Search results for: state and non-state actors

Authors: Jennifer Wright

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The recent rise of powerful terrorist groups such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda brings up concerns about nuclear terrorism as well as a focus on nuclear security, specifically the physical security of nuclear weapons and fissile material storage sites in countries where powerful nonstate actors are present. Particularly because these non-state actors, who lack their own sovereign territory, cannot be ‘deterred’ in the traditional sense. In light of the current threat environment, it’s necessary to now rethink these strategies in the 21st century – a multipolar world with the presence of powerful non-state actors. As a country in the spotlight for its low ranking on the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s (NTI) Nuclear Security Index, Pakistan is a relevant example to explore the question of whether the presence of non-state actors poses a real risk to nuclear security today. It’s necessary to take a look at their nuclear security policies to determine if they’re robust enough to deal with political instability and violence in the country. After carrying out interviews with experts in May 2017 in Islamabad on nuclear security and nuclear terrorism, this paper aims to highlight findings by providing a Pakistan-centric view on the subject and give experts there a chance to counter criticism. Western media would have us fearful of nuclear security mechanisms in Pakistan after reports that areas such as cybersecurity and accounting and control of materials are weak, as well as sensitive nuclear material being transported in unmarked, unguarded vehicles. Also reported are cases where terrorist groups carried out targeted attacks against Pakistani military bases or secure sites where nuclear material is stored. One specific question asked of each interviewee in Islamabad was Do you feel the threat of nuclear terrorism calls into question the reliance on deterrence? Their responses will be elaborated on in the longer paper, but overall they demonstrate views that deterrence still serves a purpose for state-to-state security strategy, but not for a state in countering nonstate threats. If nuclear security is lax enough for these non-state actors to get their hands on either an intact nuclear weapon or enough military-grade fissile material to build a nuclear weapon, then what would stop them from launching a nuclear attack? As deterrence is a state-centric strategy, it doesn’t work to deter non-state actors from carrying out an attack on another state, as they lack their own territory, and as such, are not fearful of a reprisal attack. Deterrence will need to be addressed, and its relevance analyzed to determine its utility in the current security environment. The aim of this research is to demonstrate the real risk of nuclear terrorism by pointing to weaknesses in global nuclear security, particularly in Pakistan. The research also aims to provoke thought on the weaknesses of deterrence as a whole. Original thinking is needed as we attempt to adequately respond to the 21st century’s current threat environment.

Keywords: deterrence, non-proliferation, nuclear security, nuclear terrorism

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Authors: Arash Sharghi, Irina Dotu

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The developments in the Middle East region have activated the involvement of a numerous diverse state and non-state actors in the regional affairs. The goals, positions, ideologies, different, and even contrast policy behaviors had procured the spreading and continuity of crisis. Non-state actors varying from Islamic organizations to takfiri-terrorist movements on one hand and regional and trans- regional actors, from another side, seek to reach their interests in the power struggle. Here, a research worthy question comes on the agenda: taking into consideration actors’ contradictory interests and constraints what are the regional peace and stability perspectives? Therein, different actors’ aims definition, their actions and behaviors, which affect instability, can be regarded as independent variables; whereas, on the contrary, Middle East peace and stability perspective analysis is a dependent variable. Though, this regional peace and war theory based research admits the significant influence of trans-regional actors, it asserts the roots of violence to derive from region itself. Consequently, hot war and conflict prevention and hot peace assurance in the Middle East region cannot be attained only by demands and approaches of trans-regional actors. Moreover, capacity of trans-regional actors is sufficient only for a cold war or cold peace to be reached in the region. Furthermore, within the framework of current conflict (struggle) between regional actors it seems to be difficult and even impossible to turn the cold war into a cold peace in the region.

Keywords: cold peace, cold war, hot war, Middle East, non-state actors, regional and Great powers, war theory

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Authors: Giorgi Goguadze, Jakub Zajączkowski

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This paper is written due to overview the connection between fragile states and non-state actors, we should take into account that fragile states may vary from weak, failing and failed. In this paper we will discuss about two countries, one of them is weak (Colombia/ second one is already failed- Somalia. We will try to understand what feeds ill non-state actors such as: terrorist organizations, criminal entities and other cells in these countries, what threats are they representing and how to eliminate these dangers in both national and international scope. This paper is mainly based on literature overview and personal attitude and doesn’t claim to be in scientific chain.

