Search results for: political agenda

Authors: Iulia Elena Gîță

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According to the sociological theory of literature, constraints on the creation and share of cultural works can be placed between two extremes: one with a high level of politicization and the other with a high level of commercialization. The overall objective of the present research is to follow the principles of Sociology of Translation to closely map and analyse the publishing activity of Romania concerning China and Chinese literature during four stages of Romanian history between 1948-2018. This paper proposes, thus, an extended approach to literature, to its cultural, political and economic reception. In achieving the proposed objectives, the research expands far beyond the literary text itself, to its macro context, analysing, through quantitative research methods, a statistical database created based on two phases - the first part containing literary and non-fictional works that address and discuss issues related to China; the second part includes literary translations of Chinese literature into Romanian, either by direct translation or by an intermediate language. Throughout this paper we will map not only the number of works, but also the topics approached by writers along the two periods of the political life of Romania.

Keywords: bilateral relations, Chinese literature, intercultural understanding, international relations, socio-cultural reception, socio-political constraints, publishing

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Authors: Umar Hayat, Shahid Ali, Lala Rukh

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Foreign aid is one of the critical variables that promote economic growth. This paper is an attempt to examine the long-run relationship between foreign aid and economic growth for Pakistan over the period of 1972 to 2021. This study uses Johnson's co-integration technique to investigate the long-run relationship among the variables in the model. For short-run dynamics, we utilized the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). The results strongly support the conventional view about aid-led growth. The analysis of the impact of aid on growth both at the micro and the macro levels generally gives different results. The result shows that in the short run inference of foreign aid under the nondemocratic form of government is significant negatively, while foreign aid does not affect economic growth in the case of democratic government.

Keywords: foreign aid, economic growth, political regimes, developing economy

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Authors: Süleyman Hakan Yilmaz, Yasemin Gülsen Yilmaz

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The Gezi Park protests of 2013 have significantly changed the Turkish agenda and its effects have been felt historically. The protests, which rapidly spread throughout the country, were triggered by the proposal to recreate the Ottoman Army Barracks to function as a shopping mall on Gezi Park located in Istanbul’s Taksim neighbourhood despite the oppositions of several NGOs and when trees were cut in the park for this purpose. Once the news that construction vehicles entered the park on May 27 spread on social media, activists moved into the park to stop the demolition, against whom the police used disproportioned force. With this police intervention and the then prime-minister Tayyip Erdoğan's insistent statements about the construction plans, the protests turned into anti-government demonstrations, which then spread to the rest of the country, mainly in big cities like Ankara and Izmir. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ June 23rd reports, 2.5 million people joined the demonstrations in 79 provinces, that is all of them, except for the provinces of Bayburt and Bingöl, while even more people shared their opinions via social networks. As a result of these events, 8 civilians and 2 security personnel lost their lives, namely police chief Mustafa Sarı, police officer Ahmet Küçükdağ, citizens Mehmet Ayvalıtaş, Abdullah Cömert, Ethem Sarısülük, Ali İsmail Korkmaz, Ahmet Atakan, Berkin Elvan, Burak Can Karamanoğlu, Mehmet İstif, and Elif Çermik, and 8163 more were injured. Besides being a turning point in Turkish history, the Gezi Park protests also had broad repercussions in both in Turkish and in global media, which focused on Turkey throughout the events. Our study conducts content analysis of three Turkish reporting newspapers with varying ideological standpoints, Hürriyet, Cumhuriyet ve Yeni Şafak, in order to reveal their basic approach to columns casting in context of the Gezi Park protests. Columns content relating to the Gezi protests were treated and analysed for this purpose. The aim of this study is to understand the social effects of the Gezi Park protests through media samples with varying political attitudes towards news casting.

Keywords: Gezi Park, media, news casting, columns

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Authors: Jorge Cortés, Alejandra Martínez, Carlos Pérez, Anaid Simón

