Search results for: air rights development

Authors: Natany Rodrigues De Carvalho, Denise Bomtempo Birche De Carvalho

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the Special Testimony as a methodology for social workers to ensure the rights of children and adolescents who are victims of sexual violence. The specific objectives are: a) to contextualize, through the specialized literature, the social history of childhood and adolescence; b) to investigate, in the scientific literature, the sexual violence against children and adolescents as an analytical category; c) identify, with the social workers, if there is any defense of children and adolescents in the special testimony. To answer the research objectives we use qualitative research, in three axes that complement each other: a) participant observation through the insertion in the research field (supervised internship I and II); b) survey of literature on the subject; c) semi-structured interviews with social workers of the TJDFT. We used content analysis to systematize and interpret the collected data. The results of the research were organized into three chapters with the following contents: a) literature review, contextualizing the social history of childhood and adolescence to the present; b) sexual violence against children and adolescents and their categories of analysis; c) understanding of the special testimony in the Federal District and Territories in guaranteeing the rights of children and adolescents, identifying their main points from the perspective of social workers. The results showed how the lack of interdisciplinarity in the Special Testimony can lead to the non-integral protection of children and adolescents victims of sexual violence.

Keywords: childhood and adolescence, sexual violence, special testimony, social work

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Lisa Tragbar

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In post-war scenarios, reconstruction is a principle towards creating a Just Peace in order to restore a stable post-war society. Just peace theorists explore normative behaviour after war, including the duties and responsibilities of different actors and peacebuilding strategies to achieve a lasting, positive peace. Environmental peace ethicists have argued for including the role of nature in the Ethics of War and Peace. This text explores the question of why and how to rethink the value of nature in post-war scenarios. The aim is to include the rights of nature within a maximalist account of reconstruction by highlighting sumak kawsay in the post-war period. Destruction of nature is usually considered collateral damage in war scenarios. Common universal standards for post-war reconstruction are restitution, compensation and reparation programmes, which is mostly anthropocentric approach. The problem of reconstruction in the aftermath of war is the instrumental value of nature. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be revisited within a non-anthropocentric context. There is an ongoing debate about a minimalist or maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction. While Michael Walzer argues for minimalist in-and-out interventions, Alex Bellamy argues for maximalist strategies such as the responsibility to protect, a UN-concept on how face mass atrocity crimes and how to reconstruct peace. While supporting the tradition of maximalist responsibility to rebuild, these normative post-Bellum concepts do not yet sufficiently consider the rights of nature in the aftermath of war. While reconstruction of infrastructures seems important and necessary, concepts that strengthen the intrinsic value of nature in post-bellum measures must also be included. Peace is not Just Peace without a thriving nature that provides the conditions and resources to live and guarantee human rights. Ecuador's indigenous philosophy of life can contribute to the restoration of nature after war by changing the perspective on the value of nature. The sumak kawsay includes the de-hierarchisation of humans and nature and the principle of reciprocity towards nature. Transferring this idea of life and interconnectedness to post-war reconstruction practices, post bellum perpetrators have restorative obligations not only to people but also to nature. This maximalist approach would include both a restitutive principle, by restoring the balance between humans and nature, and a retributive principle, by punishing the perpetrators through compensatory duties to nature. A maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction that takes into account the rights of nature expands the normative post-war questions to include a more complex field of responsibilities. After a war, Just Peace is restored once not only human rights but also the rights of nature are secured. A minimalist post-bellum approach to reconstruction does not locate future problems at their source and does not offer a solution for the inclusion of obligations to nature. There is a lack of obligations towards nature after a war, which can be changed through a different perspective: The indigenous philosophy of life provides the necessary principles for a comprehensive reconstruction of Just Peace.

Keywords: normative ethics, peace, post-war, sumak kawsay, applied ethics

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Authors: Alapa Peters Odugbo

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The remarkable but fascinatingly intricate book 'The Lives of Jessie Sampter', by Sarah Imhoff, which describes Jessie Sampter's three different lives as a queer, a disabled person, and a Zionist, served as the main inspiration for this work. Her second chapter of Imhoff, which covers disability in-depth, inspired the focus of my study. This paper critically explores how culture, religion, and medicine contribute to and sustain discriminatory practices against people with disabilities in Nigeria. These practices include continued and often unchallenged stigmatization, unequal treatment, and denial of basic social services, employment prospects, and fundamental human rights. The paper makes crucial recommendations to help combat and eliminate these practices and negative perceptions toward people with disabilities in Nigeria, as well as to safeguard and promote their interests and rights.

