Search results for: Islamists

Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Nur Köprülü

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One of the main questions that have arisen after the Arab uprisings has centered on whether they will lead to democratic transition and what the roles of Islamist actors will be. It has become apparent today that one of the key outcomes has been the partial, if not total, overthrow of authoritarian regimes in some cases. So, this article aims to analyse three synchronous upshots brought about by the uprisings, referring to patterns of state formation in the Maghreb and Mashreq. One of the main outcomes has been the persistence of authoritarianism in various forms, and the fragility of the Arab republics coping with the protests as compared to the more resilient character of the monarchies. In addition, none of the uprisings has brought an Islamist organization to incontestable power, as some predicted. However, ‘old’ Islamist actors have since re-emerged as key players, namely the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and elsewhere. Thus, to understand the synthesis of change and continuity in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, analysing the changing faces of authoritarianism in the region and the impact on Islamists in both the Maghreb and the Mashreq is imperative.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democratization, Arab spring, Islamists

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Haian Dukhan

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The death of Hafez al-Assad and the ascension of his son, Bashar, to rule brought an end to the state-society dynamics that his father worked on for decades. Hafez al-Assad built an authoritarian state that rests on patronage networks that connected his regime to the society. During Bashar’s reign, these patronage relationships have been affected by the policies of privatization and liberalization. Privatization and liberalisation of the economy have created new economic and social players that transformed the populist nature of the authoritarian regime into a regime that is connected mainly with bourgeoisie and the upper class neglecting the rural tribal constituency that was a vital part of Hafez al-Assad’s authoritarian state. Drawing on different data gathered through interviews as well as written literature, this paper will explore the policies that Bashar al-Assad carried out towards the Arab tribes in the period extended from 2000 until 2010. The paper starts by outlining how Bashar al-Assad narrowed the coalition of his rule to depend mainly on his family, the city merchants excluding the lower and middle strata in the periphery. It will then trace the disintegration of the social contract between the regime and the Arab tribe as a result of the latter’s failure to deliver adequate development services in their regions. Losing the support of the tribes undermined the stability of the regime resulting in different clashes between the tribes themselves, the tribes and the Kurds, the tribes and the druze (a sect of Islam situated in Southern Syria), which will be investigated in detail in this paper. In similar policies adopted by his father who used the tribes as leverage against the Islamists and the Kurds, Bashar al-Assad’s regime encouragement of Syrian tribal youth to join the Iraqi insurgency against the Americans will be explored in detail. The regime’s tolerance of Iran missionary activities in the tribal regions and its accommodation of Islamists group’s activities in those regions have erased the regime’s secular foundation. This paper will argue that Bashar al-Assad’s policies towards the Arab tribes have chipped away the regime’s ideological pillars and threatened the longer-term cohesion of its social base which paved the way for the uprising to start in the tribal regions.

Keywords: Syria, tribes, uprising, regime

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Authors: Mohibullah Zegham

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In conducting a case study to analyze the impact of literature on extremism and fundamentalism in Afghanistan, the author of this paper uses qualitative research method. For this purpose the author of the paper has a glance at the history of extremism and fundamentalism in Afghanistan, as well the major causes and predisposing factors of it; then analyzes the impact of literature on extremism and fundamentalism using qualitative method. This study relies on the moral engagement theory to reveal how some extreme-Islamists quit the ideological interpretation of Islam and return to normal life by reading certain literary works. The goal of this case study is to help fighting extremism and fundamentalism by using literature. The research showed that literary works are useful in this regard and there are several evidences of its effectiveness.

Keywords: extremism, fundamentalism, communist, jihad, madrasa, literature

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Authors: Muhammad Hamza Tariq

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The regrouping of the Islamists and the politics of religious education was the most common debate in the last decades of Turkish history. Religious schools were criticized to be influenced by partisan politics. Within this turmoil, the faculty of Ilahiyat which was established by the Republic to cherish Islamic modernism and to raise modern clergy also underwent a considerable change. This research studies the revisions in the curriculum of the faculty over the last few decades. A series of interviews were also conducted to observe the prevalent trends, especially modernist among the professors at the Ilahiyat faculties. Lastly, a survey was done among the freshman and final year students based on the similar questions to observe the changes of opinions with regards to their views on Islam, modernity, political Islam, interpretation, etc. A shift in the curriculum was noted though it cannot be overgeneralized whereas a degree of prevalence of modernist thoughts was also recorded among the teachers and the students.

Keywords: ilahiyat, divinity, religion, Islamization

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Authors: Mariel Encar H. Uy, Paula Marie G. Pacle

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The purpose of this research is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of Strong Islamic Influences in Relation to the Politics of Republic of Indonesia. This paper recognizes that even the coalition of secular and moderate Islamic parties protect the minority rights of all the constituents, Islam is still the dominant religion among the other recognized religions in Indonesia (Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism). In this study, it will also detail the involvement on the religions’ beliefs and techniques; participation of political actors, depending on what religion they belong and adhere to; the tensions whenever the government interferes with Islamists and other religions; the government’s solution or public policies implemented to maintain peace and order of Indonesia. This paper will develop a conceptual framework to describe how the Religion and Political Stability is interdependent with each other.

Keywords: diversity of religion in indonesia, secularization in Indonesia, motivations of political actors, voter turnouts based on religion

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Authors: Sirajo Muhammad Sokoto

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The Commander of the Faithful, Muhammad Bello, is considered one of the most distinguished scholars and poetic geniuses who is famous for reciting poetry in the classical vertical style. He is also represented by pre-Islamic poets such as Imru’ al-Qays and Alqamah and among the Islamists such as Hassan bin Thabit, Amr bin Abi Rabi’ah, and others. The poet drew from the seas of the Arabic language and its styles at the hands of His father, Sheikh Othman Bin Fodio, and his uncle, Sheikh Abdullah Bin Fodio, are both things that made Muhammad Bello conversant with the Arabic language until he was able to write poetry in a beautiful format and good style. The Commander of the Faithful, Muhammad Bello, did not deviate from what the Arabs know of poetic elements, such as taking into account its meanings and music; Muhammadu Bello has used every Bahr of prosody and its technicals in many of his poems. This article prepares the reader for the efforts made by the poet Muhammad Bello in composing poems on poetic seas, taking into account musical tones for different purposes according to his desire. The article will also discuss the poet’s talent, skill, and eloquence.

Keywords: music, Muhammad Bello, poetry, performances

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Kinda AlSamara

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The nineteenth century was characterized by major educational reforms in the Arab World. One of the unintended outcomes of colonization in Arab countries was the initiation of women liberation as well as the introduction of modern education and its application in sensitizing people on the rights of women and their liberation. The reforms were often attributed to various undercurrents that took place at different levels within the Ottoman Empire, and particularly the arrival and influence of the Christian missionaries were supported by the American and European governments. These trends were also significantly attributed to the increase in the presence of Europeans in the region, as well as the introduction of secular ideas and approaches related to the meaning of modernity. Using literary analysis as a method, this paper examines the role of an important male figure like the political activist and writer Qāsim Amīn and the religious reformer Muḥammad ʻAbduh in starting this discourse and shows their impact on the emancipation of women movement (Taḥrīr), and how later women led the movement with their published work. This paper explores Arab Salons and the initiation of women’s literary circles. Women from wealthy families in Egypt and Syria who had studied in Europe or interacted with European counterparts began these circles. These salons acted as central locations where people could meet and hold discussions on political, social, and literary trends as they happened each day. The paper concludes with a discussion of current debates between the Islamist and the secularist branches of the movement today. While the Islamists believe that adhering to the core of Islam with some of its contested position on women is a modern ideology of liberation that fits the current culture of modern time Egypt; the secularists argue that the influence that Islam has on the women’s liberation movement in Egypt has been a threat to the natural success and progress of the movement, which was initiated in the early nineteenth century independent of the more recent trends towards religiosity in the country.

Keywords: educational model, crisis of terminologies, Arab awakening, nineteenth century

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Authors: Belachew Gebrewold

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The Horn of Africa is marred by complex and systematic internal and external political, economic and social-cultural causes of conflict that result in internal displacement and migration. This paper engages with them and shows how such a study can help us to understand migration, both in this region and more generally. The conflict has occurred within states, between states, among proxies, between armies. Human insecurities as a result of the state collapse of Somalia, the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the whole region, recurrent drought affecting the livelihoods of subsistence farmers as well as nomads, exposure to hunger, environmental degradation, youth unemployment, rapid growth of slums around big cities, and political repression (especially in Eritrea) have been driving various segments of the regional population into regional and international migration. Eritrea has been going through a brutal dictatorship which pushes many Eritreans to flee their country and be exposed to human trafficking, torture, detention, and agony on their way to Europe mainly through Egypt, Libya and Israel. