Search results for: International Armed Conflict

Authors: Anu S. Krishna

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The paper tries to analyse the UN involvement/intervention in the case of intra-state armed conflict of El Salvador and Nepal comparatively. The peace mission in El Salvador is considered to be the most successful missions of UN ever since it started involving in the peace-building activities. Meanwhile, in the armed conflict of South Asian country, Nepal, the result seemed to be disappointing in comparison with its counterpart. The study on this paper takes three variables as the success or failure of international mediation, i.e., a) signing of the peace agreement, b) disarmament/demobilization and c) constitutional mechanism. A significant amount of scholarship looks at the case of ONUSAL (United Nations Mission in El Salvador). Meanwhile, the armed conflict of Nepal and the role of UNMIN (United Nations Mediation in Nepal) are under researched so far. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross-regional contexts that share certain similarities and dissimilarities in the nature of conflict. In addition, the international third-party involvement and their way of approaching both the cases differ, which again affected the mediation outcome. The paper tries to argue that, since the approach of the UN led international mediation in theses peace missions were contextual and varied from case to case, thus, finally affected the mediation outcome too.

Keywords: Nepal, UNMIN, El Salvador, ONUSAL, international mediation, armed conflict

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Authors: Shivam Dwivedi, Saumya Kapoor

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The Israeli Supreme Court in Public Committee against Torture in Israel v. Government of Israel observed the presence of non-state actors in cross-border terrorist activities thereby making the role of non-state actors in terrorism the center of discussion under the scope of International Humanitarian Law. Non-state actors and their role in a conflict have also been traversed upon by the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, there still are lacunae in International Humanitarian Law when it comes to determining the nature of a conflict, especially when non-state groups act within the ambit of various states, for example, Taliban in Afghanistan or the groups operating in Ukraine and Georgia. Thus, the objective of writing this paper would be to observe the ways by which non-state actors particularly terrorist organizations could be brought under the ambit of Additional Protocol I. Additional Protocol I is a 1977 amendment protocol to the Geneva Conventions relating to the protection of victims of international conflicts which basically outlaws indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations, forbids conscription of children and preserves various other human rights during the war. In general, the Additional Protocol I reaffirms the provisions of the original four Geneva Conventions. Since provisions of Additional Protocol I apply only to cases pertaining to International Armed Conflicts, the answer to the problem should lie in including the scope for ‘transnational armed conflict’ in the already existing definition of ‘International Armed Conflict’ within Common Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions. This would broaden the applicability of the provisions in cases of non-state groups and render an international character to the conflict. Also, the non-state groups operating or appearing to operate should be determined by the test laid down in the Nicaragua case by the International Court of Justice and not under the Tadic case decided by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in order to provide a comprehensive system to deal with such groups. The result of the above proposal, therefore, would enhance the scope of the application of International Humanitarian Law to non-state groups and individuals.

Keywords: Geneva Conventions, International Armed Conflict, International Humanitarian Law, non-state actors

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Authors: Khadija Ali

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Prosecution of sexual violence in international criminal law requires not only an understanding of the mechanisms employed to prosecute sexual violence but also a critical analysis of the factors facilitating perpetuation of such crimes in armed conflicts. The extrapolations laid out in this essay delve into the jurisprudence of international criminal law pertaining to sexual and gender based violence followed by the core question of this essay: Has the entrenchment of sexual violence as international crimes in the Rome Statute been successful to address such violence in armed conflicts?

Keywords: conflict, gender, international criminal law, sexual violence

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Authors: Mustafa Kirisci

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Arms embargoes have not been adequately examined in terms of their effects on conflict duration. Prior research on arms embargoes has generally investigated the effect of arms embargoes on arms import/export practices and violations in arms embargoes, but it says little about the effect on conflict duration. This paper attempts to fill this gap and aims to investigate the effect of arms embargoes on conflict duration throughout the world. More precisely, the purpose of the paper is to understand how arms embargoes affect the duration of both internal and interstate conflicts. Given the theoretical framework, the main hypothesis of the paper is arms embargoes will have no reduction effect on conflict duration when arms transfer and region are controlled. This hypothesis is tested by using OLS regression. Results indicate that arms embargoes have no effect on both internal and interstate conflict duration. Another crucial result is that both small and major arms transfers made by the embargoed countries during the internal conflict increase the duration of the conflict, but no effect on interstate conflict duration. The final part concludes and provide explanations on what these results imply for finishing the conflict and bringing the peace.