Keywords: disability, culture, religion, medicine

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Authors: Rodziana M. Razali, Tamara J. Duraisingham

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Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol despite receiving the largest share of refugee inflows in Southeast Asia aside from Thailand. In Peninsular Malaysia, the majority of refugees and asylum seekers are from Myanmar, with Rohingya refugees recording the highest number compared to all other ethnicities. In the eastern state of Sabah, the presence of refugees who have long established themselves in the state is connected to those who escaped military persecution in southern Philippines in the 1970’s and 1980’s. A combination of legal and non-legal factors has created and sustained an adverse atmosphere of deprivation of legal identity for children of migrants including refugees born in Malaysia. This paper aims to qualitatively analyse the barriers to birth registration as the cornerstone of every person’s legal identity for children of refugees born in this country, together with the associated human rights implications. Data obtained through semi-structured interviews with refugees in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah and Rohingya refugees in Peninsular Malaysia shall be studied alongside secondary sources. Results show that births out of medical facilities, suspension of birth records, illiteracy, lack of awareness on the importance and procedures of birth registration, inability to meet documentary requirements, as well as fear of immigration enforcement, are the key factors hindering birth registration. These challenges exist against the backdrop of restrictive integration policy to avoid destabilising demographic and racial balance, political sentiment stirring xenophobic prejudices, as well as other economic and national security considerations. With no proof of their legal identity, the affected children grow up in a legal limbo, facing multiple human rights violations across generations. This research concludes that the country’s framework and practice concerning birth registration is in need of serious reform and improvement to reflect equality and universality of access to its birth registration system. Such would contribute significantly towards meeting its commitments to the post-2015 sustainable development agenda that pledges to 'Leave no one behind', as well as its recently announced National Human Rights Action Plan.

Keywords: birth registration, children, Malaysia, refugees

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Glaucia Maricato

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Our research deals with specific use of DNA tests in Brazil – aimed at financial reparation for the institutionalized and otherwise scattered offspring of leprosy patients who, from the 1920s up through the 1980s, were subjected to compulsory internment in the 'hospital-colonies', specialized in the containment of Hansen’s disease. Through a social movement, the ex-patients themselves gained the right, in 2007, to financial compensations. At the moment, the movement is seeking reparation for the (now adult) children of these people as well. Many of these children grew up in orphanages, in adopted families, or do not have official documents to prove their family belonging. In 2011, a team of Brazilian geneticists had volunteered their services, applying DNA tests in order to ascertain the connection of certain individuals to an ex-internee of the leprosarium. We have accompanied the activities in four different ex-colonies in order to understand how the DNA test was being signified by those being tested, and how the test fit into already existent notions of family. Inspired in the writings of scholars such as Sheila Jasanoff and Helena Machado, we examine the possibility of a 'geneticization of family ties' when people are obliged to back their claim for human rights by producing legal proof based on blood tests. However, in like fashion to other ethnographic studies on this theme, we encountered among tested adults a number of creative strategies that allow for the co-existence of the idea of 'scientifically-based' blood ties alongside other more traditional ways of signifying kinship.

Keywords: human rights, social movements, DNA tests, Hansen's disease

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Authors: Wusu Conteh

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Since the 1990s, neo-liberalization has become a global agenda. The free market ushered in an unprecedented drive by Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to secure mineral rights in resource-rich countries. Several governments in the Global South implemented a liberalized mining policy with support from the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). MNCs have maintained that voluntary Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has engendered socio-economic development in mining-affected communities. However, most resource-rich countries are struggling to transform the resources into sustainable socio-economic development. They are trapped in what has been widely described as the ‘resource curse.’ In an attempt to address this resource conundrum, the African Mining Vision (AMV) of 2009 developed a model on resource governance. The advent of the AMV has engendered the introduction of mandatory community development agreement (CDA) into the legal framework of many countries in Africa. In 2009, Sierra Leone enacted the Mines and Minerals Act that obligates mining companies to invest in Primary Host Communities. The study employs interviews and field observation techniques to explicate the dynamics of the CDA program. A total of 25 respondents -government officials, NGOs/CSOs and community stakeholders were interviewed. The study focuses on a case study of the Sierra Rutile CDA program in Sierra Leone. Extant scholarly works have extensively explored the resource curse and voluntary CSR. There are limited studies to uncover the mandatory CDA and its impact on socio-economic development in mining-affected communities. Thus, the purpose of this study is to explicate the impact of the CDA in Sierra Leone. Using the theory of change helps to understand how the availability of mandatory funds can empower communities to take an active part in decision making related to the development of the communities. The results show that the CDA has engendered a predictable fund for community development. It has also empowered ordinary members of the community to determine the development program. However, the CDA has created a new ground for contestations between the pre-existing local governance structure (traditional authority) and the newly created community development committee (CDC) that is headed by an ordinary member of the community.