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The presence of government, news media, and general citizenry in social media allows considering interactions between them as a form of political communication (i.e. the public exchange of contradictory discourses about politics). Twitter’s asymmetrical following model (users can follow, mention or reply to other users that do not follow them) could foster alternative democratic practices and have an impact on Mexican political culture, which has been marked by a lack of direct communication channels between these actors. The research aim is to assess Twitter’s role in political communication practices through the analysis of interaction dynamics between government, news media, and citizens by extracting and visualizing data from Twitter’s API to observe general behavior patterns. The hypothesis is that regardless the fact that Twitter’s features enable direct and horizontal interactions between actors, users repeat traditional dynamics of interaction, without taking full advantage of the possibilities of this medium. Through an interdisciplinary team including Communication Strategies, Information Design, and Interaction Systems, the activity on Twitter generated by the controversy over the presence of Uber in Mexico City was analysed; an issue of public interest, involving aspects such as public opinion, economic interests and a legal dimension. This research includes techniques from social network analysis (SNA), a methodological approach focused on the comprehension of the relationships between actors through the visual representation and measurement of network characteristics. The analysis of the Uber event comprised data extraction, data categorization, corpus construction, corpus visualization and analysis. On the recovery stage TAGS, a Google Sheet template, was used to extract tweets that included the hashtags #UberSeQueda and #UberSeVa, posts containing the string Uber and tweets directed to @uber_mx. Using scripts written in Python, the data was filtered, discarding tweets with no interaction (replies, retweets or mentions) and locations outside of México. Considerations regarding bots and the omission of anecdotal posts were also taken into account. The utility of graphs to observe interactions of political communication in general was confirmed by the analysis of visualizations generated with programs such as Gephi and NodeXL. However, some aspects require improvements to obtain more useful visual representations for this type of research. For example, link¬crossings complicates following the direction of an interaction forcing users to manipulate the graph to see it clearly. It was concluded that some practices prevalent in political communication in Mexico are replicated in Twitter. Media actors tend to group together instead of interact with others. The political system tends to tweet as an advertising strategy rather than to generate dialogue. However, some actors were identified as bridges establishing communication between the three spheres, generating a more democratic exercise and taking advantage of Twitter’s possibilities. Although interactions in Twitter could become an alternative to political communication, this potential depends on the intentions of the participants and to what extent they are aiming for collaborative and direct communications. Further research is needed to get a deeper understanding on the political behavior of Twitter users and the possibilities of SNA for its analysis.

Keywords: interaction, political communication, social network analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Ali Musbah Mohamed Elwahishi

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Democracy is demand for the majority of people in the whole world, Specifically in the regions that are still outside the democratic life such as Libya and other Arab countries. Although democracy has spread across the world through three waves of democratization, Libya is still outside the democratic process, even recently its regime has changed. The challenges of democracy in Libya are not new, they represent accumulations over time that impeded to achieve this goal. This paper concludes that the absence of democracy in Libya because of set of factors that include: colonial legacy, oil wealth, the lack of institutions, the lack of political parties, tribal factor and recently the spread of the armed groups. These factors prevented Libya to be democratic state whether during King Idris’, Qaddafi’s or even after Qaddafi rule.

Keywords: the failure of democracy, political transition, the lack of institutions, Libya, Arab countries

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Authors: Abdul Wahab Rahimi

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This research examines the role of discursive strategies in the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan, where political pressure, press freedom, and independent media work together, and language plays a vital role in implementing these strategies. Critical Discourse Analysis was conducted to describe the connection between language usage and the exercise of power by analyzing news stories related to women’s rights. This research focuses on 11 months of chronologically collected data from two mainstream television channels in Afghanistan: Tolo News and Ariana News. The findings show that Tolo News sustains and justifies juxtaposition and political critics’ discursive strategies to address women’s rights issues, criticize government policies, and deal with political pressure. At the same time, Ariana News follows the factual narrative strategy, practices self-censorship, and skips or partially focuses on the objective reporting of sensitive issues. The research concludes that the domestic media in Afghanistan follows the media policy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by covering sensitive issues and marginalizing women's rights issues in the media discourse.

Keywords: discursive strategies, Taliban, TV Channel, news stories, self-censorship, women's rights.

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Authors: Tao Peng

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This paper presents a holistic model of political economy based on Daoism – the foundational philosophy of classical Chinese epistemology. Daoism is both comprehensive and subtle in its manifestations and applications in all aspects of nature and society. Based on Daoist creation theory of the universe, life theory and five element functioning theory, a holistic model in economics with minimal assumptions and independent of ideology are constructed. Under this framework, different schools of economics, such as neo-liberal, Marxism, and Austrian school, are explored and shed new light on. Economic and financial predictions can be realized in applications to Qi Men Dun Jia. This framework can provide guidelines and inspirations to economic modelling, economic policies formulation and strategy development and guide society towards a more sustainable future.

