Search results for: democratic socializm

Authors: Louis Nahimana

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Most maps are in a raster or pdf format and it is not easy to get vector layers of published maps. Faced to the production of geological simplified map of the northern Lake Tanganyika countries without geological information in vector format, I tried a method of obtaining vector layers from raster layers created from geological maps of Rwanda and DR Congo in pdf and jpg format. The procedure was as follows: The original raster maps were georeferenced using ArcGIS10.2. Under Adobe Photoshop, map areas with the same color corresponding to a lithostratigraphic unit were selected all over the map and saved in a specific raster layer. Using the same image processing software Adobe Photoshop, each RGB raster layer was converted in grayscale type and improved before importation in ArcGIS10. After georeferencing, each lithostratigraphic raster layer was transformed into a multitude of polygons with the tool "Raster to Polygon (Conversion)". Thereafter, tool "Aggregate Polygons (Cartography)" allowed obtaining a single polygon layer. Repeating the same steps for each color corresponding to a homogeneous rock unit, it was possible to reconstruct the simplified geological constitution of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in vector format. By using the tool «Append (Management)», vector layers obtained were combined with those from Burundi to achieve vector layers of the geology of the « Northern Lake Tanganyika countries ».

Keywords: creating raster layer under image processing software, raster to polygon, aggregate polygons, adobe photoshop

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Authors: Mike Dee

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Urban public spaces are sutured with a range of surveillance and sensor technologies that claim to enable new forms of ‘data based citizen participation’, but also increase the tendency for ‘function-creep’, whereby vast amounts of data are gathered, stored and analysed in a broad application of urban surveillance. This kind of monitoring and capacity for surveillance connects with attempts by civic authorities to regulate, restrict, rebrand and reframe urban public spaces. A direct consequence of the increasingly security driven, policed, privatised and surveilled nature of public space is the exclusion or ‘unfavourable inclusion’ of those considered flawed and unwelcome in the ‘spectacular’ consumption spaces of many major urban centres. In the name of urban regeneration, programs of securitisation, ‘gentrification’ and ‘creative’ and ‘smart’ city initiatives refashion public space as sites of selective inclusion and exclusion. In this context of monitoring and control procedures, in particular, children and young people’s use of space in parks, neighbourhoods, shopping malls and streets is often viewed as a threat to the social order, requiring various forms of remedial action. This paper suggests that cities, places and spaces and those who seek to use them, can be resilient in working to maintain and extend democratic freedoms and processes enshrined in Marshall’s concept of citizenship, calling sensor and surveillance systems to account. Such accountability could better inform the implementation of public policy around the design, build and governance of public space and also understandings of urban citizenship in the sensor saturated urban environment.

Keywords: citizenship, public space, surveillance, young people

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Authors: Rami Georg Johann

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Against the background of the current geopolitical constellations, the author looks at various empire models, which are discussed and compared with each other with regard to their stability and functioning. The focus is on the fifth concept as a possible new world order in the 21st century. These will be discussed and compared to one another according to their stability and functioning. All empires to be designed will be conceptualised based on one, two, three, four, and five worlds. All worlds are made up of a different constellation of states and relating coalitions. All systems will be discussed in detail. The one-world-system, the“Western Empire,” will be presented as a possible solution to a new world order in the 21st century (fifth concept). The term “Western” in “Western Empire” describes the Western concept after World War II. This Western concept was the result of two horrible world wars in the 20th century.” With this in mind, the fifth concept forms a stable empire system, the “Western Empire,” by political measures tied to two issues. Thus, this world order provides a significantly higher long-term stability in contrast to all other empire models (comprising five, four, three, or two worlds). Confrontations and threats of war are reduced to a minimum. The two issues mentioned are “merger” and “competition.” These are the main differences in forming an empire compared to all empires and realms in the history of mankind. The fifth concept of this theory, the “Western Empire,” acts explicitly as a counter model. The Western Empire (fifth concept) is formed by the merger of world powers without war. Thus, a world order without competition is created. This merged entity secures long-term peace, stability, democratic values, freedom, human rights, equality, and justice in the new world order.