Keywords: community development agreement, impact, mandatory, participation

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Authors: Asm Habibullah Choudhury

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Background: This study is an investigation into medical care, ethics, and human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) in the context of Bangladesh. The low prevalence of HIV and high prevalence of STDs in Bangladesh, in common with the global experience of HIV epidemics, has been characterized by tremendous stigmatization of those affected. Stigmatization has resulted in an extraordinary degree of unjust discrimination and in numerous human rights violations of PLWHA. Methodology: This will be a cross-sectional descriptive study and will be conducted at different points of Bangladesh. Result: PLWHA will be identified as many as possible and will be interviewed. Medical care providers will be interviewed to assess their attitude and will be observed for stigma while providing medical services. Some of the religious leaders, local influential people will be interviewed to assess their attitude towards PLWHA. Conclusion: If effective responses to HIV/AIDS-related stigma and discrimination are to be promoted in the region, work has to occur simultaneously on several fronts: Legal challenge, where necessary, to bring to account governments, employers, institutions and individuals. To create enabling environment in which PLWHA and their families, women, boys, and girls are able to access prevention and care services. Access to quality and comprehensive care. The fundamental objective, however, is to strive for action based on this understanding—action that will promote egalitarian and gender-progressive role models, and that will help guide the manner in which we interact with one another.

Keywords: HIV, AIDS, Bangladesh, human rights

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Authors: Jay Neil Garciso Verano, Peter Rosales Bobiles

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This study tried to integrate RA 9262 in literature through the use of film. It identified RA 9262 provisions reflected in the students’ concepts in their oral participation and written outputs and pointed out different attitudes toward violence against women and respect to women as shaped by the film through their responses. Four Literature 121 (World Literature) classes with more or less similar characteristics participated in this study. The discussion of Paulette Kelly’s I Got Flowers Today took place during the first session while the viewing of the film Enough and discussion of the film followed to enrich and bolster students’ concepts and awareness on violence against women and to introduce RA 9262 provisions. The students’ attitudes toward violence against women and respect to women were lifted from the students’ oral and written responses. The film Enough presented eight provisions from RA 9262 reflected in students’ concepts which centered on the acts of violence against women tarnishing women’s rights and dignity. There were 25 attitudes toward violence against women and respect to women which surfaced, 11 of which are what initiate the acts, seven tell about the results from or effects of violence against women, and another seven exemplify respect to women. With the findings, it can be viewed that RA 9262 can be integrated in a literature course to awaken students’ minds on the prevalent issues on violating women’s rights and dignity. The discussion of Paulette Kelly’s I Got Flowers Today reinforced by the viewing of Enough deduced issues on the violation of women’s rights and dignity, attitudes toward violence against women, and students’ perception with regard respect to women.

Keywords: anti-violence against women, literature, film, enough, feminism

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Authors: Noman Ahmed, Fariha Tahseen

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Since several decades, unplanned urbanization and rapid growth of informal settlements have evolved and increased in size and number. Large cities such as Karachi have been impacted with sprawl and rising share of unplanned settlements where poor communities reside. Threats of eviction, deteriorating law and order situation, lack of essential amenities and infrastructure, extortion and bullying from local and non-local musclemen and feeble response of government agencies towards their development needs are some predicaments. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have caused important interventions in such locations. Appraisal of the community-based mapping as a tool in supporting the development work in less privileged areas in Karachi has been the objective of this research. The Orangi Pilot Project (OPP), under the leadership of its slain director Perween Rahman had a significant role to play in developing and extending this approach in low income locations in Karachi and beyond. The paper investigates the application of mapping in the process of peri urban land invasion causing rapid transformation of traditional settlements in Karachi. Mixed methodology components comprising literature review, archival research, and unstructured interviews with key informants and case studies have been used.

Keywords: squatters (katchi abadis), land grabbing, community empowerment, housing rights, mapping, infrastructure development

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Authors: Althaf Marsoof

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The blocking injunction, giving rise to a ‘notice and block’ regime, has become the new approach to curtail the infringement of Intellectual Property rights on the Internet. As such, the blocking injunction is an addition to the arsenal of copyright owners, and more recently has also benefited trademark owners, in their battle against piracy and counterfeiting. Yet, the blocking injunction, notwithstanding the usefulness of its ‘notice and block’ outcome, is not without limitations. In the circumstances, it is argued that ‘notice and takedown’, the approach that has been adopted by right-holders for some years, is still an important remedy against the proliferation of online content that infringe the rights of copyright and trademark owners, which is both viable and effective. Thus, it is suggested that the battle against online piracy and counterfeiting could be won only if both the blocking injunction and the practice of ‘notice and takedown’ are utilised by right-holders as complementary and simultaneous remedies.