Keywords: daoism, economics, holistic, philosophy

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Authors: Izabela Kapsa

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Civic participation is an important aspect of democracy. The contemporary model of democracy is based on citizens' participation in political decision-making (deliberative democracy, participatory democracy). This participation takes many forms of activities like display of slogans and symbols, voting, social consultations, political demonstrations, membership in political parties or organizing civil disobedience. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 are characterized by great social, economic and political diversity. Civil society is also part of the process of democratization. Civil society, funded by the rule of law, civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association and private ownership, was to play a central role in the development of liberal democracy. Among the many interpretations of concepts, defining the concept of contemporary democracy, one can assume that the terms civil society and democracy, although different in meaning, nowadays overlap. In the post-communist countries, the process of shaping and maturing societies took place in the context of a struggle with a state governed by undemocratic power. State fraud or repudiation of the institution is a representative state, which in the past was the only way to manifest and defend its identity, but after the breakthrough became one of the main obstacles to the development of civil society. In Central and Eastern Europe, there are many obstacles to the development of civil society, for example, the elimination of economic poverty, the implementation of educational campaigns, consciousness-related obstacles, the formation of social capital and the deficit of social activity. Obviously, civil society does not only entail an electoral turnout but a broader participation in the decision-making process, which is impossible without direct and participative democratic institutions. This article considers such broad forms of civic participation and their characteristics in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper is attempts to analyze the functioning of electronic forms of civic participation in Central and Eastern European states. This is not accompanied by a referendum or a referendum initiative, and other forms of political participation, such as public consultations, participative budgets, or e-Government. However, this paper will broadly present electronic administration tools, the application of which results from both legal regulations and increasingly common practice in state and city management. In the comparative analysis, the experiences of post-communist bloc countries will be summed up to indicate the challenges and possible goals for further development of this form of citizen participation in the political process. The author argues that for to function efficiently and effectively, states need to involve their citizens in the political decision-making process, especially with the use of electronic tools.

Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, e-participation, e-government, post-communism

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Authors: Ernest Tambo, Ghislaine Madjou, Jeanne Y. Ngogang, Shenglan Tang, Zhou XiaoNong

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Implementing national to community-based 'One Health' surveillance approach for human, animal and environmental consequences mitigation offers great opportunities and value-added in sustainable development and wellbeing. 'One Health' surveillance approach global partnerships, policy commitment and financial investment are much needed in addressing the evolving threats and epidemics crises mitigation in African countries. The paper provides insights onto how China-Africa health development cooperation in promoting “One Health” surveillance approach in response advocacy and mitigation. China-Africa health development initiatives provide new prospects in guiding and moving forward appropriate and evidence-based advocacy and mitigation management approaches and strategies in attaining Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Early and continuous quality and timely surveillance data collection and coordinated information sharing practices in malaria and other diseases are demonstrated in Comoros, Zanzibar, Ghana and Cameroon. Improvements of variety of access to contextual sources and network of data sharing platforms are needed in guiding evidence-based and tailored detection and response to unusual hazardous events. Moreover, understanding threats and diseases trends, frontline or point of care response delivery is crucial to promote integrated and sustainable targeted local, national “One Health” surveillance and response approach needs implementation. Importantly, operational guidelines are vital in increasing coherent financing and national workforce capacity development mechanisms. Strengthening participatory partnerships, collaboration and monitoring strategies in achieving global health agenda effectiveness in Africa. At the same enhancing surveillance data information streams reporting and dissemination usefulness in informing policies decisions, health systems programming and financial mobilization and prioritized allocation pre, during and post threats and epidemics crises programs strengths and weaknesses. Thus, capitalizing on “One Health” surveillance and response approach advocacy and mitigation implementation is timely in consolidating Africa Union 2063 agenda and Africa renaissance capabilities and expectations.

Keywords: Africa, one health approach, surveillance, response

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Authors: Xuanyu Bai

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“The Communist Manifesto”, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is one of the most significant documents throughout the whole history which covers across different fields including Economic, Politic, Sociology and Philosophy. Instead of discussing the Communist ideas presented in the Communist Manifesto, the essay focuses on exploring the reasons that contributed to the popularization of the document and its influence on political revolutions in 19^th century Europe by concentrating on the document itself along with other primary and secondary sources and temporal artwork. Combining the details from the Communist Manifesto and other documents, Marx’s writing style and word choice, his convincible notions about a new society dominated by proletariats, and the revolutionary idea of class destruction has led to the popularization of the Communist Manifesto and influenced the latter political revolutions.

Keywords: communist manifesto, Marx, Engels, capitalism

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Authors: Julius Niba Fon, Jean Hude E. Moudingo

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Mangrove ecosystems in Cameroon are valuable both in services and functions as they play host to carbon sinks, fishery breeding grounds and natural coastal barriers against storms. In addition to the globally important biodiversity that they contain, they also contribute to local livelihoods. Despite these appraisals, a reduction of about 30 % over a 25 years period due to anthropogenic and natural actions has been recorded. The key drivers influencing mangrove change include population growth, climate change, economic and political trends and upstream habitat use. Reversing the trend of mangrove loss and growing vulnerability of coastal peoples requires a real commitment by the government to develop and implement robust level policies. It has been observed in Cameroon that special ecosystems like mangroves are insufficiently addressed by forestry and/or environment programs. Given these facts, the Food Agriculture Organization (FAO) in partnership with the Government of Cameroon and other development actors have put in place the project for sustainable community-based management and conservation of mangrove ecosystems in Cameroon. The aim is to address two issues notably the present weak institutional and legal framework for mangrove management, and the unrestricted and unsustainable harvesting of mangrove resources. Civil society organizations like the Cameroon Wildlife Conservation Society, Cameroon Ecology and Organization for the Environment and Development have been working to reduce the deforestation and degradation trend of Cameroon mangroves and also bringing the mangrove agenda to the fore in national and international arenas. Following a desktop approach, we found out that in situ and ex situ initiatives on mangrove management and conservation exist on propagation of improved fish smoke ovens to reduce fuel wood consumption, mangrove forest regeneration, shrimps farming and mangrove protected areas management. The evidence generated from the field experiences are inputs for processes of improving the legal and institutional framework for mangrove management in Cameroon, such as the elaboration of norms for mangroves management engaged by the government.