Keywords: arms embargo, arms transfer, internal conflict, international conflict

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Authors: Charlotte Lülf

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Migration flows cannot be tackled by single states but need to be addressed as a transnational and international responsibility. However, the current international framework staggers. Widely excluded from legal protection are people that flee from the indiscriminate effects of an armed conflict as well as people fleeing natural disasters. This paper as part of an on-going PhD Project deals with the current and partly contradicting approaches to the protection of so-called war- and climate refugees in the European Union. The analysis will emphasize and evaluate the role of the European judiciary to define, redefine and potentially expand legal protection. Changing jurisprudential practice of national and regional courts will be assessed, as will be their dialogue to interpret the international obligations of human rights law, migration laws and asylum laws in an interacting world.

Keywords: human rights law, asylum law, migration, refugee protection

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Authors: Aaron Walayat

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Protection of the environment in international law has been one of the most developed in the context of international humanitarian law. This paper examines the history of the protection of the environment in times of armed conflict, beginning with the traditional notion of restraint observed in antiquity towards the obligation to protect the environment, examining the treaties and agreements, both binding and non-binding which have contributed to environmental protection in war. The paper begins with a discussion of the ancient concept of restraint. This section examines the social norms in favor of protection of the environment as observed in the Bible, Greco-Roman mythology, and even more contemporary literature. The study of the traditional rejection of total war establishes the social foundation on which the current legal regime has stemmed. The paper then studies the principle of restraint as codified in international humanitarian law. It mainly examines Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and existing international law concerning civilian objects and the principles of international humanitarian law in the classification between civilian objects and military objectives. The paper then explores the environment’s classification as both a military objective and as a civilian object as well as explores arguments in favor of the classification of the whole environment as a civilian object. The paper will then discuss the current legal regime surrounding the protection of the environment, discussing some declarations and conventions including the 1868 Declaration of St. Petersburg, the 1907 Hague Convention No. IV, the Geneva Conventions, and the 1976 Environmental Modification Convention. The paper concludes with the outline noting the movement from codification of the principles of restraint into the various treaties, agreements, and declarations of the current regime of international humanitarian law. This paper provides an analysis of the history and significance of the relationship between international humanitarian law as a major contributor to the growing field of international environmental law.

Keywords: armed conflict, environment, legal regime, restraint

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Authors: Ghzlan Mahmoud Abdel Aziz

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This case study aims to identify the intrastate conflicts between the nation state and armed groups. Nowadays, most wars weaken states against armed groups. Thus, it is very important to negotiate with such groups in order to reinforce the law for the protection of victims. These armed groups are the cause of conflicts and they are related with many of humanitarian issues that result out of conflicts. In this age of rivalry; terrorists, insurgents, or transnational criminal parties have surfaced to the top as a reaction to these armed groups in an effort to set up a new world order. Moreover, the intra state conflicts became increasingly treacherous than the interstate conflicts, particularly when nation state systems deal with armed groups which try to influence the state. The unexpected upraising of the Arab Spring during 2011 in parts of the Middle East and North Africa formed various patterns of conflicts. The events of the Arab Spring resulted in current and long term change across the region. Significant modifications in the level, strength and period of armed conflict around the world have been made. Egypt was in the center of these events. It has fought back the armed groups under the name of terrorism and spread common disorder and violence among civilians. On this note, this study focuses on the problem of the transformation in the methods of organized violence within one state rather than between two state or more and analyzes the objectives, strategies, and internal composition of armed groups and the environments that foster them, with a focus on the Egyptian case.

Keywords: armed groups, conflicts, Egyptian armed forces, intrastate conflicts

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Authors: Edmilson Nhambe, Belisario Machaieie

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Since the signing of the General Peace Agreement-GPA in 1992, Mozambique has seen successive setbacks in the search for effective peace, civil war, social conflicts, terrorism, and armed conflicts mix the reality of Mozambican democracy. The article seeks to understand the dynamics of conflict and peace in Mozambique. Specifically, it seeks to analyze the structural factors that lead to (violent) conflict situations and the factors that favor or promote peace. For this purpose, desk research was chosen to analyze studies of peace and conflict. This article develops the argument that the non-violation of the peace agreement, in particular the GPA in Rome, as it had a structuring effect on the Mozambican political system, no longer guarantees in itself the irreversibility of the pacification process. In fact, the country is currently stagnating in the category of a fragile peace process with the risk of slipping into a situation of war or open armed conflict.

