning. Optimal control theory will be employed to identify the most effective strategy to prevent or minimize acts of terrorism. The research outcomes are expected to contribute towards enhancing security and stability in Southern Borno State while providing valuable insights for policymakers, security agencies, and researchers. This is an ongoing research.

Keywords: modelling, terrorism, optimal control, susceptible, non-susceptible, community intervention

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Authors: Lorenzo Buti

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This paper investigates the nature of democratic action through a critical reading of Claude Lefort’s notion of the democratic ‘regime’. Lefort provides one of the most innovative accounts of the essential features of a democratic regime. According to him, democracy is a political regime that acknowledges the indeterminacy of a society and stages it as a contestation between competing political actors. As such, democracy provides the symbolic markers of society’s openness towards the future. However, despite their democratic features, the recent decades in late capitalist societies attest to a sense of the future becoming fixed and predetermined. This suggests that Lefort’s conception of democracy harbours a misunderstanding of the character and experience of democratic action. This paper examines this underlying tension in Lefort’s work. It claims that Lefort underestimates how a democratic regime, next to its symbolic function, also takes a materially constituted form with its particular dynamics of power relations. Lefort’s systematic dismissal of this material dimension for democratic action can lead to the contemporary paradoxical situation where democracy’s symbolic markers are upheld (free elections, public debate, dynamic between government and opposition in parliament,…) but the room for political decision-making is constrained due to a myriad of material constraints (e.g., market pressures, institutional inertias). The paper draws out the implications for the notion of democratic action. Contra Lefort, it argues that democratic action necessarily targets the material conditions that impede the capacity for decision-making on the basis of equality and liberty. This analysis shapes our understanding of democratic action in two ways. First, democratic action takes an asymmetrical, insurgent form, as a contestation of material power relations from below. Second, it reveals an ambivalent position vis-à-vis the political regime: democratic action is symbolically made possible by the democratic dispositive, but it contests the constituted form that the democratic regime takes.

Keywords: Claude Lefort, democratic action, material constitution, political regime

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Authors: A. Yakub AbdurRaheem

Abstract:

Urban violence in the form of ethnic and religious conflicts have been on the increase in many African cities in the recent years of which most of them are the result of intense and bitter competition for political power, the control of limited economic, social and environmental resources. In Nigeria, the emergence of the Boko Haram insurgency in most parts of the northeastern parts have ignited violence, bloodshed, refugee exodus and internal migration. Not only do the persistent attacks of the sect create widespread insecurity and fear, but it has also stifled normal processes of trade and investments most especially real property investment which is acclaimed to accelerate the economic cycle, thus the need to evolve strategies for an improved property market in such areas. This paper, therefore, examines the impact of this social crisis on effective and efficient utilization of real properties as a resource towards the development of the economy, using a descriptive analysis approach where particular emphasis was based on trends in residential housing values; volume of estimated property transactions and real estate investment decisions by affected individuals. Findings indicate that social crisis in the affected areas have been a clog on the wheels of property development and investment as properties worth hundreds of millions have been destroyed thereby having great impact on property values. Based on these findings, recommendations were made to include the need to strategically continue investing in property during such times, the need for Nigerian government to establish an active conflict monitoring and management unit for the prompt response, encourage community and neighborhood policing to ameliorate security challenges in Nigeria.

Keywords: social crisis, economy, resources, property market

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Authors: Babatunde Joel Todowede

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It is a public knowledge that lack of quality and qualitative education breeds problems besetting Nigeria as a nation today. This paper entitled “Quality and Qualitative Education for all, panacea for insecurity and political unrest in Nigeria” seeks to explore how quality and qualitative education for all will tends to put an end to insecurity and political unrest in Nigeria as a Nation. It may be pertinent to note at this juncture that the development of any modern society or nation is primarily hinged on the functionality of its educational system. There is no developed nation in the world today, which does not owe its advancement to quality and qualitative education. In other words, Education is a vital instrument in the nation’s economic competitiveness, in its people, and in its communities. Hence, Education is not luxury to be cut in difficult economic times – it is an essential element of growth. In fact, education is the bedrock of any society that hopes to be numbered among the developed economies in the world. Nigeria, as a nation, has made continual efforts to assume its rightful place in education on the African continent, but has not been quite lucky. Interestingly however, Quality and Qualitative Education for all will come about if all stakeholders in the Education Sector perform their roles with skill and efficiency. Education is a very sensitive area, hence, needs to be passionate about education, and focused on building a future for the sector.” Quality and qualitative education instill significant core values in every student, which shape them into mature, caring and independent individuals. These values include commitment, collaboration, integrity, responsibility and respect. By imbibing these values in every aspect of their life, they are able to contribute their skills and talents while supporting each other in attaining their lifelong goals. This paper identified lack of proper education as the bane of insecurity and political unrest in the Country and urged the government to review the policy in a way that there will be quality and standard to check insurgency in the Country. More so, until the fallen standard of education in Nigeria is fixed to engage out of school children, the incessant attack on innocent Nigerians, particularly in the North East may get worse.