Keywords: mangrove ecosystem, legal and institutional framework, climate change, civil society organizations

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Authors: Vithul Kalki

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The mainstream political economy failed to explain the nature and causes of systemic failures and thus to compare and comprehend how contemporary capitalist systems work. An alternative research framework of Critical Macro-Finance (CMF) is an attempt to collaborate political theory with post-Keynesian economics with an objective to find answers to unresolved questions that emerged since the international financial crisis and repeated failures of capital systems. This unorthodox approach brings out four main propositions, namely : (a) that the adoption of American financial practices has anchored financial globalization in market-based finance; (b) that global finance is a set of interconnected, hierarchical balance sheets, increasingly subject to time-critical liquidity; (c) that credit creation in market-based finance involves new forms of money; and (d) that market-based finance structurally requires a de-risking state capable both of protecting systemic liabilities and creating new investment opportunities. The ongoing discussion of CMF literature is yet to be tested or even fully framed. This qualitative paper will critically examine the CMF framework and will engage in discussions aiming to connect the CMF with theories of capitalism in a wider context to bring a holistic approach for analyzing contemporary financial capitalism.

Keywords: critical macro-finance, capitalism, financial system, comparative political economy

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Simon Oga Egboja, Agi Sunday

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The government of Nigeria have invested so much in our tertiary education but the desire qualitative goals and objectives are yet to be achieved because management at all level are not efficient and effective in implementing the desired educational policies and programmes due to some management challenges. This paper investigates some of the major challenges to effective management of tertiary institution in Nigeria some variable that are important to effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers and condition of service.

Keywords: effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Maria Barriga

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The article focuses on the analysis of three images of the last five years that represent different visions of social groups in the context of the so call “Conflicto Mapuche” in la Araucanía, Chile. Using a multimodal social semiotic approach, we analyze the meaning making of these images and the social groups strategies to achieve visibility and recognition in political contexts. We explore the making and appropriation of symbols and concepts and analyze the different strategies that groups use to built hegemonic views. Among these strategies, we compare the use of digital technologies in design these images and the influence of Chilean Estate's vision on the Mapuche political conflict. Finally, we propose visual strategies to improve basic conditions for dialogue and recognition among these groups.

Keywords: visual culture, power, conflict, indigenous people

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Authors: Chinyama Lukama, Million Phiri, Namuunda Mutombo

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Background: Improving access and utilization to high-quality sexual and reproductive health (SRH) information and services, including family planning (FP) commodities, is central to the global developmental agenda of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Despite the importance of family planning use in enhancing maternal health outcomes and fertility reduction, the prevalence of adolescents and young women using modern contraception is generally low in SSA. Zambia is one of the countries in Southern Africa with a high prevalence of teenage pregnancies and fertility rates. Despite many initiatives that have been implemented to improve access and demand for family planning commodities, utilization of FP, especially among adolescents and young women, has generally been low. The objective of this research agenda was to better understand the determinants of modern contraceptive use in adolescents and young women in Zambia. This analysis produced findings that will be critical for informing the strengthening of sexual and reproductive health policy strategies aimed at bolstering the provision and use of maternal health services in order to further improve maternal health outcomes in the country. Method: The study used the recent data from the Demographic and Health Survey of 2018. A sample of 3,513 adolescents and young women (ADYW) were included in the analysis. Multilevel logistic regression models were employed to examine the association of individual and contextual factors with modern contraceptive use among adolescents and young women. Results: The prevalence of modern contraception among sexually active ADYW in Zambia was 38.1% [95% CI, 35.9, 40.4]. ADYW who had secondary or higher level education [aOR = 2.16, 95% CI=1.35–3.47], those with exposure to listening to the radio or watching television [aOR = 1.26, 95% CI=1.01–1.57], and those who had decision-making power at household level [aOR = 2.18, 95% CI=1.71–2.77] were more likely to use modern contraceptives. Conversely, strong neighborhood desire for large family size among ADYW [aOR = 0.65 95% CI = 0.47–0.88] was associated with less likelihood to use modern contraceptives. Community access to family planning information through community health worker visits increased the likelihood [aOR = 1.48, 95% CI=1.16–1.91] of using modern contraception among ADYW. Conclusion: The study found that both individual and community factors were key in influencing modern contraceptive use among adolescents and young women in Zambia. Therefore, when designing family planning interventions, the Government of Zambia, through its policymakers and sexual reproductive health program implementers at the Ministry of Health, in collaboration with stakeholders, should consider the community context. There should also be deliberate actions to encourage family planning education through the media.