Keywords: blocking injunctions, internet intermediaries, notice and takedown, intellectual property

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Authors: Khue Do Phan

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Nike has been confronted by the press with their harsh working conditions, underpayment and highly-labor intensive requirement to their manufacturing workers and hiring of underage workers in Vietnam, Nike's largest production center. To analyze this topic critically through an international relations perspective, theory of dependency will be used to criticize the notion of exploitation of resources from developed countries towards developing countries. Theory of economic liberalism will be used to support the notion private property, the free market and generally capitalism as beneficial to both developing and developed countries. Workers are mentally, physically and sexually abused in the factories. In addition to this, their working conditions consist of improper training, lack of safety equipment, exposure of chemicals (glues and pants), their average wage is below the minimum wage in their country; the workers have to work around 60 hours or more a week. Even Nike says that the conditions are regulated often to make sure the workers get a voice to have their work rights and safe working environment. The monitors come to analyze the factories but in the end talk to the employers, whom are the direct abusers to the employees. Health benefits are rarely granted to the employees; they are forced to pay their bills first then the company will reimburse them later. They would also get in trouble for using the bathroom, taking a lunch break or sick days off because this would mean it would decrease their hours of work, leading to an even lower wage and a really angry employer. Of course with the press criticizing Nike’s lack of respect for human rights and working rights, Nike has been working on policy making and implementation to deal with the abuses. Due to its large chains and a great number of outsourcing host countries, the changes that Nike wish or attempt to make have not be in effect as quickly nor spreading to all countries it holds accountable for in its outsourcing factories.

Keywords: dependency theory, economic liberalism, human rights, outsource

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Authors: Alieu B. Sanneh

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In a country where there are minimal economic opportunities, with a declining living condition of the people, do electorates in Africa’s newest democracy reevaluate their support for a candidate based on issues or ethnicity. In the 2016 presidential election in The Gambia, the opposition coalition party had successfully managed to overthrow an authoritarian government, which has ruled the country for 22 years. The results of the election are not only surprising but also presented an interesting theoretical puzzle that raises important this paper is going to address. An important fact is that dictator had organized an election which he lost, and this paper will assess the voting decisions of Gambian electorates to determine whether they were more concerned with issues such as status of the economy, human rights abuses by the Jammeh administration or the ethnicities of the contestants who took part in the election. This study uses field survey data, conducted six months after this historic vote, to evaluate the opinion of the electorates. Contrary to the notion of the prevalence of ethnic voting in African elections, an argument made by many scholars, this study concluded that Gambian voters were more concerned with issues such as the economy and human rights under the Jammeh administration than they were for the ethnicities of the candidates. The election was issue-based, and that Jammeh lost the polls due to the concern the electorate had on human rights abuses by his government.

Keywords: election, issue, ethnicity, regime change

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: E. Rak

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The aim of the paper is to identify some of the specific characteristics of employee development, as observed in the practice of small enterprises in Poland. Results suggest that a sizeable percentage of employers are not interested in improving the development of their employee base. This aspect is often perceived as insignificant. In addition, many employers have no theoretical or practical knowledge of employee development methods. Lack of sufficient financial support is reported as third on the list of the most important barriers to employee development. Employees, on the other hand, typically offload the responsibility of initiating this type of activities onto the employer. Employee development plans are typically flexible and accommodating. The original value offered by this research comes in the form of a detailed characteristics of employee development in small enterprises, accompanied by identification of specificity of human resource development in Polish companies.

Keywords: employee development, human resources development, small enterprises, trainings

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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The last quarter of the twentieth century was characterized by the emergence of a new kind of terrorism: religiously-inspired terrorism. Islam finds itself at the heart of this new wave, considering the number of international attacks committed by Islamic-inspired perpetrators. With religiously inspired terrorism as an operating framework, governments increasingly rely on immigration law to counter such terrorism. Immigration law seems particularly useful because its core task consists of keeping ‘unwanted’ people out. Islamic terrorists more often than not have an immigrant background and will be subject to immigration law. As a result, immigration law becomes more and more ‘securitized’. The European migration crisis has reinforced this trend. The research explores the human rights consequences of immigration law’s securitization in Europe. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues but respond very differently to them. The United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand also introduced restrictions to its immigration policy but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This contribution evaluates the situation in Belgium. Through a series of legislative changes, the Belgian parliament (i) greatly expanded the possibilities of expelling foreign nationals for (vaguely defined) reasons of ‘national security’; (ii) abolished almost all procedural protection associated with this decision (iii) broadened, as an extra security measure, the possibility of depriving individuals condemned of terrorism of their Belgian nationality. Measures such as these are obviously problematic from a human rights perspective; they jeopardize the principle of legality, the presumption of innocence, the right to protection of private and family life and the prohibition on torture. Moreover, this contribution also raises questions about the efficacy of immigration law’s suitability as a counterterrorism instrument. Is it a legitimate step, considering the type of terrorism we face today? Or, is it merely a strategic move, considering the broader maneuvering space immigration law offers and the lack of political resistance governments receive when infringing the rights of foreigners? Even more so, figures demonstrate that today’s terrorist threat does not necessarily stem from outside our borders. Does immigration law then still absorb - if it has ever done so (completely) - the threat? The study’s goal is to critically assess, from a human rights perspective, the counterterrorism strategies European governments have adopted. As most governments adopt a variation of the same core concepts, the study’s findings will hold true even beyond the four countries addressed.