Keywords: fragile States, terrorism, tribalism, Somalia

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Authors: Temitope Francis Abiodun

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The practice of intelligence is not limited to the machinery of a nation state alone, yet not much research or analysis has been directed towards the spy-crafts and tradecrafts engaged in by violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the international community. The rise of 'private sector intelligence' in more recent years has only just begun to be interrogated by practitioners and academics. However, the use of intelligence by insurgents and other groups assembled to achieve varied forms of politico-military outcomes has often been overlooked. This paper examined the factors and conditions that gave rise to an increase in violent non-state actors (VNSAs), strategies aiding their deployment of insurgent intelligence, and as well the implications of their activities on global security. The failed state theory was adopted, while a descriptive research design served as the framework for the study. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources. The paper, however, revealed there were massive deployments of insurgent intelligence by violent non-state actors in contrast to a faulty pre-conception that insurgents were not as highly trained in deployment of intelligence as state actors, having assumed that the VNSAs lacked the sophistication to produce intelligence. However, the strategic objectives of insurgents (VNSAs) were revealed to depend on well-organized information gathering operations that feed into the tactical executions of their insurgency. The paper recommends, therefore, there is a need for adequate training on the part of security personnel in the states to be alive to their responsibilities; and there is also a need to ensure adequate border control and management to checkmate the influx of the various violent or deadly movements across global frontiers.

Keywords: terrorism, non-violent state actors, private sector intelligence, security

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Authors: Shivam Dwivedi, Saumya Kapoor

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The Israeli Supreme Court in Public Committee against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel observed the presence of non-state actors in cross-border terrorist activities thereby making the role of non-state actors in terrorism the center of discussion under the scope of International Humanitarian Law. Non-state actors and their role in a conflict have also been traversed upon by the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, there still are lacunae in International Humanitarian Law when it comes to determining the nature of a conflict, especially when non-state groups act within the ambit of various states, for example, Taliban in Afghanistan or the groups operating in Ukraine and Georgia. Thus, the objective of writing this paper would be to observe the ways by which non-state actors particularly terrorist organizations could be brought under the ambit of Additional Protocol I. Additional Protocol I is a 1977 amendment protocol to the Geneva Conventions relating to the protection of victims of international conflicts which basically outlaws indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations, forbids conscription of children and preserves various other human rights during the war. In general, the Additional Protocol I reaffirms the provisions of the original four Geneva Conventions. Since provisions of Additional Protocol I apply only to cases pertaining to International Armed Conflicts, the answer to the problem should lie in including the scope for ‘transnational armed conflict’ in the already existing definition of ‘International Armed Conflict’ within Common Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions. This would broaden the applicability of the provisions in cases of non-state groups and render an international character to the conflict. Also, the non-state groups operating or appearing to operate should be determined by the test laid down in the Nicaragua case by the International Court of Justice and not under the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in order to provide a comprehensive system to deal with such groups. The result of the above proposal, therefore, would enhance the scope of the application of International Humanitarian Law to non-state groups and individuals.

Keywords: Geneva Conventions, International Armed Conflict, International Humanitarian Law, non-state actors

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Authors: Ezgi Cetinkaya

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In the psychological literature, there are a few studies that focus on actors' self-perceptions and their social adjustment skills. Therefore the aim of the study was to shed light on the self-concept clarity, sociotrophy, and self-monitoring levels of professional actors. For this purpose, actors and non-actors are compared to their peers. The study was conducted with the participation of 106 actors and 131 non-actors. A descriptive method of research was employed and data was collected through the concept Clarity scale by Campbell et al. (1996), the Pleasing Others and Concern For Disapproval subscales of Sociotrophy and Autonomy scale by Beck et al. (1983), and the Self-Monitoring Scale by Snyder ( 1983). ANOVA and correlation analysis was done by using SPSS. Results showed that there is no significant difference between actors and non-actors at any age in terms of Self Concept Clarity. 25-25 years non-actors were found to have the highest self-concept clarity while the young actors had the lowest. The study didn’t reveal significant differences between the groups in terms of Sociotropy scores. The actor’s sociothropic tendencies weren’t enhanced by the experience. The study demonstrated that 25-35-year-old actors are higher self-monitors than 25-35-year-old non-actors.

Keywords: self-concept, self-monitoring, autonomy, sociotropy, theatre, acting, creativity, identity

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Authors: Manotar Tampubolon

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Indonesia is a country that upholds the law, human rights and religious freedom. The freedom that implied in various laws and constitution (Undang-undang 1945) is not necessarily applicable in practice of religious life. In one side, the state has a duty as protector and guarantor of freedom, on the other side, however, it turns into one of the actors of freedom violations of religion minority. State action that interferes freedom of religion is done in various ways both intentionally or negligently or not to perform its obligations in the enforcement of human rights (human rights due diligence). Besides the state, non-state actors such as religious organizations, individuals also become violators of the rights of religious freedom. This article will discuss two fundamental issues that interfere freedom of religion in Indonesia after democratic era. In addition, this article also discusses a comprehensive state policy that discriminates minority religions to manifest their faith.