Keywords: adolescents, young women, modern contraception use, fertility, family planning

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Authors: Zsuzsanna Fejes

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the legal history of constitutionalism in Hungary, in focus of the democratic transitions in 1989-1990, describing the historical and political background of the changes and presenting the main and most important features of the new democracy, and institutional and legal orders. In Hungary the evolved political, economic and moral crisis prior to the constitutional years 2010-11 had been such a constitutional moment, which led to an opportune and unavoidable change at the same time. The Hungarian constitutional power intended to adopt a new constitution, which was competent to create a common constitutional identity and to express a national unity. The Hungarian Parliament on 18th April 2011 passed the New Fundamental Law. The new Fundamental Law rich in national values meant a new challenge for the academics, lawyers, and political scientists. Not only the classical political science, but also the constitutional law and theory have to struggle with the interpretation of the new declarations about national constitutional values in the Fundamental Law. The main features and structure of the new Fundamental Law will be analysed, and given a detailed interpretation of the Preamble as a declaration of constitutional values. During the examination of the Preamble shall be cleared up the components of Hungarian statehood and national unity, individual and common human rights, the practical and theoretical demand on national sovereignty, and the content and possibilities for the interpretation of the achievements of the historical Constitution. These scopes of problems will be presented during the examination of the text of National Avowal, as a preamble of the Fundamental Law. It is examined whether the Fundamental Law itself could be suitable and sufficient means to citizens of Hungary to express the ideas therein as their own, it will be analysed how could the national and European common traditions, values and principles stated in the Fundamental Law mean maintenance in Hungary’s participation in the European integration.

Keywords: common constitutional values, constitutionalism, national identity, national sovereignty, national unity, statehood

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Authors: Rodziana M. Razali, Tamara J. Duraisingham

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Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol despite receiving the largest share of refugee inflows in Southeast Asia aside from Thailand. In Peninsular Malaysia, the majority of refugees and asylum seekers are from Myanmar, with Rohingya refugees recording the highest number compared to all other ethnicities. In the eastern state of Sabah, the presence of refugees who have long established themselves in the state is connected to those who escaped military persecution in southern Philippines in the 1970’s and 1980’s. A combination of legal and non-legal factors has created and sustained an adverse atmosphere of deprivation of legal identity for children of migrants including refugees born in Malaysia. This paper aims to qualitatively analyse the barriers to birth registration as the cornerstone of every person’s legal identity for children of refugees born in this country, together with the associated human rights implications. Data obtained through semi-structured interviews with refugees in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah and Rohingya refugees in Peninsular Malaysia shall be studied alongside secondary sources. Results show that births out of medical facilities, suspension of birth records, illiteracy, lack of awareness on the importance and procedures of birth registration, inability to meet documentary requirements, as well as fear of immigration enforcement, are the key factors hindering birth registration. These challenges exist against the backdrop of restrictive integration policy to avoid destabilising demographic and racial balance, political sentiment stirring xenophobic prejudices, as well as other economic and national security considerations. With no proof of their legal identity, the affected children grow up in a legal limbo, facing multiple human rights violations across generations. This research concludes that the country’s framework and practice concerning birth registration is in need of serious reform and improvement to reflect equality and universality of access to its birth registration system. Such would contribute significantly towards meeting its commitments to the post-2015 sustainable development agenda that pledges to 'Leave no one behind', as well as its recently announced National Human Rights Action Plan.