Keywords: Belgium, counterterrorism strategies, human rights, immigration law

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper illustrates dynamics of nuclear resistance movements in India and how peoples’ power rises in response to subversion of justice and suppression of human rights. The need for democratizing nuclear policy runs implicit through the demands of the people protesting against nuclear programmes. The paper analyses the rationale behind developing nuclear energy according to the mainstream development model adopted by the state. Whether the prevalent nuclear discourse includes people’s ambitions and addresses local concerns or not is discussed. Primarily, the nuclear movements across India comprise of two types of actors i.e. the local population as well as the urban interlocutors. The first type of actor is the local population comprising of the people who are residing in the vicinity of the nuclear site and are affected by its construction, presence and operation. They have very immediate concerns against nuclear energy projects but also have an ideological stand against producing nuclear energy. The other types of actors are the urban interlocutors, who are the intellectuals and nuclear activists who have a principled stand against nuclear energy and help to aggregate the aims and goals of the movement on various platforms. The paper focuses on the nuclear resistance movements at five sites in India- Koodankulam (Tamil Nadu), Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Mithivirdi (Gujrat) and Gorakhpur (Haryana). The origin, development, role of major actors and mass media coverage of all these movements are discussed in depth. Major observations from the Indian case include: first, nuclear policy discussions in India are confined to elite circles; secondly, concepts like national security and national interest are used to suppress dissent against mainstream policies; and thirdly, India’s energy policies focus on economic concerns while ignoring the human implications of such policies. In conclusion, the paper observes that the anti-nuclear movements question not just the feasibility of nuclear power but also its exclusionary nature when it comes to people’s participation in policy making, endangering the ecology, violation of human rights, etc. The character of these protests is non-violent with an aim to produce more inclusive policy debates and democratic dialogues.

Keywords: anti-nuclear movements, Koodankulam nuclear power plant, non-violent resistance, nuclear resistance movements, social movements

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Authors: Tamir Michal

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The subject of Bedouin dispersion has accompanied the State of Israel from the day of its establishment. From a legal point of view, this subject has offered a launchpad for creative judicial decisions. Thus, for example, the first court decision in Israel to recognize affirmative action (Avitan), dealt with a petition submitted by a Jew appealing the refusal of the State to recognize the Petitioner’s entitlement to the long-term lease of a plot designated for Bedouins. The Supreme Court dismissed the petition, holding that there existed a public interest in assisting Bedouin to establish permanent urban settlements, an interest which justifies giving them preference by selling them plots at subsidized prices. In another case (The Forum for Coexistence in the Negev) the Supreme Court extended equitable relief for the purpose of constructing a bridge, even though the construction infringed the Law, in order to allow the children of dispersed Bedouin to reach school. Against this background, the recent verdict, delivered during the Protective Edge military campaign, which dismissed a petition aimed at forcing the State to spread out Protective Structures in Bedouin villages in the Negev against the risk of being hit from missiles launched from Gaza (Abu Afash) is disappointing. Even if, in arguendo, no selective discrimination was involved in the State’s decision not to provide such protection, the decision, and its affirmation by the Court, is problematic when examined through the prism of the Theory of Recognition. The article analyses the issue by tools of theory of Recognition, according to which people develop their identities through mutual relations of recognition in different fields. In the social context, the path to recognition is cognitive respect, which is provided by means of legal rights. By seeing other participants in Society as bearers of rights and obligations, the individual develops an understanding of his legal condition as reflected in the attitude to others. Consequently, even if the Court’s decision may be justified on strict legal grounds, the fact that Jewish settlements were protected during the military operation, whereas Bedouin villages were not, is a setback in the struggle to make the Bedouin citizens with equal rights in Israeli society. As the Court held, ‘Beyond their protective function, the Migunit [Protective Structures] may make a moral and psychological contribution that should not be undervalued’. This contribution is one that the Bedouin did not receive in the Abu Afash verdict. The basic thesis is that the Court’s verdict analyzed above clearly demonstrates that the reliance on classical liberal instruments (e.g., equality) cannot secure full appreciation of all aspects of Bedouin life, and hence it can in fact prejudice them. Therefore, elements of the recognition theory should be added, in order to find the channel for cognitive dignity, thereby advancing the Bedouins’ ability to perceive themselves as equal human beings in the Israeli society.