Keywords: religious freedom, constitution, minority faith, state actor

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Authors: Renu Kumari

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State sovereignty refers to the ability and power of a state to be independent and not to have any interference of external actors in its internal affairs. This phenomenon has been accepted by International Law, which gives rights to the state to maintain its autonomy and territorial integrity without the interference of other actors. In of 1980’s and 1990’s the world has witnessed the worst case of human rights violence for instance, Rwanda genocide, the conflict in former Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Burundi, and Chad so and so forth. Though human rights violence is not a new phenomenon, it has been present all over the world in different time and space. But in 1990’s after the devastation of these conflicts and violence the world community came up with the notion of humanitarian intervention in which some states took the responsibility of protecting human rights violations and on the in order to protect they can intervene in the internal matters of a state specifically during civil war where state is unable to protect its people. Later on these so-called world community realized that intervention itself is a negative term that was criticized also therefore they came up with a different notion that sounded positive which known as responsibility to protect. In 2005 onwards, the notion of responsibility to protect accepted and recognized by the United Nations and states at a larger level. In the case of Syria on the name of responsibility to protect foreign interventions took place and due to the internal war Syrian people were already facing many problems, the government was not able to protect them. External invasion caused many devastating outcomes to the country. This paper is an attempt to analyze various dimensions of invasion of external affairs of a particular state and the status of sovereignty. Firstly, it lays out the notion of humanitarian intervention and then the responsibility to protect. Secondly, it looks in the case of Syria since 2011, the conflict of Syria. Thirdly it focuses on various efforts made by international organizations and other actors. Lastly, it looks why and how other actors intervene in the internal matter of Syria.

Keywords: state sovereignty, external actors, intervention, responsibility to protect

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Yin Cheung Lam

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In 1949, the ratification of the Geneva Conventions heralded the international community’s adoption of a new universal and non-discriminatory approach to human rights in situations of conflict. However, with the proliferation of international terrorism after the 9/11 attacks on the United States (U.S.), the international community’s uneven and contradictory implementations of international humanitarian law (IHL) questioned its agenda of universal human rights. Specifically, the derogation from IHL has never been so pronounced in the U.S. led ‘War on Terror’. While an extensive literature has ‘assessed the impact’ of the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, limited attention has been paid to interrogating the ways in which the Geneva Conventions and its resulting implementation have functioned to discursively reproduce certain understandings of human rights between states and non-state actors. Through a discursive analysis of the Geneva Conventions and the conceptualization of human rights in relation to terrorism, this thesis problematises the way in which the U.S. has understood and reproduced understandings of human rights. Using the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ as an example, it seeks to extend previous analyses of the U.S.’ practice of IHL through a qualitative discursive analysis of the human rights content that appears in the Geneva Conventions in addition to the speeches and policy documents on the ‘War on Terror’.

Keywords: discursive analysis, human rights, non-state actors, war on terror

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Authors: Mirko Sailio

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Border crossing automatization reduces required human resources in handling people crossing borders. As technology replaces and augments the work done by border officers, new cyber threats arise to threaten border security. This research analyses the current cyber threat actors and their capabilities. The analysis is conducted by gathering the threat actor data from a wide range of public sources. A model for a general border automatization system is presented, and its most significant cyber-security attributes are then compared to threat actor activity and capabilities in order to predict priorities in securing such systems. Organized crime and nation-state actors present the clearest threat to border cyber-security, and additional focus is given to their motivations and activities.

Keywords: border automation, cyber-security, threat actors, border cyber-security

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Authors: Miraç Savaş Turhan, Ali Danışman

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New institutional theorists in organization theory have used institutional logics perspective to explain the contradictory practices in modern western societies. Accordingly, distinct institutional logics are embedded in central institutions such as the market, state, democracy, family, and religion. Individual and organizational actors and their practices are restricted and guided by institutional logics in a particular field. Through this perspective, actors are assumed to have a situated, embedded, boundedly intentional, and adaptive role against the structure in social, cultural and political context. Since the early 1990's, increasing number of studies has attempted to explain the role of actors in creating, maintaining, and changing institutions. Yet, most of these studies have focused on organizational field-level actors, ignoring the role that can be played by individual actors within organizations. As a result, we have much information about what organizational field level actors can do, but relatively little knowledge about the ability of organizational change agents within organization in relation to institutional orders. This study is an attempt to find out how the ability of individual actors who attempt to change their organization is constrained and shaped by institutional logics dominating the field. We examine this issue in a private school in the Turkish Education field. We first describe dominating institutional logics in the Turkish Education field. Then we conducted in-depth interviews and content analysis in the school. The early results indicate that attempts and actions of organizational change agents are remarkably directed and shaped by the dominating institutional logics in the Turkish Education field.