Keywords: peace, conflict, GPA, instability

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Authors: Nick Papanikolaou

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In modern world politics, International relations are very complex not only in their construction but also in their interpretation the ex-Yugoslavian(western Balkans) countries, due to the establishment of independent states, have also risen pending geopolitical and territorial issues such as the Kosovo dispute widely known as an active frozen conflict. Science of anthropology and its subfield of anthropology of conflict can suggest a sustainable plan of communities coexistence and abolishment of fondamentalism. The 1244 Security Council Resolution provides a framework of implementation of a transitional international joint international armed presence for ensuring control and stability in the territory. The changing international relations landscape and the rise of the integration of the Western Balkans in the European Union have brought the question of Kosovo and all the till now internationally controlled system of governance to a dead end. A new solution that will ensure a sustainable future needs to be applied in order to solve this case in a way that rights of both albanians and Serbians will be equally respected and both populations will coexist peacefully. What this presentation aims for is to present a plan for the peaceful coexistence and sovreignty of habitants of Kosovo in a whole new way of governance.

Keywords: sovereignty, Kosovo, Western Balkans, anthropology of conflict

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Authors: John Hardy, Paul Lushenko

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he twenty-first century international security order has been fraught with challenges to the credibility and stability of the post-Cold War status quo. Although the American-led international system has rarely been threatened directly by dissatisfied states, an underlying challenge to the international security order has emerged in the form of a slow-burning abnegation of small but significant aspects of the status quo. Meanwhile, those security challenges which have threatened to destabilize order in the international system have not clearly belonged to the traditional notions of diplomacy and armed conflict. Instead, the main antagonists have been both states and non-state actors, the issues have crossed national and international boundaries, and contestation has occurred in a ‘gray zone’ between peace and war. Gray zone conflicts are not easily categorized as military operations, national security policies or political strategies, because they often include elements of diplomacy, military operations, and statecraft in complex combinations. This study applies three approaches to conceptualizing the gray zone in which many contemporary conflicts take place. The first approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of coercive diplomacy, in which armed force is used to add credibility and commitment to political threats. The second approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of discrete military operation, in which armed force is used sparingly and is limited to a specific issue. The third approach frames gray zones conflicts as a form of proxy war, in which armed force is used by or through third parties, rather than directly between belligerents. The study finds that each approach to conceptualizing the gray zone accounts for only a narrow range of issues which fall within the gap between traditional notions of peace and war. However, in combination, all three approaches are useful in explicating the gray zone and understanding the character of contemporary security challenges which defy simple categorization. These findings suggest that coercive diplomacy, discrete military operations, and proxy warfare provide three overlapping lenses for conceptualizing the gray zone and for understanding the gray zone conflicts which threaten international security in the early twenty-first century.

Keywords: gray zone, international security, military operations, national security, strategy

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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This paper examines an essential and complex part of International humanitarian law standards of military necessity. Military necessity is an unpredictable phenomenon. The unpredictability of this regulation likewise originates from the fact that is one of the most fundamental, yet most misjudged and distorted standards of international law of armed conflict. This rule has been censured as essentially wrong in light of its non-compliance with the principles of international humanitarian law in recent past. The author noted in this study that military necessity runs counter to humanitarian exigencies. These have generated debate among researchers for them to propose that for international law to be considered more important, it is indispensable that the procedures and substance of custom be illuminated and made accessible to every one of the individuals who may utilize it or be influenced by it. However, a significant number of analysts have attributed particular weaknesses to this doctrine. This study relied on both primary and secondary sources of data collection. Significantly, the recommendation made in this paper, if completely adopted, shall go a long way in guaranteeing a better application of the principles of international humanitarian law.

Keywords: military necessity, international law, international humanitarian law, customary law

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Authors: Kindeye Fenta Mekonnen, Alagaw Ababu Kifle

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The failure of international responses to armed conflict to address local preconditions for national stability has recently attracted what has been called the ‘local turn’ in peace building. This ‘local turn’ in peace building amplified a renewed interest in traditional/indigenous methods of conflict resolution, a field that has been hitherto dominated by anthropologists with their focus on the procedures and rituals of such approaches. This notwithstanding, there is still limited empirical work on the relevance of traditional methods of conflict resolution to end localized conflicts vis-à-vis hybrid and modern approaches. The few exceptions to this generally draw their conclusion from very few (almost all successful) cases that make it difficult to judge the validity and cross-case application of their results. This paper seeks to fill these gaps by undertaking a quantitative analysis of the trend and applications of different communal conflict resolution initiatives, their potential to usher in long-term peace, and the extent to which their outcomes are influenced by the intensity and scope of a conflict. The paper makes the following three tentative conclusions. First, traditional mechanisms and traditional actors still dominate the communal conflict resolution landscape, either individually or in combination with other methods. Second, traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution tend to be more successful in ending a conflict and preventing its re-occurrence compared to hybrid and modern arrangements. This notwithstanding and probably due to the scholarly call for local turn in peace building, contemporary communal conflict resolution approaches are becoming less and less reliant on traditional mechanisms alone and (therefore) less effective. Third, there is yet inconclusive evidence on whether hybridization is an asset or a liability in the resolution of communal conflicts and the extent to which this might be mediated by the intensity of a conflict.