Keywords: quality and qualitative education, panacea, insecurity, political unrest

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Authors: Abdur Raheem, Ado Yakub

Abstract:

Urban violence in the form of ethnic and religious conflicts have been on the increase in many African cities in the recent years of which most of them are the result of intense and bitter competition for political power, the control of limited economic, social and environmental resources. In Nigeria, the emergence of the Boko Haram insurgency in most parts of the north eastern parts have ignited violence, bloodshed, refuge exodus and internal migration. Not only do the persistent attacks of the sect create widespread insecurity and fear, it has also stifled normal processes of trade and investments most especially real property investment which is acclaimed to accelerate the economic cycle, thus the need to evolve strategies for an improved property market in such areas. This paper, therefore, examines the impact of these social crisis on effective and efficient utilization of real properties as a resource towards the development of the economy, using a descriptive analysis approach where particular emphasis was based on trends in residential housing values; volume of estimated property transactions and real estate investment decisions by affected individuals. Findings indicate that social crisis in the affected areas have been a clog on the wheels of property development and investment as properties worth hundreds of millions have been destroyed thereby having great impact on property values. Based on these findings, recommendations were made to include the need to strategically continue investing in property during such times, the need for Nigerian government to establish an active conflict monitoring and management unit for prompt response, encourage community and neighbourhood policing to ameliorate security challenges in Nigeria.

Keywords: social crisis, property market, economy, resources, north-eastern Nigeria

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Authors: Adebola Adedugbe

Abstract:

The challenge of post-harvest losses poses serious threats for food security in Nigeria and the north-eastern part with the country losing about $9billion annually due to postharvest losses in the sector. Post-harvest loss (PHL) is the quantitative and qualitative loss of food in various post-harvest operations. In Nigeria, post-harvest losses (PHL) have been a major challenge to food security and improved farmer’s income. In 2022, the Nigerian government had said over 30 percent of food produced by Nigerian farmers perish during post-harvest. For many in northeast Nigeria, agriculture is the predominant source of livelihood and income. The persistent communal conflicts, flood, decade-old attacks by boko haram and insurgency in this region have disrupted farming activities drastically, with farmlands becoming insecure and inaccessible as communities are forced to abandon ancestral homes, The impact of climate change is also affecting agricultural and fishing activities, leading to shortage of food supplies, acute hunger and loss of livelihood. This has continued to impact negatively on the region and country’s food production and availability making it loose billions of US dollars annually in income in this sector. The root cause of postharvest losses among others in crops, livestock and fisheries are lack of modern post-harvest equipment, chemical and lack of technologies used for combating losses. The 2019 Global Hunger Index showed Nigeria’s case was progressing from a ‘serious to alarming level’. As part of measures to address the problem of post-harvest losses experienced by farmers, the federal government of Nigeria concessioned 17 silos with 6000 metric tonne storage space to private sector to enable farmers to have access to storage facilities. This paper discusses the causes, effects and solutions in handling post-harvest losses and optimize returns on food security in northeast Nigeria.

Keywords: farmers, food security, northeast Nigeria, postharvest loss

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Authors: Syed Sibtain Hussain Shah

Abstract:

The Afghan Taliban returned to power corridors in Afghanistan in August 2021 after waging a twenty-year insurgency in the country. U.S.-led forces completed their withdrawal from Afghanistan on August 30, 2021, but the Taliban took control of the whole country till August 15, 2021. At the same time, some of the militant groups such as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Islamic State Khurasan (IS-K) reappeared in Pakistan’s borders and other areas and by increasing attacks on the armed forces of Pakistan and minorities communities. These groups once again created a crucial challenge to the internal security of the country. Since mid of 2021, many of the terrorist incidents in the countries specified in the areas of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan were committed by TTP and IS-K. The aim of this paper is to investigate the reappearance of TTP and IS-K in 2021 and 2022 as a crucial threat to the internal security of Pakistan. The author will particularly probe threats to the security of military personnel and their installations and threats to human security, including danger to religious minority communities in the different areas of the country, including border areas such as Waziristan, which was once a hub of TTP and other militant groups in the 2000s. The author will employ the relevant method and appropriate theories of security studies, such as religious extremism and terrorism, in this study. TTP, inspired by the Afghan Taliban, initially emerged in Pakistan in 2007 and this group has so far targeted various religious and ethnic communities and government installations in Pakistan. The group is not only against Pakistan’s government policies, but it also committed terrorist attacks on the communities of the other Muslim sects and as well as non-Muslim communities. Most of the prominent figures of this violent group disappeared or escaped to Afghanistan after military actions, such as the larger “Zarb-e-Azb” operation in Pakistan in 2015. IS-K, which established its branch of Khurasan covering Pakistan and Afghanistan in 2015, with its main formation in Iraq and Syria in 2015, by targeting religious minorities such as Shia Muslims, has so far created a vital security challenge for the security of the country.