Keywords: Institutional logics, individual actors, organizational change, organizational change agent

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Authors: Naomi I. Austin

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Following WWII, the Geneva Conventions and Universal Declaration of Human Rights declared the right to return an unalienable right. The right to return has been disputed by the Israeli government and upheld as an individual by prominent Palestinian activists. Those who contest the Palestinian right to return argue that it would effectively end the state of Israel. After the conquest of Lebanon, the concept of a two-state solution has been effectively shut down. This research paper will seek to utilize interviews from NGO actors and those displaced to be gathered from fieldwork conducted in refugee camps and bases of international actors, exploring durable and multilateral solutions for not only the refugee crisis but the forced displacement of Palestinians that go beyond state actors and government entities. The research will center on the perspective of those displaced to generate a plausible solution to mitigate negative effects on displaced persons. This paper will seek to address whether the right to return is plausible with the expansion of Israeli territorial conquest and the impact of the Israeli expansion on migrations within the Mediterranean region and the EU, especially with policies of integration into the host community.

Keywords: durable solutions, forced displacement, protracted conflict, refugee studies, narrative building, memory, right to return

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Authors: Pablo Ampuero, Claudia Labarca

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The current research paper assesses how the narrative of Chilean businesspeople about China shapes a new Orientalism Analyses on the role of non-state actors in foreign policy that have hitherto theorized about Orientalism as a narrative of hegemonic power. Hence, it has been instrumental to the efforts of imperialist powers to justify their mission civilisatrice. However, such conceptualization can seldom explain new complexities of international interactions at the height of globalization. Hence, we assessed the case of Chile, a small Latin American country, and its relationship with China, its largest trading partner. Through a discourse analysis of interviews with Chilean businesspeople engaged in the Chinese market, we could determine that Chile is building an Orientalist image of China. This new business Orientalism reinforces a relation of alterity based on commercial opportunities, traditional values, and natural dispositions. Hence, the perception of the Chinese Other amongst Chilean business people frames a new set of representations as part of the essentially commercial nature of current bilateral relations. It differs from previous frames, such as the racial bias frame of the early 20^th century, or the anti-communist frame in reaction to Mao’s leadership. As in every narrative of alterity, there is not only a construction of the Other but also a definition of the Self. Consequently, this analysis constitutes a relevant case of the role of non-state actors in asymmetrical bilateral relations, where the non-state actors of the minor power build and act upon an Orientalist frame, which is not representative of its national status in the relation. This study emerges as a contribution on the relation amongst non-state actors in asymmetrical relations, where the smaller power’s business class acts on a negative prejudice of its interactions with its counterpart. The research builds upon the constructivist approach to international relations, linking the idea of Nation Branding with Orientalism in the case of Chile-China relations.

Keywords: new business Orientalism, small power, framing, Chile-China relations

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Authors: Yassine Mehros, Jean-Michel Degeorge, Abdelaziz Elabjani

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Innovation has long been considered the key to the survival, development, and growth of companies. It is a process in which start-ups play a key role, but they suffer from a structural lack of resources, which hinders the development of new innovations and their commercialization. The use of alternative channels to access resources is therefore becoming a necessity to overcome this constraint and identify opportunities. This is why they can be part of large communities of interdependent actors, namely innovation ecosystems that are part of a logic of sharing and open innovation. This research aims to explore and better understand OI in start-ups within an innovation ecosystem. We offer an exploratory qualitative study with start-ups and other actors in the Saint-Étienne innovation ecosystem. Our paper explored the characteristics and main actors of the Saint-Etienne innovation ecosystem, focusing on start-ups. We have identified the motivations of start-up’s adopting OI, its difficulties, its risks, and its impact on their growth. Also, our results show the existence of strong links between the different actors in the ecosystem. In addition, a strong trust has been established between these actors thanks to the geographical proximity; the start-ups manage to get in touch with the different actors of their innovation ecosystem by practicing OI. The actors collaborate on projects involving companies and, in particular, start-ups.