Keywords: traditional conflict resolution, hybrid conflict resolution, communal conflict, relevance, conflict intensity

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Authors: Kenneth Azaigba

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The history of post-colonial African States has been dubbed a history of endemic warfare in existing literature. Indeed, Africa political environment is characterized by a multiplicity of threats to peace and security. Africa's leading drivers of conflict include abundant (especially mineral) resources, personal rule and attendant political authoritarianism, manipulation of identity politics across ethnicity, marginalization of communities, as well as electoral mal-practices resulting in contested legitimacy and resultant violence. However, the character of armed conflicts in Africa is changing. This paper attempts to reconstruct the trajectory of armed conflicts in Africa and explain the changing pattern of armed conflict. The paper contends that large scale political violence in Africa is on the decline rendering the endemic thesis an inappropriate paradigm in explaining political conflicts in Africa. The paper also posits that though small scale conflicts are springing up and exhibiting trans-border dimensions, these patterns of armed conflicts are not peculiar to Africa but emerging waves of global conflicts. The paper explains that the shift in the scale of warfare in Africa is a function of a multiplicity of post-cold war global contradictions. Inclusive governance, social justice and economic security are articulated as workable panaceas for mitigating warfare in Africa.

Keywords: Africa, conflicts, pattern, war

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Authors: Aulia Rosa Nasution

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This research aims to analyze the involvement of the Indonesian Armed Forces in overcoming terrorism acts under legal perspectives based on Acts No. 34 of 2004, which regulates the role and mechanism of the Indonesian Armed Forces in combating terrorism. The main question of this research is, firstly, the military authority in combating terrorism acts, secondly, the implementation of Acts Number 34/2000, and thirdly, law enforcement to combat terrorism under national and international law. The methodology of this research is juridical normative based on the legal instruments and legal principles, and international norms. The result of this study explains the involvement of the Indonesian Army in combating terrorism as a part of the nonmilitary operation which has been implemented in Indonesia as part of national defence and security.

Keywords: acts of terrorism, Indonesian armed forces, legal protection

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Authors: Seember Susan Aondoakura

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This paper examines the international legal framework established to address the challenges women and girls experience in situations of violent conflict. The United Nations (UN) women, peace, and security agenda (hereafter WPS agenda, the Agenda) aspire to make wars safer for women. It recognizes women's agency in armed conflict and their victimization and formulates measures for their protection. The Agenda also acknowledges women's participation in conflict transformation and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the involvement of women in conflict transformation, encourages the protection of women from sex and gender-based violence (SGBV), and provides relief and recovery from conflict-related SGBV. Using Third World Critical Feminist Theory, this paper argues that the WPS agenda overly focus on the protection of women from SGBV occurring in the less developed and conflict-ridden states in the global south, obscures the complicity of western states and economies to the problem, and silences the privileges that such states derive from war economies that continue to fuel conflict. This protectionist approach of the UN also obliterates other equally pressing problems in need of attention, like the high rates of economic degradation in conflict-ravaged societies of the global south. Prioritising protection also 'others' the problem, obliterating any sense of interconnections across geographical locations and situating women in the less developed economies of the global south as the victims and their men as the perpetrators. Prioritising protection ultimately situates western societies as saviours of Third World women with no recourse to their role in engendering and sustaining war. The paper demonstrates that this saviour mentality obliterates chances of any meaningful coalition between the local and the international in framing and addressing the issue, as solutions are formulated from a specific lens—the white hegemonic lens.

Keywords: conflict, protection, security, SGBV

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Authors: Charlotte Lülf

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Migration flows, resulting from war, climate change or economic crisis cannot be tackled by single states but need to be addressed as a transnational and international responsibility. The traditional architecture surrounding the work of the UNHCR and the 1951 Convention, however, is not equipped to deal with these challenges. Widely excluded from legal protection are people not individually persecuted for the statutory criteria, people that flee from the indiscriminate effects of an armed conflict as well as people fleeing natural disasters. With the lack of explicit legal protection and the political reluctance of nation states worldwide to extend their commitment in new asylum laws, the judiciary must be put in focus: it plays a unique role in interpreting and potentially expanding the application of existing regulations. This paper as part of an ongoing Ph.D. Project deals with the current and partly contradicting approaches to the protection of war- and climate refugees. Changing jurisprudential practice of national and regional courts will be assessed, as will be their dialogue to interpret the international obligations of human rights law, migration laws, and asylum laws in an interacting world. In recent judgments refoulment to an armed conflict as well as countries without adequate disaster relief or health care was argued as violating fundamental human and asylum law rights and therefore prohibited – even for applicants without refugee status: The first step towards access to subsidiary protection could herewith be established. Can one observe similar developments in other parts of the world? This paper will evaluate the role of the judiciary to define, redefine and potentially expand protection for people seeking refuge from armed conflicts and natural disasters.