Keywords: bedouin dispersion, cognitive respect, recognition theory, sustainable development

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Authors: Igor Michel Gachig, Samanta Tiague

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Baka ‘Pygmies’ is an indigenous community living in the rainforest region of Cameroon. This community is known to be poor and marginalized from the political, economic and social life, regardless of sedentarization and development efforts. In fact, the social exclusion of ‘Pygmy’ people prevents them from gaining basic citizen’s rights, among which access to education, land, healthcare, employment and justice. In this study, social interactions, behaviors, and perceptions were considered. An interview guide and focus group discussions were used to collect data. A sample size of 97 was used, with 60 Baka Pygmies and 37 Bantus from two Baka-Bantu settlements/villages of the south region of Cameroon. The data were classified in terms of homogenous, exhaustive and exclusive categories. This classification has enabled factors explaining social exclusion in the Baka community to be highlighted using content analysis. The study shows that (i) limited access to education, natural resources and care in modern healthcare organizations, and (ii) different views on the development expectations and integration approaches both highlight the social exclusion in the Baka ‘Pygmies’ community. Therefore, an effective and adequate social integration of ‘Pygmies’ based on cultural peculiarities and identity, as well as reduction of disparities and improvement of their access to education should be of major concern to the government and policy makers.

Keywords: development, indigenous people, integration, social exclusion

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Authors: S. Yelubayev, V. Ten, B. Albazarov, E. Sarsenbayev, К. Аlipbayev, A. Shamro, Т. Bopeyev, А. Sukhenko

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Currently in Kazakhstan much attention is paid to the development of space branch. Successful launch of two Earth remote sensing satellite is carried out, projects on development of components for satellite are being carried out. In particular, the project on development of star tracker experimental model is completed. In the future it is planned to use this experimental model for development of star tracker prototype. Main stages of star tracker experimental model development are considered in this article.

Keywords: development, prototype, satellite, star tracker

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Samantha Vargas-Alfonso

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The phenomenon of migration has been long-recorded since ancient history but never has mobility in huge numbers been so rapid and constant than that of the present. A significant portion of these migrants move for the promise of better economic subsistence by finding employment in foreign lands; while there are local and international instruments to protect these migrant workers, they still face human rights violations amongst other hurdles in integrating themselves into their host country. This research aims to look at the occurrence of Passport Confiscation for Filipino migrant workers (blue-collar workers) who are situated in Saudi Arabia. In addition to this, the study will look at the Kafala System which GCC countries practice regulating their foreign employees. The research attempts to prove that international conventions lack power in constraining the occurrence of passport confiscation and that while the kafala system exists, there is very little opportunity to address this issue.

Keywords: kafala, labor, migration, passport

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Authors: Michaels Aibangbee, Sowbhagya Micheal, Pranee Liamputtong, Elias Mpofu, Tinashe Dune

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Background: The challenges migrants and refugee youth (MRY) experience in maintaining their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) continues to be a global public health issue. Consequently, MRY is more likely to encounter adverse SRH experiences due to limited access to and knowledge of SRH services. Using a socio-ecological framework, this study examined the MRY’s SRHR micro-level experiences to macro-levels analyses of SRH-related social systems and constructions. Methods: Eighteen focus groups were conducted using participatory action research (PAR) methodology to understand the phenomena. The focus groups included MRY participants (ages 16-26) living in Greater Western Sydney and facilitated by youth project liaisons (YPL). The data was afterward synthesised and analysed using the thematic-synthesis method. Results: In total, 86 MRY (male n= 25, female n= 61) MRY (across 20 different cultural backgrounds) participated in the focus groups. The findings identified socio-ecological factors characterising MRY SRHR, highlighting facilitators such as social media and significant barriers such as lack of access to services and socio-cultural dissonance, and the under-implementation of SRHR support and services by MRY. Key themes from the data included traditional and institutional stigma, lack of SRH education, high reliance on social media for SRH information, anonymity, and privacy concerns. Conclusion: The data shows a limited extent to which MRY SRHR is considered and the intergenerational understanding and stigma affecting the rights of MRY. Therefore, these findings suggest a need for policies and practices to empower MRY’s agency through a collaborative SRHR strategy and policy design to maintain relevance in multicultural contexts.

Keywords: migrant and refugee youth, sexual health, reproductive health, sexual and reproductive health and rights, culture, agency

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Authors: Veliswa Nonfundo Hoho, Jabulani Gilford Kheswa

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This paper reports on teenage motherhood and its adverse outcomes on the academic performance, emotional well-being and sexual relationships that adolescent females encounter. Drawing from Ryff’s six dimensions of psychological well-being and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model which underpinned this study, teenage motherhood has been found to link with multiple factors such as poverty, negative self-esteem, substance abuse, cohabitation, intimate partner violence and ill-health. Furthermore, research indicates that in schools where educators fail to perform their duties as loco-parentis to motivate adolescent females learners who are mothers, absenteeism, poor academic performance and learned helplessness, are likely. The aim of this research was two-fold, namely; (i) to determine the impact of teenage motherhood on the psychological well-being of the teenage mothers and (ii) to investigate the policies which protect the human rights of teenage mothers attending secondary schools. In a qualitative study conducted in one secondary school, Fort Beaufort, Eastern Cape, South Africa, fifteen Xhosa-speaking teenage mothers, aged 15-18 years old, were interviewed. The sample was recruited by means of snow-ball sampling. To safeguard the human dignity of the respondents, informed consent, confidentiality, anonymity and privacy of the respondents were assured. For trustworthiness, this research ensured that credibility, neutrality, and transferability, are met. Following an axial and open coding of responses, five themes were identified; Health issues of teenage mothers, lack of support, violation of human rights, impaired sense of purpose in life and intimate partner-violence. From these findings, it is clear that teenage mothers lack resilience and are susceptible to contract sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS because they are submissive and hopeless. Furthermore, owing to stigma that the teenage mothers' experience from family members, they resort to alcohol and drug abuse, and feel demotivated to bond with their babies. In conclusion, the recommendations are that the Health and Social Development departments collaborate to empower the psychological well-being of teenage mothers. Furthermore, school policies on discrimination should be enacted and consistently implemented.

Keywords: depression, discrimination, self-esteem, teenage mothers

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Authors: Rezki Omar

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Openness cosmic shares dramatically in the order of something quite a bit of neglected priorities within the community at the level of thought and consciousness, and these priorities provider of legal and human rights awareness after a long delay in the process of awareness of human rights, there is no doubt that the long and arduous road. As is obvious to any observer public affairs as well as the specialist and the observer that there is growth and development in the scene and the legal movement is unprecedented, many when dealing with many of the details sought and tries as much as possible to know what is the natural rights, and duties that must comply with legally in no charge with the issue of what is going on, any attempt of weakness and lack of self-reliance and obstacles level during the search show him by virtue of the difficulty of the availability of legal information in some cases on a particular issue, whether or not the image is complete, legally insufficient. Law relationship to society basically a close relationship, there is no law society, a society is impossible without both at the level of domestic relations or international law: «There is a close link between law and society. The law remains influenced by the society in which it grew, as well as the law affects the society, which is governed by, the relationship between the community and law affected and the impact of relationship ». The law of the most important objectives of protecting members of society, and its role is based on the distribution of rights and duties in a fair way, and protect the public interest of the citizen’s basis. The word community when some sociologists are limited to the group that gathered, including cultural unity Cultural Group distinguish between society and the last. In the recent period issued a set of regulations in the various branches of law, which is different from the class and important one hand, and here is important study of the interaction between law and society, and how to make the laws effective in the community? The opposite is true as well. The law as a social phenomenon is impossible to understand and analyzed without taking into account the extent of their impact and vulnerability within the community and accepted. Must evoke the basis that it was developed to address the problems faced by citizens. The over-age and amplify the sanctions are a contradiction of that fundamental reform of the basic objectives of the offender more than anything else Calantqam and revenge, and if the process is not human mistakes. Michel Foucault believes that «tighten laws and regulations against criminals will not reduce the crime rate in the community, so you must activate the system of moral values of society after more deterrent, and the threat of scandal on a social level.» Besson and refers to the legislators, saying the law: «The only way to reduce the crime rate to strengthen the ethical system of the society, especially in the social Amnhoha sanctity of conscience, then you will not be forced to issue harsh sentences against criminals».In summary, it is necessary to combine the enactment of laws and activate the system of moral values and educational values on the ground, and to understand the causes of social problems at the root of all for the equation is complete, and that the law was drafted to serve the citizens and not to harm him.

Keywords: legislators, distinguish, awareness, insufficient

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Authors: Faizan Sultan

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Non-government organizations (NGOs) in Pakistan have the potential to deliver services such as health, education, and rural development through targeting the most vulnerable communities of society. Having this significant importance, NGOs are facing numerous challenges in service delivery. So, there is a need to identify the challenges NGOs face in community development, particularly post-conflict development. The current study has analyzed the social and political constraints in development projects in the post-conflict region of the Swat district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The objectives of this study are “What are the social and political constraints faced by the nongovernmental organizations in the implementation of development aid Projects in post-conflict development of Swat and to examine the challenges in coordination mechanism between government departments, NGOs, and community in reconstruction activities”. This research is based upon both the quantitative and qualitative data that is being gathered from the NGO representatives, government officials, and community members who were involved in post-conflict development interventions in the Swat region. A purposive sampling technique was used to select respondents from the community members/activists (25 in number) and government and NGO officials (10 in number). Based on analysis against our objectives, NGOs have faced numerous constraints such as Insecurity, Negative Perceptions about NGOs, restrictions on women's mobility, government policies and regulations, lack of coordination and networking, trust deficit, and political interference while implementing their project interventions. These findings concluded that constraints have affected project implementation to a greater extent, including women's participation, involvement of marginalized populations, and equal distribution of resources. In the Swat region, NGOs cannot openly discuss sensitive projects such as human rights, gender-based projects, or women empowerment as these issues are very sensitive to the local community due to their cultural values. The community may not allow their females to go outside their homes as this region is a male-dominated society. Similarly, lack of communication and poor networking for the arrangements of the project meetings were also the major constraints.

Keywords: national disaster management authority, millennium development goals, provincial disaster management authority, provincial reconstruction, rehabilitation and settlement authority

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Authors: Fereshteh Ganjavi, Rachel Schaffer, Varsha Jorawar

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Elena’s Light is a non-profit organization focused on building brighter futures for refugees, especially women and children. Our mission is to empower refugee women and children by addressing social, legal, and public health issues that predominantly concern them. Elena’s Light offers a range of services that support refugees from structural disadvantages, cultural and social stress, marginalization, and other stressors related to migration. Using a three-pronged approach, our programs focus on legal advocacy, English language acquisition, and health and wellness. Following the Afghan humanitarian crisis, Elena’s Light has developed and intensified advocacy efforts in the legal realm to address the influx of refugees who desperately need assistance. We developed and hosted a Know Your Rights presentation with local immigration lawyers and professionals in February 2022 on the Afghan Humanitarian Parole, which was very successful with over 100 attendees. Elena’s Light is hosting the second Know Your Rights session in early August 2022 on immigration options for Afghans, including Temporary Protected Status (TPS), asylum, Special Immigrant Visa (SIV), and humanitarian parole. Lastly, EL is also leading the local initiative to develop a pro-bono committee to respond to the overwhelming need for lawyers to work on legal cases for Afghan during this crisis. Furthermore, through our other services, we provide free, in-home customizable ESL tutoring sessions to refugee women with a focus on driver’s education, facilitating acculturation, and improving employment opportunities. We also provide in-home maternal, pediatric, and mental health education and wellness services that are aimed at addressing the explicit and implicit barriers to healthcare for refugee populations. Elena’s Light’s diverse community aims to counter the structural disadvantages and anxiety-inducing emotions and experiences related to being a refugee. We would like to join this International Conference on Refugee Law since protecting refugee rights is our mission. We would like to share what we have learned from our legal initiatives for refugee rights. We would also like to listen, learn from, and discuss with experts and researchers how to better understand and advocate for refugee rights. We hope to improve our understanding of how to provide better legal aid for our clients through this conference.

Keywords: legal, advocacy, Afghan humanitarian crisis, policy, pro-bono

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Authors: Medina Muñoz Lina Rocio

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the debates related to the harmonization of intellectual property rights on plant material, the corporate governance of the seed market in Colombia and the political economy of seeds defended by indigenous communities. In recent years, the commodification of seeds through genetic engineering and political intellectual property, codified as a result of the implementation of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, has come into conflict with the traditional production of seeds carried out by small farmers and indigenous populations. Agricultural and food practices. In order to understand the ontological dimension of conflicts over seeds, it is necessary to analyze the conceptions that indigenous communities have about good, which they consider a common element of their social organization and define them as sentient beings. Therefore, through a multiple approach, in which the intellectual property policy, the ecological aspects of seed production and the political ontology of indigenous communities are interwoven, I intend to present the discussions held by the actors involved and present the strategies of small producers to protect their interests. It demonstrates that communities have begun to organize social movements to protect such interests and have questioned the philosophy of GM corporate agriculture as a pro-life movement. Finally, it is argued that the conservation of 'traditional' seeds of the communities is an effective strategy to support their struggles for territory, identity, food sovereignty and self-determination.

Keywords: intellectual property rights, intellectual property, traditional knowledge, food safety

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