Keywords: open innovation, start-ups, Innovation ecosystem, actors

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Authors: Olamide Shittu, Olayinka Akanle

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Value Chain Analysis is a common method of examining the stages involved in the production of a product, mostly agricultural produce, from the input to the consumption stage including the actors involved in each stage. However, the Functional Institutional Analysis is the most common method in literature employed to analyze the value chain of products. Apart from studying the relatively neglected phenomenon of recycled polymer products in Lagos Metropolis, this paper adopted the use of social network analysis to attempt a grounded theory of the nature of social network that exists among the value chain actors of the subject matter. The study adopted a grounded theory approach by conducting in-depth interviews, administering questionnaires and conducting observations among the identified value chain actors of recycled polymer products in Lagos Metropolis, Nigeria. The thematic analysis of the collected data gave the researchers the needed background to formulate a truly representative network of the social relationships among the value chain actors of recycled polymer products in Lagos Metropolis. The paper introduced concepts such as Transient and Perennial Social Ties to explain the observed social relations among the actors. Some actors have more social capital than others as a result of the structural holes that exist in their triad network. Households and resource recoverers are at disadvantaged position in the network as they have high constraints in their relationships with other actors. The study attempted to provide a new perspective in the study of the environmental value chain by analyzing the network of actors to bring about policy action points and improve recycling in Nigeria. Government and social entrepreneurs can exploit the structural holes that exist in the network for the socio-economic and sustainable development of the state.

Keywords: recycled polymer products, social network analysis, social ties, value chain analysis

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Authors: Katrina Angeline Santos, Francis Mark Fernandez, Francheska Esmao

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Intervention is defined as a forcible interference by a state or states with power in the affairs of another state using force or the threat of force. On the other hand, a military intervention is an intervention, specifically used to define an intervention which uses force. With these, the authors realized a lack in the concept of intervention wherein it is an invited one.The authors wrote this paper to introduce a concept of intervention wherein the intervening state is offering assistance to the state in crisis which asked for one. The authors decided to make a contextual description of this phenomenon because of the lack of concepts regarding intervention between the idea of a single state performing a ‘heroic’ role of intervening in the crisis of another state. The problem that the authors would like to address is regarding the lack of availability in the concept of intervention wherein the state in crisis is seeking the assistance of another state. The authors utilized a contextual description approach to the study through the descriptive presentation of the series of events, by utilizing the news articles and news reports published, which happened in Ukraine and Crimea. This concept is further demonstrated through the utilization of a conceptual framework which shows the mutual relationship between the states. From the analysis of the behavior of Russia and its role in the Crimean Crisis 2014, the authors are able to coin the term, 'Caped Intervention' to describe an intervention of a state as a response to the invitation of assistance of a state in crisis in order for them to achieve their goals. This concept entails a mutual relationship between an intervening state and a sate in crisis. The concept of Caped Intervention describes the role of Russia as a Caped State or an intervening state observed through its action towards Crimea. This concept will help in the observation of the behavior of actors or states in events such as this. It will further help in analyzing the actors’ role in intervention by making it possible to classify the intervening acts into another concept.

Keywords: assistance, caped intervention, crisis, heroic

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Authors: Nana Kwasi Amoateng

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The paper uses secondary information to investigate some longstanding limitations in International Relations (IR) theory. Specifically, the analysis highlights IR theory through the lens of J. C. Sharman’s brilliant concept of outside-in state-building logic in which some states, particularly those in Africa, have relied mainly on foreign resources to address local threats. The key findings are that IR theory has been largely understood from the perspective of an inside-out state-building logic, whereby Western and other advanced states have heavily relied on local resources to address foreign threats. In this vein, IR theorists, including Critical Theorists, have not been able to fully grasp African states and states elsewhere that have generally relied on an outside-in logic of state-building. The paper helps to fill a major gap in IR theory, which has mainly addressed criticisms of being Euro- or Western-centric or failing to include the unique experiences of states and other actors in the Global South by developing critical theories such as post-colonial theory and neo-colonialism. Although this has helped to understand some experiences of actors in the Global South, the fundamental difference between state-building in the West and the Global South, particularly Africa, has not been adequately explored to fully comprehend why, despite the works of Critical Theorists, IR theory still fails to capture many political and socioeconomic realities in Africa and elsewhere.

Keywords: international relations theory, outside-in state-building logic, inside-out state-building logic, Africa

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Authors: Zhihua Xu

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In the era of globalization, the urban question is increasingly being posed in the form of a scale question. Scale theory provides a new perspective for analyzing various dynamics and their influences on urban development. After the reunification, how the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) interacts with the actors at various scales and carries out state rescaling are the keys to exploring the issue of urban development and governance in Hong Kong. This paper examines the entire planning process of the Hong Kong Section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link, from project conception, design, to consultation, and fund application, to identify the actors at different scales involved in the process, and analyze the modes and consequences of their interaction. This study shows that after the reunification, the Hong Kong SAR Government takes the initiative to scale up to expand its hinterland. Intergovernmental institutional cooperation is an important mode of state rescaling for the Hong Kong SAR government. Meanwhile, the gradually growing civil society plays an important role in the rescaling of urban development. Local actors use scalar politics to construct discourses and take actions at multiple scales to challenge the government’s proposal and trigger a discussion on the project throughout the Hong Kong society. The case study of Hong Kong can deepen the understanding of state rescaling of territorial organizations in the context of institutional transformation and enrich the theoretical connotation of state rescaling. It also helps the Mainland government to better understand the case of Hong Kong and formulate appropriate.