Keywords: human rights law, asylum-seekers, displacement, migration

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Authors: Nkatow Mafany Christian

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According to UNHCR’s annual Database, humanitarian crises have globally been on the increase since the beginning of the 21st Century, especially in the Middle East and in Sub-Saharan Africa. Cameroon is one of the countries that has suffered tremendously from humanitarian challenges in recent years, especially with crises in the Far North, the East and its Two English-speaking Regions. These have been a result of failed mechanisms in conflict resolution peacebuilding by the government. The paper draws from this basic premise to argue that the failure to reach a consensus in order to curb internal conflicts has largely been due to the government’s attachment to the domineering attitude which emphasizes an imposition of peace terms by a superordinate (government) agency on the subordinate (aggrieved) entities. This has stalled peace efforts that have so far been engaged to address the dreaded armed conflicts in the North and South West Regions, leading to the persistence of the armed conflict. The paper exploits written, oral and online sources to sustain its argument. It suggests that an eclectic approach to resolving conflicts, which emphasizes open and frank dialogue as well as a review of the root causes, can go a long way not only to build trust but also to address the Anglophone-Cameroonian problems in Cameroon.

Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, peace building, humanitarian crisis

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Authors: Andre C Jordaan

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The end of the Cold War and rivalry between super powers has changed the nature of military build-up in many countries. A call from international institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reduce the levels of military expenditure was the order of the day. However, this bid to cut military expenditure has not been forthright. Recently, active armed conflicts occurred in at least 46 states in 2021 with 8 in the Americas, 9 in Asia and Oceania, 3 in Europe, 8 in the Middle East and North Africa and 18 in sub-Saharan Africa. Global military expenditure in 2022 was estimated to be US$2,2 trillion, representing 2.2 per cent of global gross domestic product. Particularly sharp rises in military spending have followed in African countries and the Middle East. Global military expenditure currently follows two divergent trends, either a declining trend in the West caused mainly by austerity, efforts to control budget deficits and the wrapping up of prolonged wars. However, some parts of the world shows an increasing trend on the back of security concerns, geopolitical ambitions and some internal political factors. Conflict related fatalities in sub-Saharan Africa alone increased by 19 per cent between 2020 and 2021. The interaction between military expenditure (read conflict) and international trade is generally the cause of much debate. Some argue that countries’ fear of losing trade opportunities causes political decision makers to refrain from engaging in conflict when important trading partners are involved. However, three main arguments are always present when discussing the relationship between military expenditure or conflicts and international trade: Free trade could promote peaceful cooperation, it could trigger tension between trading blocs and partners, and trade could have no effect because conflict is based on issues that are more important. Military expenditure remains an important element of the overall government expenditure in many African countries. On the other hand, numerous researchers perceive increased international trade to be one of the main factors promoting economic growth in these countries. The purpose of this paper is therefore to determine what effect, if any, exist between the level of military expenditure and international trade within a selection of 19 African countries. Applying an augmented gravity model to explore the relationship between military expenditure and international trade, evidence is found to confirm the existence of an inverse relationship between these two variables. It seems that the results are in line with the Liberal school of thought where trade is seen as an instrument of conflict prevention. Trade is therefore perceived as a symptom of peace and not a cause thereof. In general, conflict or rumors of conflict tend to reduce trade. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk. Many claim that trade brings peace, however, it seems that it is rather peace that brings trade. From the results, it appears that trade reduces the risk of conflict and that conflict reduces trade.