Keywords: birth registration, children, Malaysia, refugees

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Authors: A. T. Muruviwa

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To-date, the discourse on corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily centred on the actions and inactions of corporations; hence, the dominant focus on CSR has been on impacts and outcomes. The obscuring effect of this approach has, arguably, resulted in the emergence of what may be termed a ‘Northern’ agenda on CSR theory and practice, in contrast to an emergency ‘Southern’ discourse, which appears to highlight the crucial issues of poverty reduction, infrastructure development and the broader questions of social provisioning and community empowerment. Some scholars have explicitly called for a CSR research agenda that focuses on the 'reciprocal duties' of the stakeholders in the CSR process rather than fixate on the actions and inactions of business. It is against the backdrop of these contestations that this study assesses the reciprocal relationships amongst CSR stakeholders in a Zimbabwean platinum mining town, with a view to demonstrating how such relationships – and the expectations and obligations embedded in them – impact on the success or failure of CSR initiatives. The existence of mutual relations between the corporation and its stakeholders signifies the successes of CSR processes and hence the outcomes. The company is Zimplats Mining Company; the community is Mhondoro-Ngezi, and the stakeholders are clearly identified in the study. The study utilised a triangulated design, with data collected using a mini survey, focus groups, in-depth interview and observation. The key findings are that the CSR process in the study community is dominated by the mining company. Despite the existence of a CSR framework that recognises government, local leaders and community members as legitimate stakeholders, there is little evidence of concrete contributions made by these stakeholders towards the realisation of CSR objectives. As a result, the community development process – in so far as CSR is concerned – fails to address the developmental concerns of the various stakeholders. On the basis of these findings, the study concludes that there is a crisis of reciprocity in the CSR process in Mhondoro-Ngezi, and that a situation where the conceptualisation of local development needs and the deployment of specific development tools seems to be driven by one stakeholder almost to the exclusion of all others, can only present contradictory development outcomes. The significance of this study is that it allows for the development of a more nuanced and robust CSR discourse. Rather than focusing on the corporate and stakeholder perspectives and outcomes of CSR initiatives, this study examines the CSR- development nexus by interrogating the idea of reciprocal responsibility as a sin qua non to CSR success. This analytical strategy and focus allow the researcher to gain a clear understanding of how stakeholder relationships and duties influence CSR processes and also the overall outcome. At a more practical level, the findings of the study should help to shape the policy on corporate community relationships with a view to enhancing the role of mining in development.

Keywords: community development, processes, reciprocity, stakeholders

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Authors: Lawrence Ngalim

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The paucity of entrepreneurial finance in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) can plausibly be tied to her comparatively less-developed capital markets, which potentially hurts entrepreneurial activities. The high rate of informality in SSA worsens information asymmetry, which restricts the supply of funds in a heavily bank-led environment. In this paper, we ask whether the adoption of recent technological improvements in delivering financial services, such as crowdfunding, assists the financially excluded within Africa. Secondly, we investigate the individual determinants of crowdfunding, such as income, level of education, demographics, culture/trust, and the effects of crowdfunding on households’ usage of formal financial services. The paper discusses the long-term policy implications of this particular type of fintech in achieving financial inclusion within the regional bloc and its advantage for Africa-Agenda-2063.

Keywords: fintech, banks, entrepreneurship, regional integration

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

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The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Naziema B. Jappie

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Over the last 23 years leaders in government, political parties and universities have been spending much time on identifying and discussing various gaps in the system that impact systematically on students especially those from historically Black communities. Equity and access to higher education were two critical aspects that featured in achieving the transformation goals together with a funding model for those previously disadvantaged. Free education was not a feasible option for the government. Institutional leaders in higher education face many demands on their time and resources. Often, the time for crisis management planning or consideration of being proactive and preventative is not a standing agenda item. With many issues being priority in academia, people become complacent and think that crisis may not affect them or they will cross the bridge when they get to it. Historically South Africa has proven to be a country of militancy, strikes and protests in most industries, some leading to disastrous outcomes. Higher education was not different between October 2015 and late 2016 when the #Rhodes Must Fall which morphed into the # Fees Must Fall protest challenged the establishment, changed the social fabric of universities, bringing the sector to a standstill. Some institutional leaders and administrators were better at handling unexpected, high-consequence situations than others. At most crisis leadership is viewed as a situation more than a style of leadership which is usually characterized by crisis management. The objective of this paper is to show how institutions managed catastrophes of disastrous proportions, down through unexpected incidents of 2015/2016. The content draws on the vast past crisis management experience of the presenter and includes the occurrences of the recent protests giving an event timeline. Using responses from interviews with institutional leaders and administrators as well as students will ensure first-hand information on their experiences and the outcomes. Students have tasted the power of organized action and they demand immediate change, if not the revolt will continue. This paper will examine the approaches that guided institutional leaders and their crisis teams and sector crisis response. It will further expand on whether the solutions effectively changed governance in higher education or has it minimized the need for more protests. The conclusion will give an insight into the future of higher education in South Africa from a leadership perspective.