Keywords: Hong Kong, state rescaling, scalar politics, Hong Kong section of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong express rail link, urban governance

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Authors: Sophia Barquete, Adriana H. Trevisan, Janaina Mascarenhas

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The circular economy (CE) aims at the cycling of resources through restorative and regenerative strategies. To achieve circularity, coordination of several actors who have different responsibilities is necessary. The interaction among multiple actors allows the connection between the CE and business ecosystem research fields. Although fundamental, the relationships between actors within an ecosystem to foster circularity are not deeply explored in the literature. The objective of this study was to identify the possibilities of cooperation, competition, or even coopetition among the members of business ecosystems that adopt circular strategies. In particular, the motivations that make these actors interact to achieve a circular economy were investigated. A systematic literature review was adopted to select business ecosystem cases that adopt circular strategies. As a result, several motivations were identified for actors to engage in relationships within ecosystems, such as sharing knowledge and infrastructure, developing products with a circular design, promoting reverse logistics, among others. The results suggest that partnerships between actors are, in fact, important for the implementation of circular strategies. In order to achieve a complete and circular solution, actors must be able to clearly understand their roles and relationships within the network so that they can establish new partnerships or reframe those already established.

Keywords: business ecosystem, circular economy, cooperation, coopetition, competition

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Authors: Zafar Iqbal

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This article aims at analyzing the U.S.-Taliban peace deal considering the cross- pressures that both parties (U.S. and Taliban) faced and eventually paved the way for a negotiated settlement to the two-decade-long war. The paper first discusses the peace process initiated by President Obama in 2009 and then explores the factors that compelled both the parties to sign this deal. The study is based on secondary data and interviews done with the leading experts on Afghanistan along with the Taliban Qatar office spokesperson’s interview. The theoretical framework is based on the interplay of diplomacy and domestic politics: two-level games logic proposed by Robert D. Putnam. The two-level games suggest that actors involved in negotiations face cross-pressures and are constrained both by the expectations of the domestic audience and their counterpart’s zone of possible agreement. This paper will take the cross pressures for both sides as the permissive factors for the entire process of negotiations. However, there will be a slight aberration in the application of Putnam’s two-level games. In this case, it is not inter-state negotiations but between an all-powerful state and the unyielding non-state actors. The study concludes that both the parties faced domestic as well as international pressure which compelled them to sign a deal that could lead to an end of the two-decade-long war. Furthermore, it looks at the potential prospects and challenges of the deal following the U.S. withdrawal.

Keywords: neo-Taliban insurgency, negotiations, two-level game, U.S.-Taliban peace deal, U.S. withdrawal

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Authors: Syed Iftikhar Hussain Shah, Vasilis Peristeras, Ioannis Magnisalis

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Organizations, including governments, generate (big) data that are high in volume, velocity, veracity, and come from a variety of sources. Public Administrations are using (big) data, implementing base registries, and enforcing data sharing within the entire government to deliver (big) data related integrated services, provision of insights to users, and for good governance. Government (Big) data ecosystem actors represent distinct entities that provide data, consume data, manipulate data to offer paid services, and extend data services like data storage, hosting services to other actors. In this research work, we perform a systematic literature review. The key objectives of this paper are to propose a robust definition of government (big) data ecosystem and a classification of government (big) data ecosystem actors and their roles. We showcase a graphical view of actors, roles, and their relationship in the government (big) data ecosystem. We also discuss our research findings. We did not find too much published research articles about the government (big) data ecosystem, including its definition and classification of actors and their roles. Therefore, we lent ideas for the government (big) data ecosystem from numerous areas that include scientific research data, humanitarian data, open government data, industry data, in the literature.

Keywords: big data, big data ecosystem, classification of big data actors, big data actors roles, definition of government (big) data ecosystem, data-driven government, eGovernment, gaps in data ecosystems, government (big) data, public administration, systematic literature review

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Authors: Sunday Ofum Ogon

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The 1648 Westphalia Conference in Europe ushered in the state as the only legal entity with powers to engage in interstate relations on matters that bothers on the development need of her citizens. This epochal entry of the state reshaped global relations with the curtailment of the powers of individual and groups in external relations as the state became the only entity that acted on behalf of any individual or non-state actors like NGOs residing within the parameters of such a country. Thus, the paper interrogated the extent at which the state determines her Politico-Economic relations with regards to development and growth within the state. To achieve these objectives, the paper relied on documentary evidences wherein the qualitative descriptive method was used for data collection and analysis. The paper exploited the facilities of the Rentier State theory as a guide to the study. It was revealed at the end of the study that the 21st century global economic relations is largely determine by international organizations as exemplified by the World Bank and the International Monitory Fund (IMF) where their activities in the continent has undermined state sovereignty. Hence the paper recommended amongst others that states should look inward for development strategies rather than relying on handout from supra-national organizations which has infringe on their sovereignty.