Keywords: African countries, conflict, international trade, military expenditure

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Authors: Vivian Caroline Koerbel Dombrowski

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Armed conflicts have always meant the ultimate expression of power and at the same time, lack of understanding among nations. Cities were destroyed, people were killed, assets were devastated. But these are not only the loss of a war: the environmental damage comes to be considered immeasurable losses in the short, medium and long term. And this is because no nation wants to bear that cost. They invest in military equipment, training, technical equipment but the environmental account yet finds gaps in international law. Considering such a generalization in rights protection, many nations are at imminent danger in a conflict if the water will be used as a mass weapon, especially if we consider important rivers such as Jordan, Euphrates and Nile. The top three international documents were analyzed on the subject: the Stockholm Convention (1972), Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention (1977) and the Rome Statute (1998). Indeed, some references are researched in doctrine, especially scientific articles, to substantiate with consistent data about the extent of the damage, historical factors and decisions which have been successful. However, due to the lack of literature about this subject, the research tends to be exhaustive. From the study of the indicated material, it was noted that international law - humanitarian and environmental - calls in some of its instruments the environmental protection in war conflicts, but they are generic and vague rules that do not define exactly what is the environmental damage , nor sets standards for measure them. Taking into account the mains conflicts of the century XX: World War II, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, one must realize that the environmental consequences were of great rides - never deactivated landmines, buried nuclear weapons, armaments and munitions destroyed in the soil, chemical weapons, not to mention the effects of some weapons when used (uranium, agent Orange, etc). Extending the search for more recent conflicts such as Afghanistan, it is proven that the effects on health of the civilian population were catastrophic: cancer, birth defects, and deformities in newborns. There are few reports of nations that, somehow, repaired the damage caused to the environment as a result of the conflict. In the pitch of contemporary conflicts, many nations fear that water resources are used as weapons of mass destruction, because once contaminated - directly or indirectly - can become a means of disguised genocide side effect of military objective. In conclusion, it appears that the main international treaties governing the subject mention the concern for environmental protection, however leave the normative specifications vacancies necessary to effectively there is a prevention of environmental damage in armed conflict and, should they occur, the repair of the same. Still, it appears that there is no protection mechanism to safeguard natural resources and avoid them to become a mass destruction weapon.

Keywords: armed conflicts, criminal liability, environmental damages, humanitarian law, mass weapon

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Authors: Olaifa Temitope Abimbola

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The spate of the occurrence of Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria and indeed Africa is sporadic and to say the least alarming. To scholars of Ethnic Conflict in Africa, it has defied all logical approaches to its resolution. Based on this fact international organisations have begun to look for alternative means of approaching these conflicts. Not a few have agreed that wars are better and cheaper prevented than resolved or transformed. In the light of this, this paper had set out to look at the concept of Preventive Diplomacy, Ethnic Conflict, Women and the role they play in mitigating conflict by researching into activities of women in pre and post-conflict situations in selected African conflict and has been able to establish the peculiar capacity of women in dousing tension both at domestic and communal levels.

Keywords: preventive diplomacy, gender, peacebuilding, low

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Authors: Grace Onubedo

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The primary objective of this research study is to contribute to and deepen the understanding of the realities and conditions for which children recruited by violent extremist organisations in Nigeria live, as well as ascertain the state of their mental health following their reunification with either family or protection workers. The research is intended to contribute to a more focused child protection programming agenda for children associated with armed forces and groups in Nigeria and the wider conflict setting. The extent to which violence has affected the psychological well-being and mental health of children abducted and exposed to activities of Violent Extremist groups remains a largely empirical question. This research attempts to answer the following research questions with the aim of providing further evidences for informed programming: I. What are the demographic characteristics of children associated with armed groups? II. What is the state of their mental health? III. What is the relationship between their background and their mental health?

Keywords: counterterrorism, psychosocial support, psychological distress, children, armed groups

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Authors: Manasse Elusma, Thung-Hong Lin, Chun-yin Lee

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The relationship between hunger and war or conflict remains to be discussed. Do wars or conflicts cause hunger and food scarcity, or is the reverse relationship is true? As the world becomes more peaceful and wealthier, some countries are still suffered from hunger and food shortage. So, eradicating hunger calls for a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between conflict and hunger. Several studies are carried out to detect the importance of conflict or war on food security. Most of these studies, however, perform only descriptive analysis and largely use food security indicators instead of the global hunger index. Few studies have employed cross-country panel data to explicitly analyze the association between conflict and chronic hunger, including hidden hunger. Herein, this study addresses this issue and the knowledge gap. We combine global datasets to build a new panel dataset including 143 countries from 1989 to 2020. This study examines the effect of conflict on hunger with fixed effect models, and the results show that the increase of conflict frequency deteriorates hunger. Peacebuilding efforts and war prevention initiative are required to eradicate global hunger.

Keywords: armed conflict, food scarcity, hidden hunger, hunger, malnutrition

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Authors: Collins Ogbu, Godwin Johnny Akpan, James NDA Jacob

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The debilitating outcomes of violent conflict, consummated by rural armed banditry have nonetheless, occasioned the need for the mapping of crime zones in Nigeria. As a step towards understanding the scourge of armed bandits, ungoverned spaces have been uncovered as the most dominant excuse for rural crimes and fierce confrontations. From the creeks of the Niger Delta to the forest of Sambisa, Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) have proliferated to the vagaries of national insecurity. While the trends present indications of State fragility, the paucity of governance in these so-called ungoverned spaces has persistently reflected a Hobbesian state of nature, where the fittest survives. This study, therefore, interrogates the demographic implications of these ungoverned spaces by specifically identifying the most immediate features of the characters in the areas under investigation. The Farmers-Herders Crises, Niger-Delta Militancy, Boko-Haram Insurgency, Armed Robbery, Kidnapping and Cattle Rustling all define the major focus. In undertaking this study, anecdotal sources will be relied on, while extant information on the concept of ungoverned spaces will be content-analyzed. It is hoped that the knowledge gathered, as a result, will ultimately aid in proffering a dependable panacea to the crises of rural armed banditry in Nigeria.

Keywords: ungoverned spaces, rural armed banditry, state fragility, conflicts

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Authors: Pranil Kumar Upadhayaya

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While peace is dividend to tourism, tourism can also be a vital force for world peace. The existing body of knowledge on a tripartite complex nexus between tourism, peace and conflict reveals that tourism is benefactor to peace and sensitive to conflict. By contextualizing the ongoing sporadic structural conflict in the transitional phase in the aftermath of a decade long (1996-2006), Maoist armed conflict in Nepal, the purpose of this study is to explore the potentials of tourism in peace-building. The outcomes of this research paper is based on the mixed methods of research (qualitative and quantitative). Though the armed conflict ended with the comprehensive peace agreement in 2006 but there is constant manifestations of non-violent structural conflicts, which continue to threaten the sustainability of tourism industry. With the persistent application of coping strategies, tourism is found resilient during the ongoing structural political conflict. The strong coping abilities of the private sector of tourism industry have also intersected with peace-building efforts with more reactive and less proactive (pro-peace) engagements. This paper ascertains about the application of the ‘theory of tourism security’ by Nepalese tourism industry while coping with conflict and reviving, and sustaining. It reveals that the multiple verities of tourism at present has heterogeneous degree of peace potentials. The opportunities of ‘peace through tourism’ can be promoted subject to its molding with responsible, sustainable and participatory characteristics. This paper comes out with pragmatic policy recommendations for strengthening the position of tourism as a true peace-builder: (a) a broad shift from mainstream conventional tourism to the community based rural with local participation and ownership to fulfill Nepal’s potentials for peace, and (b) building and applications of the managerial and operational codes of conducts for owners and workers (labor unions) at all tourism enterprises and strengthen their practices.

Keywords: code of conduct, community based tourism, conflict, peace-building, tourism

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Authors: Badru Hasan Segujja, Nassiwa Shamim

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This study “Territorial Influence of Religious Based Armed Conflicts in Africa” was in place to identify the influence of religious based armed conflicts, their parsistance and their impact on African societies. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, as data from respondents was descriptively recorded using random sampling technics. The study discovered that, the world is experiencing religious based armed violence where actors fight under the umbrella of freedom fighters where the African continent in particular has been at the pic of such armed violence almost since each countries independence to date. Because of this situation, the Continent is torn apart as families are traumatized by the memories of their dear ones who never survived in yesterdays’ faith based armed violence. The study disvovered that, some of these faith based armed conflicts are caused by factors ranging from undemocratic practices due to poor governance, poverty, Unemployment, religious extremism and radicalism which later turn into intractable violence. Religious armed groups such as, Holly Spirit Movement (HSM), Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and Lords Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda and now Eastern DRC and Central African Republic, ALSHABAB in East Africa, SELEKE and ANTI BALAKA in Central African Republic, BOKO HARAM in Nigeria, JANJAWEED in Sudan and Republic of Chad, Sudaneess Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) in Southern Sudan, Alqaida Mission in Islamic Magreeb (AQIIM) in Mali coupled with acute racism of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda or Burundi and Xenophobic Nationalism in (South Africa). The study futher discovered that, the component of “freedom fighters” has strongly made these groups maintain the ground without fear of any repucation, which situation has resulted into children and women becoming disproportionally victims and the response of international communities to the violence is inadequate. The study concludes that, dialogue for peace is better than going for wars. The study recommends that, in order to restore peace on the African continent and elsewhere in the world, UN should recommend the teaching of peace values in schools, pre-conflict early warnings must be well attended, actors must refrain from using religious lebles, democracy, unemployment and poverty issues should as well be addressed to avoid unnessesary conflicts.