Keywords: Pakistan, Afghanistan, Afghan Taliban, Pakistani Taliban, Islamic state Khorasan, security threat

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Authors: Haian Dukhan

Abstract:

The death of Hafez al-Assad and the ascension of his son, Bashar, to rule brought an end to the state-society dynamics that his father worked on for decades. Hafez al-Assad built an authoritarian state that rests on patronage networks that connected his regime to the society. During Bashar’s reign, these patronage relationships have been affected by the policies of privatization and liberalization. Privatization and liberalisation of the economy have created new economic and social players that transformed the populist nature of the authoritarian regime into a regime that is connected mainly with bourgeoisie and the upper class neglecting the rural tribal constituency that was a vital part of Hafez al-Assad’s authoritarian state. Drawing on different data gathered through interviews as well as written literature, this paper will explore the policies that Bashar al-Assad carried out towards the Arab tribes in the period extended from 2000 until 2010. The paper starts by outlining how Bashar al-Assad narrowed the coalition of his rule to depend mainly on his family, the city merchants excluding the lower and middle strata in the periphery. It will then trace the disintegration of the social contract between the regime and the Arab tribe as a result of the latter’s failure to deliver adequate development services in their regions. Losing the support of the tribes undermined the stability of the regime resulting in different clashes between the tribes themselves, the tribes and the Kurds, the tribes and the druze (a sect of Islam situated in Southern Syria), which will be investigated in detail in this paper. In similar policies adopted by his father who used the tribes as leverage against the Islamists and the Kurds, Bashar al-Assad’s regime encouragement of Syrian tribal youth to join the Iraqi insurgency against the Americans will be explored in detail. The regime’s tolerance of Iran missionary activities in the tribal regions and its accommodation of Islamists group’s activities in those regions have erased the regime’s secular foundation. This paper will argue that Bashar al-Assad’s policies towards the Arab tribes have chipped away the regime’s ideological pillars and threatened the longer-term cohesion of its social base which paved the way for the uprising to start in the tribal regions.

Keywords: Syria, tribes, uprising, regime

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Authors: Uzma Ahmad

Abstract:

hyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) is the most turbulent province of Pakistan, sharing a longborder with Afghanistan. For about four decades, KPK is facing a series of international events. The peak was reached after 9/11when region was labelled as posing a major theatre of militancy and terrorism which was intensified when Tehrik Taliban Pakistan (TTP) began attempts to seize the authority of state. One of the main focus of TTP was to damage and uprooting of female education system and infrastructure in KPK which later became the site of a massacre of school children of Army Public School Peshawar on 16 December 2014.It resulted to the launching of Zarb-e-Azb against the TTP insurgency,casualty and crime rates in the KPKas a whole dropped by 40.0% as compared to 2011–13. All this has badly hampered the female education both in terms of quantity and quality. Malala Yousafzai who is now an advocate of female education has been a victim of Talibans brutality in that area. And thelanguage in which she managed to express herself to the International community is English.Keeping in view the situation, the present project was designed with a sole aim to focus on female students of the area which are few in numbers and to investigate some specific area, where they have been confronting problems in the use of grammar, vocabulary,tenses and organization of ideas in writings. The reasons might be the careless attitude, insufficient reading habits, lack of interest and poor knowledge of English language. The methodology was a descriptive one as it shows the effects of the internal efficiency(independent variables) on an intermediate college’s progress(dependent variables). It was a case study since data was collected from a focused group of 60 female students of arts and humanities at Swabi college at Intermediate level. The ultimate focus was to explore the possibilities of creating a Gender friendly environment for female students. This research has proved how the correct use of English language has given them confidence to move ahead side by side with men and to acknowledge their right of self-determination.

Keywords: capacity building, female education, gender friendly, internal efficiency

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