Keywords: State , Global , Rentier state, Twenty-First Century

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Authors: Ben Main Piotr Ozieranski

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State government spending on pharmaceuticals stands at 1 trillion USD globally, promoting criticism of the pharmaceutical industry's monetization of drug efficacy, product cost overvaluation, and health injustice. This paper elucidates the mechanisms behind a state-institutional response to this problem through the sociological lens of the strategic relational approach to state power. To do so, 30 expert interviews, legal and policy documents are drawn on to explain how state elites in New Zealand have successfully contested a 30-year “pharmaceutical spending containment policy”. Proceeding from Jessop's notion of strategic “selectivity”, encompassing analyses of the enabling features of state actors' ability to harness state structures, a theoretical explanation is advanced. First, a strategic context is described that consists of dynamics around pharmaceutical dealmaking between the state bureaucracy, pharmaceutical pricing strategies (and their effects), and the industry. Centrally, the pricing strategy of "bundling" -deals for packages of drugs that combine older and newer patented products- reflect how state managers have instigated an “incentivization game” that is played by state and industry actors, including HTA professionals, over pharmaceutical products (both current and in development). Second, a protective context is described that is comprised of successive legislative-judicial responses to the strategic context and characterized by the regulation and the societalisation of commercial law. Third, within the policy, the achievement of increased pharmaceutical coverage (pharmaceutical “mix”) alongside contained spending is conceptualized as a state defence of a "social profit". As such, in contrast to scholarly expectations that political and economic cultures of neo-liberalism drive pharmaceutical policy-making processes, New Zealand's state elites' approach is shown to be antipathetic to neo-liberals within an overall capitalist economy. The paper contributes an analysis of state pricing strategies and how they are embedded in state regulatory structures. Additionally, through an analysis of the interconnections of state power and pharmaceutical value Abrahams's neo-liberal corporate bias model for pharmaceutical policy analysis is problematised.

Keywords: pharmaceutical governance, pharmaceutical bureaucracy, pricing strategies, state power, value theory

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Authors: Jose Luis Solleiro, Rosario Castanon, Laura Elena Martinez

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The State of Mexico is an administrative entity of Mexico, and it is one of the most important territories due to its great economic and social impact for the whole country, especially since it contributes with more than eight of the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The State of Mexico has a population of over seventeen million people and host very important business and productive industries such as Automotive, Chemicals, Pharmaceutical, and Agri-food. In 2017, the State Development Plan (Plan Estatal de Desarrollo in Spanish) which is a policy document that rules State's economic actions and integrates the bases for sectoral and regional programs to achieve regional development), raised innovation as a key aspect to boost competitiveness and productivity of the State of Mexico. Therefore, in line with this proposal, in 2018 the Mexican Council for Science and Technology (COMECYT for its acronym in Spanish), an institution in charge of promoting public science and technology policies in the State of Mexico, took actions towards building up the State´s Innovation System. Hence, the main objective of this paper is to review and analyze the process to create RIS in the State of Mexico. We focus on the key elements of the process, the diverse actors that were involved in it, the activities that were carried out and the identification of the challenges, findings, successes, and failures of the intended exercise. The methodology used to analyze the structure of the Innovation System of the State of Mexico is based on two elements: the case study and the research-action approach. The main objective of the paper, the case study was based on semi-structured interviews with key actors who have participated in the process of launching the RIS of the State of Mexico. Additionally, we analyzed the information reports and other documents that were elaborated during the process of shaping the State's innovation system. Finally, the results obtained in the process were also examined. The relevance of this investigation fundamentally rests in two elements: 1) keeping documental record of the process of building a RIS in Mexico; and 2) carrying out the analysis of this case study recognizing the importance of knowledge extraction and dissemination, so that lessons on this matter may be useful for similar experiences in the future. We conclude that in Mexico, documentation and analysis efforts related to the formation of RIS and interaction processes between innovation ecosystem actors are scarce, so documents like are of great importance, especially since it generates a series of findings and recommendations for the building of RIS.