Keywords: influence, religious, armed, conflicts

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Authors: Lotsmart Fonjong

Abstract:

The livelihood of rural communities in the West African state of Cameroon, which is largely dictated by natural forces (rainfall, temperatures, and soil), is today threatened by climate change and armed conflict. This paper investigates the extent to which rural communities are aware of climate change, how their perceptions of changes across different agro-ecological zones have impacted farming practices, output, and lifestyles, on the one hand, and the extent to which local armed conflicts are confounding their efforts and adaptation abilities. The paper is based on a survey conducted among small farmers in selected localities within the forest and savanna ecological zones of the conflict-ridden Northwest and Southwest Cameroon. Attention is paid to farmers’ gender, scale, and type of farming. Farmers’ perception of/and response to climate change are analysed alongside local rainfall and temperature data and mobilization for climate justice. Findings highlight the fact that farmers’ perception generally corroborates local climatic data. Climatic instability has negatively affected farmers’ output, food prices, standards of living, and food security. However, the vulnerability of the population varies across ecological zones, gender, and crop types. While these factors also account for differences in local response and adaptation to climate change, ongoing armed conflicts in these regions have further complicated opportunities for climate-driven agricultural innovations, inputs, and exchange of information among farmers. This situation underlines how poor communities, as victims, are forced into many complex problems outsider their making. It is therefore important to mainstream farmers’ perceptions and differences into policy strategies that consider both climate change and Anglophone conflict as national security concerns foe sustainable development in Cameroon.

Keywords: adaptation policies, climate change, conflict, small farmers, cameroon

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Authors: Vanda Božić, Željko Nikač

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The wars and armed conflicts have often resulted in violations of international humanitarian law, and often commit the most serious international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, aggression and genocide. However, only in the XX century the rule was articulated idea of establishing a body of international criminal justice in order to prosecute these crimes and their perpetrators. The first steps in this field have been made by establishing the International military tribunals for war crimes at Nuremberg and Tokyo, and the formation of ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. In the end, The International Criminal Court was established in Rome in 1998 with the aim of justice and in order to give satisfaction the victims of crimes and their families. The aim of the paper was to provide a historical and comparative analysis of the institutions of international criminal justice based on which these institutions de lege lata fulfilled the goals of individual criminal responsibility and justice. Furthermore, the authors suggest de lege ferenda that the Permanent International Criminal Tribunal, in addition to the prospective case, also takes over the current ICTY and ICTR cases.

Keywords: international crimes, international criminal justice, prosecution of crimes, ad hoc tribunal, the international criminal court

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Authors: Mahshid TalebianKiakalayeh

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As AI technologies can be used by both civilians and soldiers, it is vital to consider the consequences emanating from AI military as well as civilian use. Indeed, many of the same technologies can have a dual-use. This paper will explore the military uses of AI and assess its compliance with international legal norms. AI developments not only have changed the capacity of the military to conduct complex operations but have also increased legal concerns. The existence of a potential legal vacuum in legal principles on the military use of AI indicates the necessity of more study on compliance with International Humanitarian Law (IHL), the branch of international law which governs the conduct of hostilities. While capabilities of new means of military AI continue to advance at incredible rates, this body of law is seeking to limit the methods of warfare protecting civilian persons who are not participating in an armed conflict. Implementing AI in the military realm would result in potential issues, including ethical and legal challenges. For instance, when intelligence can perform any warfare task without any human involvement, a range of humanitarian debates will be raised as to whether this technology might distinguish between military and civilian targets or not. This is mainly because AI in fully military systems would not seem to carry legal and ethical judgment, which can interfere with IHL principles. The paper will take, as a case study, Canada’s compliance with IHL in the area of AI and the related legal issues that are likely to arise as this country continues to develop military uses of AI.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, military use, international humanitarian law, the Canadian perspective

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Mohammad Yousef

Abstract:

The issue of targeted killing has become a part of modern international law topics, as its spread has been accompanied by the technological development of weapons and military equipment, especially armed drones. Until now, there is no specific definition or legal framework for targeted killing in international law, and the issue of its compatibility with international law is still subject to debate and controversy. The case of the targeted killing of General Qassem Soleimani sparked waves of reactions and discussions between legal scholars and US officials in an argument about the legality of killing him in the light of international law rules and US domestic law. This paper firstly discusses the legality of targeted killing in international law and US domestic law; after that, it studies the legal bases and the legal system that governs these operations, while in the second section, it sheds light on the case of Soleimani’s targeted killing in light of international law and US domestic law, by examining the different views of jurists in this regard.

Keywords: targeted killing, international law, US domestic law, Qassem Soleimani

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