Keywords: crisis, governance, intervention, leadership, strategies, protests

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Authors: Lorenza Sganzetta, Nunzia Borrelli

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The research intends to reflect on the current mapping of the Food Strategies, on the reasons why in the planning objectives panorama, such sustainability priorities are located in those geographic areas and on the evolutions of these priorities of the Mediterranean planning dispositions. The whirling population growth that is affecting global cities is causing an enormous challenge to conventional resource-intensive food production and supply and the urgent need to face food safety, food security and sustainability concerns. Urban or Territorial Food Strategies can provide an interesting path for the development of this new agenda within the imperative principle of sustainability. In the specific, it is relevant to explore what ‘sustainability’ means within these policies. Most of these plans include actions related to four main components and interpretations of sustainability that are food security and safety, food equity, environmental sustainability itself and cultural identity and, at the designing phase, they differ slightly from each other according to the degree of approximation to one of these dimensions. Moving from these assumptions, the article would analyze some practices and policies representatives of different Food Strategies of the world and focus on the Mediterranean ones, on the problems and negative externalities from which they start, on the first interventions that are implementing and on their main objectives. We will mainly use qualitative data from primary and secondary collections. So far, an essential observation could have been made about the relationship between these sustainability dimensions and geography. In statistical terms, the US and Canadian policies tended to devote a large research space to health issues and access to food; those northern European showed a special attention to the environmental issues and the shortening of the chain; and finally the policies that, even in limited numbers, were being developed in the Mediterranean basin, were characterized by a strong territorial and cultural imprint and their major aim was to preserve local production and the contact between the productive land and the end consumer. Recently, though, Mediterranean food planning strategies are focusing more on health related and food accessibility issues and analyzing our diets not just as a matter of culture and territorial branding but as tools for reducing public health costs and accessibility to fresh food for everyone. The article would reflect then on how Food Safety, Food Security and Health are entering the new agenda of the Mediterranean Food Strategies. The research hypothesis suggests that the economic crisis that in the last years invested both producers and consumers had a significant impact on the nutrition habits and on the redefinition of food poverty, even in the fatherland of the healthy Mediterranean diet. This trend and other variables influenced the orientation and the objectives of the food strategies.

Keywords: food security, food strategy, health, sustainability

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Authors: Munqeth Othman Agha

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The historical formation of urban centres in the eastern Arab world was shaped by rapid urbanization and sudden transformation from the age of the pre-industrial to a post-industrial economy, coupled with uneven development, informal urban expansion, and constant surges in unemployment and poverty rates. The city was stratified accordingly as overlapping layers of division and inequality that have been built on top of each other, creating complex horizontal and vertical divisions based on economic, social, political, and ethno-sectarian basis. This has been further exacerbated during the neoliberal era, which transferred the city into a sort of dual city that is inhabited by heterogeneous and often antagonistic social groups. Economic deprivation combined with a growing sense of marginalization and inequality across the city planted the seeds of political instability, outbreaking in 2011. Unlike other popular uprisings that occupy central squares, as in Egypt and Tunisia, the Syrian uprising in 2011 took place mainly within inner streets and neighborhood squares, mobilizing primarily on more or less upon the lines of stratification. This has emphasized the role of micro-urban and social settings in shaping mobilization and resistance tactics, which necessitates us to understand the way the city was stratified and place it at the center of the city-conflict nexus analysis. This research aims to understand to what extent pre-conflict urban stratification lines played a role in determining the different trajectories of three cities’ neighborhoods (Homs, Dara’a and Deir-ez-Zor). The main argument of the paper is that the way the Syrian city has been stratified creates various social groups within the city who have enjoyed different levels of accessibility to life chances, material resources and social statuses. This determines their relationship with other social groups in the city and, more importantly, their relationship with the state. The advent of a political opportunity will be depicted differently across the city’s different social groups according to their perceived interests and threats, which consequently leads to either political mobilization or demobilization. Several factors, including the type of social structures, built environment, and state response, determine the ability of social actors to transfer the repertoire of contention to collective action or transfer from social actors to political actors. The research uses urban stratification lines as the basis for understanding the different patterns of political upheavals in urban areas while explaining why neighborhoods with different social and urban environment settings had different abilities and capacities to mobilize, resist state repression and then descend into a military conflict. It particularly traces the transformation from social groups to social actors and political actors by applying the Explaining-outcome Process-Tracing method to depict the causal mechanisms that led to including or excluding different neighborhoods from each stage of the uprising, namely mobilization (M1), response (M2), and control (M3).

Keywords: urban stratification, syrian conflict, social movement, process tracing, divided city