Keywords: regional innovation systems, innovation, development, competitiveness

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Authors: Nur Köprülü

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One of the main questions that have arisen after the Arab uprisings has centered on whether they will lead to democratic transition and what the roles of Islamist actors will be. It has become apparent today that one of the key outcomes has been the partial, if not total, overthrow of authoritarian regimes in some cases. So, this article aims to analyse three synchronous upshots brought about by the uprisings, referring to patterns of state formation in the Maghreb and Mashreq. One of the main outcomes has been the persistence of authoritarianism in various forms, and the fragility of the Arab republics coping with the protests as compared to the more resilient character of the monarchies. In addition, none of the uprisings has brought an Islamist organization to incontestable power, as some predicted. However, ‘old’ Islamist actors have since re-emerged as key players, namely the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and elsewhere. Thus, to understand the synthesis of change and continuity in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, analysing the changing faces of authoritarianism in the region and the impact on Islamists in both the Maghreb and the Mashreq is imperative.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democratization, Arab spring, Islamists

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Authors: Nefeli Dimitriadi

Abstract:

This paper aims to present immersive cinema where real actors are filmed and integrated in Virtual Reality environments and 360 cinematic narrative, in comparison to 360 filming of real actors and sets and to fully computer graphics animation movies with 3D avatars. Objectives: This reseach aims to present immersive cinema where real actors are integrated in Virrual Reality environments and 360 cinematic narrative as the future of immersive cinema. Meghdology: A comparative analysis is conducted between real actors filming combined with Virtual Reality sets, to 360 filming of real actors and sets, and to fully computer graphics animation movies with 3D avatars, using as case study Virtual Reality movie Neurosynapses and others. Contribution: This reseach contributes in defining the best practices leading to impactful Immersive cinematic narratives.

Keywords: virtual reality, 360 movies, immersive cinema, directing for virtual reality

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Authors: Nsubuga Bright Titus

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The resource curse is an unavoidable phenomenon among oil producing states in Africa. There is no oil production currently in Uganda although exploration projections set 2020 as the year of initial production. But as the exploration proceeds and Production Sharing Agreements (PSA) are negotiated, so does the anticipation for oil revenues. The Indigenous people of Bunyoro are claiming the right to their indigenous lands through the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) of the African Union. They urge the commission to investigate the government of Uganda on violations of their human rights. In this paper, oil as a resource curse is examined through the Dutch disease. Regional and global entanglements, as well as the contestation between the indigenous Bunyoro group and the oil industry in Uganda is explored. The paper also demonstrates that oil as a local possibility and national reality has propelled anxiety about oil revenues among various, local actors, State actors, regional and global actors.

Keywords: Entanglements, Extractive resources, Framing, web of relations

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Authors: Lori W. Gordon, Karen A. Jones

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Today’s high-speed data connectivity depends on a vast global network of infrastructure across space, air, land, and sea, with undersea cable infrastructure (UCI) serving as the primary means for intercontinental and ‘long-haul’ communications. The UCI landscape is changing and includes an increasing variety of state actors, such as the growing economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Non-state commercial actors, such as hyper-scale content providers including Google, Facebook, Microsoft, and Amazon, are also seeking to control their data and networks through significant investments in submarine cables. Active investments by both state and non-state actors will invariably influence the growth, geopolitics, and security of this sector. Beyond these hyper-scale content providers, there are new commercial satellite communication providers. These new players include traditional geosynchronous (GEO) satellites that offer broad coverage, high throughput GEO satellites offering high capacity with spot beam technology, low earth orbit (LEO) ‘mega constellations’ – global broadband services. And potential new entrants such as High Altitude Platforms (HAPS) offer low latency connectivity, LEO constellations offer high-speed optical mesh networks, i.e., ‘fiber in the sky.’ This paper focuses on understanding the role of submarine cables within the larger context of the global data commons, spanning space, terrestrial, air, and sea networks, including an analysis of national security policy and geopolitical implications. As network operators and commercial and government stakeholders plan for emerging technologies and architectures, hedging risks for future connectivity will ensure that our data backbone will be secure for years to come.

Keywords: communications, global, infrastructure, technology

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Authors: Ayyoub Jamali, Alena Kozlova

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has tested the mettle of the international community, prompting not only States but also non-state actors to take deterrent action in response. Indeed, international sports organisations, namely FIFA and UEFA, have been rather successful in shifting the power dynamics by introducing a complete ban on the Russian national and club teams. This article aims to inquire into the human rights implications of such actions taken by international sports organisations. First, the article departs from an assessment of the legal status of FIFA and UEFA under international law and reflects on how a legal link could be established vis-à-vis their human rights obligations. Second, it examines the human rights aspects of the impugned measures by FIFA and UEFA on the part of the Russian athletes, further scrutinising them against the international human rights law principle of non-discrimination through a proportionality test. Last, it draws basic pathways for how possible human rights violations committed in the context of measures adopted by such organisations could be remedied, outlining the challenges of arbitration and litigation in Switzerland.

Keywords: FIFA, UEFA, FUR, ban, human rights, Russia, Ukraine, non-state actors

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