Keywords: empire formation, theory of international relations, Western Empire, world order

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Authors: Tatia Kekelia

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This paper is part of an ongoing research addressing gender discrimination in the Court of Georgia. The research suggests that gender stereotypes influence the processes at the Court in contemporary Georgia, which causes uneven fights for women and men, not to mention other gender identities. The sub-hypothesis proposes that the gender stereotypes derive from feudal representations, which persisted during the Soviet rule. It is precisely those stereotypes that feed gender-based discrimination today. However, this paper’s main focus is on the main hypothesis, describing the revealed stereotypes, and identifying the Court as a place where their presence is most hindering societal development. First of all, this happens by demotivating people, causing loss of trust in the Court, and therefore potentially encouraging crime. Secondly, it becomes harder to adequately mobilize human resources, since more than a half of the population is female, and under the influence of rigid or more subtle forms of discrimination, they lose not only equal rights, but also the motivation to work or fight for them. Consequently, this paper falls under democracy studies as well – considering that an unbiased Court is one of the most important criteria for assessing the democratic character of a state. As the research crosses the disciplines of sociology, law, and history, a complex of qualitative research methods is applied, among which this paper relies mainly on expert interviews, interviews with attorneys, and desk research. By showcasing and undermining the gender stereotypes that work at the Court of Georgia, this research might assist in rising trust towards it in the long-term. As for the broader relevance, the study of the Georgian case opens the possibility to conduct comparative analyses in the region and the continent, and, presumably, carve the lines of cultural influences.

Keywords: gender, stereotypes, bias, democratization, judiciary

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Authors: Prakash Singh

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The question that arises is whether a theory such as the Collegial Leadership Model of Emancipation (COLME) has the potency to introduce leadership change by empowering and emancipating their employees. It is a fallacy to simply assume that experience alone, in the absence of theory, will contribute to this knowledge base to develop collegial leaders. The focus of this study is to therefore ascertain whether the COLME can serve as a conceptual framework to transform traditional bureaucratic management practices (TBMPs) in order to promote shared decision-making in organizations such as schools. All the respondents in this exploratory qualitative study embraced collegiality to transform TBMPs in their organizations. For the positive effects to be sustained, the collegial practices need to be evolutionary and emancipatory in order to evoke the values of collegial leadership as elucidated by the findings of this study. Interviewees affirmed that the COLME provides an astute framework to develop commendable collegial leadership practices as it clearly outlines procedures to develop and use the leadership potential of all the employees in order to foster joint accountability. They acknowledged that when the principles of collegiality are flexibly applied, they contribute to the creation of a holistic milieu in which all employees are able to express themselves freely, without fear of failure, and thus feel that they are part of the democratic decision-making process. Evidently, a conceptual framework such as the COLME can serve as a benchmark for leadership effectiveness because organizational outcomes need to be measured against standards of excellence in meeting both employee and customer expectations.

Keywords: collegial leadership model, employee empowerment, shared decision-making, traditional bureaucratic management practices

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Authors: Grace Rademacher

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Trauma” of the Kingdom of Hungary and the “Lost Cause” of the American Confederacy. Applying Nicole Maurantonio’s articulation of “confederate exceptionalism” and Svetlana Boym’s definition of “restorative nostalgia”, this article argues that, via memorialization and public discourse, both far right bodies flood their constituencies with narratives of nostalgia and martyrdom to sow existential anxieties about past and prophetic victimhood, all under the guise of protecting or restoring heritage. Linking this practice to gamification and conspiracy theorizing and following the work of Patrick Jagoda, this article identifies such industries of nostalgia as means by which the far right in both nations can partake in the “immanent and improvisational process of problem making.” Reified through monuments and references to the Trianon Trauma and the American confederacy, political actors “problem make” by alleging that they are victims of the West or the Left, subject to the cruel whims of liberalism and denial of historical legitimacy. In both nations, relying on their victimhood, pundits and politicians can appeal to white supremacists and distract citizens from legitimate active conflicts, such as wars or democratic rollbacks, redirecting them to fictional, mythical attacks on Hungarian or American society and civilization. This article will examine memorials and monuments as “lieux de memoire” and identify the purposeful similarities between the discourse of public figures and politicians such as María Schmidt, János Lázár, and Viktor Orbán, with that of Donald Trump and pundits such as Tucker Carlson.

Keywords: nationalism, political memory, white supremacy, trianon

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Authors: Martin Plener

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Developmental and democratization research has a long tradition of focusing on the relationship between democratization and economic development. However, recent studies have shown that economic development is not adequate to measure the actual living conditions of civilian people. In consequence, it is unclear if a democratization process helps to improve people’s quality of life. This work addresses this issue by investigating the influence of democratization on the Human Development Index (HDI) created by the United Nations. The main objective is to study the relationship between democracy and human development and whether democratization positively impacts the living conditions of the population over time. The main mechanism which supports a positive impact is that democratic structures promote participation and political involvement of people from all social classes resulting in a better articulation of interests and thus accountability to the government. To study this issue, a panel regression with Fixed-Effects is conducted. By that, it is examined if democracy has a positive impact on the HDI (Hypothesis 1) and secondly if the same effect weakens in more developed democracies compared to less developed democracies (Hypothesis 2). The results do not reveal a direct positive relationship between the democratization of a country and its development of the HDI, not supporting H1 which denies the first hypothesis. In contrast to the assumption of H2, the effect of democratization on human development seems to be negatively correlated in countries in which democracy is barely developed. Therefore, both hypotheses must be discarded. The results indicate rather a positive correlation between economic development on human development. Therefore, the impact of democracy on the well-being of countries’ citizens needs to be reinvestigated in order to create a better understanding of how improved human development can be achieved.

Keywords: democracy, human development, modernization theory, HDI, TSCS

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Authors: E. Sahar

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Civic political knowledge is crucial for the stability of democratic countries. In the USA, Americans have poor knowledge about their constitution and their political systems. Some states such as Florida State suffers from a huge decline in civics comparing to the National Average. This study concerns with using new technologies such as augmented reality to engage students in learning civics in classrooms. This is a participatory study, which engage teachers in the process of designing augmented reality civic games. The researcher used survey to find out the materials that teachers struggle with while teaching civics. Four lessons were found the most difficult to teach for middle school students: SS7C1.1 Enlightenment thinkers, SS7C1.2 influencing documents, SS7C1.7-Weakness of the Articles of Confederation, and Forms and systems of governments. For the limited scope of this study, we focused on “Forms and Systems of governments’ as the main project. Augmented Reality is used to help students to engage in learning civics through building a game that is based on the pedagogy constructivism theory. The resulted project meets the educational requirements for civics, provide students with more knowledge in at stake issues such as migration and citizenship, and help them to build leadership skills while playing in groups. The augmented reality game is also designed to test the students learning for each stage. This study helps to generate insightful implications for the use of augmented reality by educators, researchers, instructional designers, and developers who are interested in integrating technology in teaching civics for students in middle school classrooms.

Keywords: augmented reality, games, civics teaching, Florida middle school

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Authors: Xinchen Zhu

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In the history of Chinese-language film, female stars’ acting is connected with issues of national ideology, consumerism, and sexual politics. In the 1980s, Taiwan entered a period of ‘soft authoritarianism’ in which the economy prospered politics became more democratic, and mass culture became more diverse. Film censorship was more flexible and sexual scenes were increasingly shown on screen. Female stars’ bodies were eroticized and commercialized through sexual and nude scenes and, by challenging conservative film censorship and social taboos, became the focus of mass media. This article will explore how discourses in mass media constructed the erotic images of female stars and, conversely, impacted film censorship, filmmakers and film actresses in 1980s’ Taiwan. This article will regard the eroticized female film stars’ acting as a ‘field’ of internal interaction and continuous reproduction, where the ideology of male dominance and voices of female film stars conflict with each other. Based on textual analysis of female stars’ sexual acting and the debate in mass media, the argument is that the eroticized female bodies were gazed upon on and off the screen. In the discourses of mass media, the artistry of actresses’ erotic acting was not only ignored, devalued and delegitimized, these stars were also labelled as ‘undressed star’ or ‘nude star’ and construed as victims of the film industry. However, the female stars were able to speak through mass media platforms, emphasizing their efforts in erotic acting and highlighting modern female subjectivity.

Keywords: sexual scenes, Taiwan female stars, erotic acting, discourses in mass media, female subjectivity

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Authors: Jessica Da Silva

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This paper examines France as a microcosm of the rise of right-wing populism in the broader European context. The attack on the Charlie Hebdo newspaper is arguably, a reaction to the aggressive European secularism spreading throughout Europe that sees its true enemy in the growth of extremist and violent interpretations of Islam. With each terrorist attack, the popularity of anti-immigrant policies and ideologies increases. What ultimately drives movements like the French National Front are the concepts of monoculture and ethnic identity. This paper analyses the character of right-wing populist parties using the National Front as a case study. Such parties generate anxiety and resentment by fomenting an irrational fear of the ‘other’. In this way, populists promote their identity on the basis of xenophobia, Islamophobia, and practices of social exclusion against targeted out-groups. They position immigrants and foreigners as ‘others’, claiming they are a threat to native cultures and a source of social and economic strife. Ultimately, right-wing populism exerts a negative influence over the democratic framework in Europe and opposes the European Union’s integration project. Right-wing populism attacks this supranational model because of its alleged inefficiency and departure from what it considers to be 'authentic' European traditions and citizenship. In this context, understanding the rise of radical right-wing populist parties is extremely important for the future of Europe, democracy and multiculturalism.

Keywords: cultural identity, Europeanization, front national, immigration, integration, Islamophobia, multiculturalism, nationalism, right-wing populist parties, xenophobia

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Authors: N. M. Esa Abrar Khan

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This paper will describe how a city planning can be abusive and promote gentrification in Dhaka city area in an extreme remorseless way. To our knowledge, Dhaka is enormously overpopulated, and its somewhat unrest political situation and corruption is promoting not only bruised urban growth but also this growth leering people socially and mentally. Due to globalization, whole world is in a rat race of development fiesta and Bangladesh is no longer falling back in this race. Recent political agenda is to develop the country anyhow, whether it is a good development or not. In the name of development, Dhaka city is becoming overwhelmed with flyovers, needless shopping malls and commercial complexes. This drastic urbanization is promoting gentrification. Gentrification is the process of societal change which intimidate the existing group of people from a certain place and encouraging affluent group of people on that place and eventually they take the control of that place. Process of gentrification is more capitalistic rather socially democratic. Architects are indirectly or directly related with this social change and politics is the catalyst of these social alteration. The methodology of this paper was mainly dependent on mass interviews including political leaders and activist’s interviews. Also, photographic analysis, empirical research etc. helped to create this paper. Secondary data were collected from different published and unpublished documents, relevant research articles, and books. From the study, it is clearly can be said that architects and urban designers are promoting social imbalance. The paper tried to suggest how architects and other designers can help to resist gentrification and can remain the social heterogeneity.

Keywords: gentrification, migration, Bangladesh, urban, globalization, hybrid

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Authors: Mirko Klaric

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In different countries, sub-municipal units have different organizational and political positions. In some countries, the role of sub-municipal units is important; in others, it is marginal. That depends on the organization of the local government system in different countries, and the political role of local self-government units, their size, public authorities, and the possibility for managing various local public tasks. This paper attempts to analyze the sub-municipal government as an organizational form of local governance participation of citizens in the local community with a comparative perspective. Secondly, it presents elements that generally format sub-municipal government as a tool for strengthening of democratization processes in local government units. Those elements are crucial for the understanding of the dynamic in relation to local government vs. sub-municipal government. Special focus is put on the sub-municipal government in South-Eastern European countries, which have a common history and institutional framework, with this main question: how can sub-municipal government contribute to strengthening democratic processes in these countries. In centralized countries, the sub-municipal government usually has a reduced role, which relates to managing public tasks connected with local community needs. The purpose of this comparative research methodology is used for analyzing the present organization and role of sub-municipal government in local government systems in Croatia and other significant countries in Europe, with a special focus on the states in South-Eastern Europe and Croatia. Comparative analyses attempt to show that local government systems with bigger local government units have more significant sub-municipal government. On the other hand, local government systems with small local government units don’t have a strong sub-municipal government. Finally, this paper aims to present ideas on how the sub-municipal government can improve decentralization and contribute to better development of the local community and the whole of society.

Keywords: public administration, local government, sub-municipal government, decentralization

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Authors: Mbanzulu Kennedy, Zanga Josue, Wumba Roger

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Malaria and schistosomiasis remain life-threatening public health problems in sub-Saharan Africa. The infection pattern related to age indicates that preschool and school-age children are at the highest risk of malaria and schistosomiasis. Both parasitic infections, separately or combined, may have negative impacts on the haemoglobin concentration levels. The existing data revealed that artemisinin derivatives commonly used to cure malaria present also in antischistosomal activities. The current study investigated the impact of Artesunate-Amodiaquine (AS-AQ) on schistosomiasis when administered to treat malaria in rural area of Lemfu, DRC. A prospective longitudinal study including 171 coinfected children screened for anaemia, Schistosoma mansoni, and Plasmodium falciparum infections. The egg reduction rate and haemoglobin concentration were assessed four weeks after the treatment with AS-AQ, of all coinfected children of this series. One hundred and twenty-five (74.4%) out of 168 coinfected children treated and present during the assessment were found stool negative for S. mansoni eggs. Out of 43 (25.6%) children who remained positives, 37 (22%) showed a partial reduction of eggs amount, and no reduction was noted in 3.6% of coinfected. The mean of haemoglobin concentration and the prevalence of anaemia were, respectively, 10.74±1.5g/dl , 11.2±1.3g/dl, and 64.8%, 51.8%, respectively, before and after treatment, p<0.001. The AS-AQ commonly used against Plasmodium allowed curing S. mansoni in coinfected children and increasing the Hb level. For the future, the randomized and multicentric clinical trials are needed for a better understanding of the effectiveness of AS-AQ against Schistosoma spp. The trial registration number was 3487183.

Keywords: paludisme, schistosomiase, as-aq, enfants lemfu

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Authors: Irakli Manvelidze, Genadi Iashvili, Giga Phartenadze, Giorgi Katamadze

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Establishment of electronic governance in the region is facing serious problems. Organizational, technical, social and methodological problems have been identified after the research. These problems currently create serious barriers and prevent the development of effective e-governance. Lack of human resources, difference in program targets of the centre and the region, lack of citizens’ awareness about the project of electronic governance are other issues that should be mentioned. In spite of positive changes the overall situation concerning development of modern information-communication technologies in Adjara is not satisfactory. The information systems in the region can be described as transforming in a democratic way which needs serious reforms. Current situation shows that unsystematic, uncoordinated actions were made which overall represents more chaotic rather than coordinated systematic process. Therefore, a strategic document ‘Adjarian Electronic Government’ should be created which will ensure systematic development of electronic governance in the region. The implementation of the strategy of ‘Adjarian Electronic Government’ should be based on not only conceptual and instrumental but also legal basics. A legal normative basis should be created which will include formation of electronic government’s instrumental basis as well as creation of united regional system of electronic document management. Meanwhile types of documents which would be used in inter institutional relations should be defined under a legal norm. Creation of regional united system of e-filing will regulate regional public institutions, relations between local self-government and public organizations as well as it will ensure coordinated work of all regional public institutions.

Keywords: e-government, information society, public administration, reforming state governance, public institutions

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Authors: Syed Toqueer Akhter, Muhammad Muzaffar Abbas

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Conflicts in Pakistan are a result of a configuration of factors, which are directly related to the system of the state, the unstable regional setting, and the geo-strategic location of Pakistan at large. This paper examines the impact of regional conflict onto the socio-political sustainability of Pakistan. The magnitude of the spillover from a conflicted region is similar in size of the equivalent increase in domestic conflict. Pakistan has gone at war three times with India; the border with India is named as the tensest borderlines of the world. Disagreements with India and lack of dispute settlement mechanisms have negatively effected the peace in the region, influx of illegal weapons and refugees from Afghanistan as an outcome of 9/11 incidence, have exasperated the criticality of levels of internal conflict in Pakistan. Our empirical findings are based on the data collected on regional conflict levels, regional trade, global trade, comparative defence capabilities of the region in contrast to Pakistan and the government regime (Autocratic, Democratic) over 1972-2007. It has been proposed in this paper that the intent of domestic conflict is associated with the conflict in the region, regional trade, global trade and the government regime of Pakistan. The estimated model (OLS) implies that domestic conflict is effected positively and significantly with long term impact of conflict in the region. Also, if defence capabilities of the region are better than that of Pakistan it effects domestic conflict positively and significantly. Conflict in neighbouring countries are found as a source of domestic conflict in Pakistan, whereas the regional trade as well as type of government regimes in Pakistan lowered the intensity of domestic conflict significantly, while globalized trade imply risk of domestic conflict to be reduced but not significantly.

Keywords: conflict, regional trade, socio-politcal instability

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Authors: Alae El Fahsi

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This study explores the ‘Tajawob’ app's role in urban development, demonstrating how mobile applications can empower citizens and facilitate urban planning. Tajawob serves as a digital platform for community feedback, engagement, and participatory governance, addressing urban challenges through innovative tech solutions. This research synthesizes data from a variety of sources, including user feedback, engagement metrics, and interviews with city officials, to assess the app’s impact on citizen participation in urban development in Morocco. By integrating advanced data analytics and user experience design, Tajawob has bridged the communication gap between citizens and government officials, fostering a more collaborative and transparent urban planning process. The findings reveal a significant increase in civic engagement, with users actively contributing to urban management decisions, thereby enhancing the responsiveness and inclusivity of urban governance. Challenges such as digital literacy, infrastructure limitations, and privacy concerns are also discussed, providing a comprehensive overview of the obstacles and opportunities presented by mobile app-based citizen engagement platforms. The study concludes with strategic recommendations for scaling the Tajawob model to other contexts, emphasizing the importance of adaptive technology solutions in meeting the evolving needs of urban populations. This research contributes to the burgeoning field of smart city innovations, offering key insights into the role of digital tools in facilitating more democratic and participatory urban environments.

Keywords: smart cities, digital governance, urban planning, strategic design

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Authors: Shankar Dhakal, Andrew Jones, Geoffrey W. Lummis

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The Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal is a linguistically, culturally, and ethnically diverse country with approximately 123 different spoken languages that represent several ethnic, cultural, and religious groups of people. With a population of about 30 million, long-standing disparities and inequalities in access and achievement in education have constantly been challenging to provide equitable educational opportunities for all students. While the new constitution of federal Nepal (2015) stipulates that all schools serve the interests of diverse communities, leadership practices have failed to adopt local contextual sensitivities, leading to traditional, authoritarian approaches and entrenched inequalities. However, little is known about how Nepali secondary school principals can adapt and implement context-responsive and equitable strategies to ensure equity and inclusiveness in its enormously diverse socio-cultural contexts. To fill this gap, this study explores how educational leadership approaches and philosophies are transformed using a multi-case automated/ethnographic research methodology underpinned by the paradigm of critical constructivism. This paper reconstructs to see if school leadership in Nepal can produce more equitable and contextual outcomes. The results of this study highlight the need for a paradigm shift and the adoption of innovative leadership approaches that foster humility, empathy, and compassion in school leaders to achieve better school outcomes. This research provides valuable insights into existing literary gaps and provides guidance for future school leadership policies and practices at the personal, cultural, and political levels.

Keywords: school leadership, auto/ethnography, equitable and context-responsive leadership, Nepal

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Authors: Sarah Ledoux

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This paper analyses the quantitative effects of political content consumption in social media platforms on self-reported ideological preference across the Latin American region. Initially praising the democratic potential of the internet and its social networking websites, digital politics scholars have transitioned their discourse to warning against the undemocratic side-effects it cultivates, such as hate speech, filter bubbles, and ideological polarisation. Holding technology solely responsible for political trends worldwide is an oversimplification of the factors influencing social change. Nonetheless, widespread use of social media in new democracies raises questions on the reproduction of recent trends that have been observed in the US and Western Europe. Through the analysis of ordered logistic regressions on data from the 2018 AmericasBarometer survey, this study examines the extent to which the relationship between the consumption of political content on social media is related to ideological polarisation in Latin America. The findings indicate that there is a close link between consumption of political information on social media, specifically on Facebook and WhatsApp, and ideological positioning on the extremes of the political left- and right-wings. This relation holds when controlling for individual-level demographic and attitudinal factors, as well as country-level effects. These results demonstrate with empirical evidence that viewing political content on social media has a significant positive effect on the likelihood that citizens position themselves on the extreme ends of the left-right ideological spectrum and implies that political polarisation is a phenomenon that accompanies politically driven social media use.

Keywords: Latin America, polarisation, political consumption, political ideology, social media, survey

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Mohammad S. Islam

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Elections in Bangladesh are always controversial, and sometimes it becomes a violent affair when state power is combined with politics. Despite the commitment of the ruling party- the polling government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, the participants of opposition parties and the general voters became very disappointed, terribly frustrated, and severely shocked. It happened when numerous claims of serious irregularities of vote rigging and violence came out in broad daylight during the election. This paper addresses the issues of how the ruling party created frightening and a horror situation to make people silent over electoral fraud and violent incidents, including gang rape. It also seeks to demonstrate that election-2018 was simply the deceptive action of the ruling party to legitimate their power, but not to provide a minimum opportunity for voters to exercise their fundamental right to vote. The fundamental freedom and the rule of law seemed to be ignored completely in this election process and afterwards. With the help of state machinery, the government of the ruling party violated human rights, restricted fundamental freedoms, and humiliated social protection & dignity. The contestant’s views as witnessed and relevant literatures are cited first for conceptual understanding. Then, the paper will examine how a new dimension of circumstantial social measures related to sustained protection can reduce all kinds of violence against humanity towards establishing a peaceful democratic society. Finally, this paper interprets the key findings and considers wider implications.

Keywords: electoral fraud, human rights, sustained protection, social measures, vote rigging

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Authors: Satyajit Kalita

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Assam from an early period has gone through various religious transformations and has witnessed its impact in different period. One of such epoch is the epoch of Srimanta Shankardeva. Srimanta Shankareva is regarded, as the greatest religious preacher and social reformer in the history of Assam. It was Shankardeva, who brought the faith of vaisnavite movement that prevailed in other parts of India. Before and during his time, the people of Assam were followers of Sakta worship, the worshipping of different gods and goddesses. People worshiped idols and offered sacrifices. Srimanta Shankardeva under the faith neo-vaishnavism and propagated the Eka-Saran-Naam-Dharm, through which spread the splendor of one and only Lord Vishnu or Krishna and abolished offering sacrifices. With the help of Eka-Saran-Naam-Dharma, Srimanta Shankardeva tries to vanish the superstitious beliefs and irrational practices of Assamese society. The NeoVaishnavite faith developed a democratic outlook which permeates the entire teachings and practices in Assamese people. His contributions not only made the foundations of Assamese literature, culture, and social structure but also established the super structures the upon. It is understood that all contributions of Srimanta Shankardeva bear his marks distinctively. Religion is said to be biggest and the most influential aspect in bringing about change in the society. In Assam, with the essence of neo-vaishnavism by Shankardeva and the emergence of the Eka-Saran-Naam-Dharma came into a huge Change to the region. The movement of religion brought about a social mobility to all sections of society. This paper is a mere initiative to look into the organizational structure of Srimanta Shankardeva Sangha and its maintenance of the ideology and principles without failure. It is aimed to examine the assimilation of different groups and communities of people under the fold of Srimanta Shankardeva Sangha.

Keywords: Neo-Vaishnavism, Srimanta Shankardeva, Srimanta Shankardeva Shangha, Eka-Saran-Naam-Dharma

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Authors: Patrick Strefford, Michael Davies, Masahiko Iguchi

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The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were adopted in 2015 to end poverty, protect the planet, and ensure prosperity for all. Sustainable tourism is firmly positioned in these Goals, since tourism has significant potential to contribute to inclusive and sustainable economic growth, as well as to promote sustainable use of natural capital. Recognizing this, the new quasi-democratic government of Myanmar has embraced Sustainable Tourism as a core component of its economic reforms and opening up of the country. However, it is also highly likely that the Democrats within the government also support Sustainable Tourism as a potential contributor to the democratization of the country. This paper outlines how the government of Myanmar has understood the concept of Sustainable Tourism, and how it intends to implement and facilitate Sustainable Tourism. This paper, therefore, focuses primarily on the institutional frameworks that have been put in place, a specific one being the Inlay Lake Destination Management Plan, which is one of the four priority destinations identified by the government. The plan aims to improve local infrastructure, manage the local environment and develop local human resources. Importantly, the Plan also includes the establishment of a Destination Management Organization (DMO) to implement and manage Inlay Lake as a Sustainable Tourism destination. This research aims to investigate, for example, the equality in both input to the DMO and benefits accrued to the various stakeholders. How such equality can be ensured and how this can be reliably quantified will be crucial to ultimately evaluating the success of any such plans to implement Sustainable Tourism in Myanmar in the coming years. However, this research paper concludes that while the establishment of the DMO is a positive development, there are considerable institutional, economic and cultural factors that severely limit the ability of the DMO to function as an agent of sustainable tourism implementation.

Keywords: sustainable tourism, myanmar, country in transition, destination management organizations

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Authors: Priyanka Sinnarkar

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The appropriation of traditional knowledge has already deprived vast indigenous communities of material benefits. One such industry in India responsible for the extensive exploitation of the indigenous communities is Bollywood or the film industry. Indigenous communities are usually marginalized and exploited, whilst the beneficiary is always the third part. Transgender culture in India dates back to 400 AD with a precise description in the Kama Sutra. Since then, with escalating evolution in governance, the community lost its glory and was criminalized until late 2014. However, the traditional knowledge and cultural practices never diminished. The formation of cults (gharanas) and peculiar folklore has remained in place. This study is intended to highlight the culture of the hijra gharanas and their contribution to intangible cultural heritage. Whilst adhering to the norms of the United Nations pertaining to traditional knowledge and indigenous communities, these papers focuses on the fact that one of the most marginalized and ostracized communities in India treasures a huge amount of rituals and practices that are appropriated by the film industry, leaving the transgender community to indulge into odd jobs and commercial sex work leading to poverty and illiteracy. A comparison between caste reservations and no reservation for this community will bring to light the lacuna in the democratic system. Also, through empirical findings, it can be inferred that a creative sector of the society is not properly exploited to its complete potential, thereby restricting a good contribution to intellectual property. It is important to state that the roots of this problem are not in modern practices. Thus an etymological analysis from mythology to the present will help understand that appropriate application of human rights in this segment will be useful to render justice to this community and thereby recognize the IP that has been succumbed since ages.

Keywords: indigenous, intellectual property, traditional knowedge, transgender

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Authors: Agnieszka Szczudlińska-Kanoś

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Nowadays the participation of citizens in public life increasingly effect on management at all levels of public authority. Today, however, democratic systems in many countries, also in Poland, based on the first - on the institutions of representative democracy, which is mainly on elections, party activity, on the other hand - on the basic instruments of direct democracy, which, in particular, we can include a referendum or initiative of citizenship - although these are often rather complementary. Other forms of participatory democracy, such as deliberative democracy, participatory budgeting, public consultation in practice in many countries are still rare. Appropriate use of the potential invested in participatory democracy can bring enormous and multilateral benefits. On the one hand, local and regional communities taking an active part in public life express their needs, point out problems and thus affect the decisions of public authorities. Authorities using knowledge acquired from the citizens also implement the policy tailored to their needs, thus obtaining support in the next election. The purpose of this study is to show how the Polish citizens affect to resolve issues of social policy pursued at different levels of government. This problem is very important because today the observed changes seen in virtually all fields of life create new social problems, which nowadays are no longer only the problems of the region, the country but they are international, global issues. From such this perspective we should talk about them, discuss, try to solve at all levels. Article will be useful not only theorists involved in the management of the public, local government, or social but also practitioners - local government acting as their functions at different levels of government. Conclusions drawn from the publication will also be useful to politicians and those directly affecting for: functioning social security systems, the scope and quality of public services and the overall shape of the contemporary social policy in different countries.

Keywords: social policy, local government, social participation, social services

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Authors: Kristof Lukas Heidemann

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In times of democratic backsliding in Western nations restoring public trust in the electoral process ranks among the most urgent tasks on the public agenda. Addressing the role of money in politics is one major part of this effort, however, such an endeavor might affect the constitutional freedom of expression. Attempts to regulate political spending in the U.S. have in recent decades increasingly been overruled by the U.S. Supreme through an expansion of the protective umbrella of the First Amendment over campaign contributions by private organizations, especially in the decisions Buckley v. Valeo and Citizens United v. FEC. In Germany on the other hand this line of argumentation has so far not been submitted to the national Supreme Court. Given that voices calling for stricter and more transparent political financing laws in Germany are growing, it seems only a matter of time until the issue will have to be addressed by the country’s judiciary as well. Therefore, this paper conducts a comparative analysis of the constitutional right to free expression in these two leading democracies in to assess whether the problem of a lack of regulatory options to achieve stricter campaign spending laws due to constitutional restrictions will also arise in Germany. In order to present a comprehensive picture of the subject, the analysis does not only touch upon doctrinal aspects of both systems but also scrutinizes the practical implications from a socio-legal perspective. Although the list of forms of expression in the wording of Art. 5 of the German constitution is generally considered to be non-exhaustive, the investigation concludes that the subsumption of election campaign donations under it is not justifiable using recognized methods of interpretation, in particular concerning a systematic interpretation in light of the principle of equality in Art. 3 of the German constitution.

Keywords: comparative constitutional law, constitutional justice, constitutional law, election law, freedom of speech, fundamental rights, law reform

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Authors: Maria Granados

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Information technology (IT) facilitates the management of knowledge in organisations through the effective leverage of collective experience and knowledge of employees. This supports information processing needs, as well as enables and facilitates sense-making activities of knowledge workers. The study of IT support for knowledge management (KM) has been carried out mainly in larger organisations where resources and competitive conditions can trigger the use of KM. However, there is still a lack of understanding on how IT can support the management of knowledge under different organisational settings influenced by: constant tensions between social and economic objectives, more focus on sustainability than competiveness, limited resources, and high levels of democratic participation and intrinsic motivations among employees. All these conditions are presented in Social Enterprises (SEs), which are normally micro and small businesses that trade to tackle social problems, improve communities, people’s life chances, and the environment. Thus, their importance to society and economies is increasing. However, there is still a need for more understanding of how these organisations operate, perform, innovate and scale-up. This knowledge is crucial to design and provide accurate strategies to enhance the sector and increase its impact and coverage. To obtain a conceptual and empirical understanding of how IT can facilitate KM in the particular organisational conditions of SEs, a quantitative study was conducted with 432 owners and senior members of SEs in UK, underpinned by 21 interviews. The findings demonstrated how IT was supporting more the recovery and storage of necessary information in SEs, and less the collaborative work and communication among enterprise members. However, it was established that SEs were using cloud solutions, web 2.0 tools, Skype and centralised shared servers to manage informally their knowledge. The possible impediments for SEs to support themselves more on IT solutions can be linked mainly to economic and human constraints. These findings elucidate new perspectives that can contribute not only to SEs and SE supporters, but also to other businesses.

Keywords: social enterprises, knowledge management, information technology, collaboration, small firms

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Samitharathana R. Wadigala

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The peace will not be established until the self-consciousness would reveal in the human beings. In this nuclear age, the establishment of a lasting peace on the earth represents the primary condition for the preservation of human civilization and survival of human beings. Nothing perhaps is so important and indispensable as the achievement and maintenance of peace in the modern world today. Peace in today’s world implies much more than the mere absence of war and violence. In the interdependent world of today the United Nations needs to be representative of the modern world and democratic in its functioning because it came into existence to save the generations from the scourge of war and conflict. Buddhism is the religion of peaceful co-existence and philosophy of enlightenment. Violence and conflict from the perspective of the Buddhist theory of interdependent origination (Paṭiccasamuppāda) are same with everything else in the world a product of causes and conditions. Buddhism is totally compatible with the congenial and peaceful global order. The canonical literature, doctrines, and philosophy of Buddhism are the best suited for inter-faith dialogue, harmony, and universal peace. Even today Buddhism can resurrect the universal brotherhood, peaceful co-existence and harmonious surroundings in the comity of nations. With its increasing vitality in regions around the world, many people today turn to Buddhism for relief and guidance at the time when peace seems to be a deferred dream more than ever. From a Buddhist point of view the roots of all unwholesome actions (Conflict) i. e. greed, hatred and delusion are viewed as the root cause of all human conflicts. Conflict often emanates from attachment to material things: pleasures, property, territory, wealth, economic dominance or political superiority. Buddhism has some particularly rich resources for deployment in dissolving conflict. Buddhism addresses the Buddhist perspective on the causes of conflict and ways to resolve conflict to realize world peace. The world has enough to satisfy every body’s needs but not every body’s greed.

Keywords: Buddhism, conflict-violence, peace, self-consciousness

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