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Authors: Lei Ping

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The Western discourse of ‘modernity’ along with its objects, ideologies, and culture are brought to Imperial China by force of arms which confronted Chinese traditions. The struggle and conflicts between ‘Zhong’ (Chinese) and ‘Wai' (foreign), ‘Jiu’(Old) and ‘Xin’(New) are continuous during the turbulent times of 19th Century China. Since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has gone through radical social, economic and cultural reform under the Communist Party’s highly centralised and autocratic political regime. The regime and Chairman Mao’s eagerness to identify the new China and establish a revolutionary mono-culture have increased political influence on the modernisation process. The ten years of Cultural Revolution (1966-76) have commonly been neglected and separated from China’s modern history due to its political, emotional and various other associations. Its cultural productions which dictated the Chinese stages during this period, namely the yangbanxi (Model Works), are largely viewed as political propaganda material with little or no artistic value in the nation’s cultural development. This paper argues that far from being anti modernisation of culture, the yangbanxi carry continuities that originate from before the cultural revolution and influence later cultural productions up till today. The focus of the paper is on Hongse Niangzijun (The Red Detachment of Women), a ballet yangbanxi (Model Works) which was performed to President Nixon during his visit to China in 1972. It depicts the female soldier Wu Qionghua’s life story: a transformation from a peasant girl to a mature communist soldier. The first part of the paper begins with an introduction to the cultural, social and political contexts under which the ballet was created and made a yangbanxi (Model work). The second part examines the application of musical devices (e.g. instrumentation, leitmotif), ranging from typical Western techniques to Chinese musical and theatrical traditions. By analysing, connecting and comparing these musical devices of various origins, the paper illustrates that the yangbanxi (Model Works) largely contributes to the ever-present, continuing and evolving modernisation of contemporary Chinese culture.

Keywords: cultural revolution, Hongse Niangzijun (Red Detachment of Women), modern China, music, Yangbanxi (model works)

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Authors: Nataliya Venelinova

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The paper proposes a new interdisciplinary model of reconsidering the role of mass communication effects by coverage of terrorism. The idea of 4P model is based on the synergy, created by the information strategy of threat, predominantly used by terrorist groups, the effects of mediating the symbolic action of the terrorist attacks or the taking of responsibility of any attacks, and the reshaped public perception for security after the attacks being mass communicated. The paper defines the mass communication cycle of terrorism, which leads not only to re-agenda setting of the societies, but also spirally amplifying the effect of propagating fears by over-informing on terrorism attacks. This finally results in the outlining of the so called 4P-model of information terrorism: mass propaganda, panic, paranoia and pandemic.

Keywords: information terrorism, mass communication cycle, public perception, security

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Authors: Moses Mncwabe

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Both Public Representatives and Legislatures have an imperative role towards strengthening interventions to reduce and cease Sexual Transmitted Infections (STIs) specifically the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). Scaling-up constituency work in support of interventions earmarked for mitigating the compromising socio-economic impacts of advanced HIV is extremely essential. Though the antiretroviral treatment (ART) has saved million lives that would have perished without it, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (2012) states that more efforts should be redirected to prevention strategies to close the tap of new infections. It is against this backdrop that Legislatures as law making institutions have undisputed role to play in HIV alleviation because of the position they occupy in the society. Furthermore, Public Representatives are arguably idolised by young people for the role they play hence it is incumbent upon them to use their moral and political responsibility to aid the interventions for HIV prevention (Inter-Parliamentary Union, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS & United Nations Development Programme, 2007). Moreover, the continuous HIV infection and its devastating effects specifically in Southern African region has brought closer the disease to public representatives and demanded calculated interventions warranting both public representatives and legislatures to be more visible in various ways such as taking HIV counselling and testing publicly, oversight, reducing stigma and discrimination, partnering with civil society organisations (CSOs) and facilitating debates on HIV across parliamentary and social platforms. The effects of advanced HIV yearn for public representatives to be seen, accessed, felt, engaged, partnered and lobbied for pro-human rights legislations and ideal oversight to coerce the executive to deliver on their core responsibilities like providing basic services to the electorates (AIDS Law Project (2003). The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (2004) assert that the omission of Public Representatives and Legislatures in the HIV prevention agenda is a serious deficiency in the fight against HIV and AIDS. In light of this, this paper argues the innovative and legislative ways in which both the Public Representative and the Legislatures should play in HIV prevention.

Keywords: legislature, public representative, oversight, HIV and AIDS, constituency, service delivery

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Authors: Dana Hisham Mohamed Abdrabo

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The paper examines the effect of Drama works on the Egyptian public opinion regarding the religion of Judaism, Israel as a state and the Jew's image to Egyptian Muslims. The paper examines the role of Media and in particular, Dramas on achieving interreligious dialogue between Judaism and Islam and its role in making peace between the Egyptian Muslims -and Arabs in general- on the one hand, and the Jew on the other hand, and the implications of this on the relationship between Arab countries and Israel as a state. The research uses the Survey method with Egyptian Muslims as a main sample for the research to examine such effect. Dramas have a role in presenting the Jew, Judaism, and Israel as a state and as a political system in various ways. The paper is related to multidisciplinary fields; it is related to political sciences, political sociology, communication, social change, and cognitive sociology fields. The research adds a new analytical study for a new tool for the peacemaking process in the Middle East region through adopting an interdisciplinary approach which is needed in the studies aim to achieve stability and peace in the Middle East region and its neighboring countries.

Keywords: dramas tool, Egyptian public opinion, interreligious dialogue, Israel & Egyptian relations , Judaism

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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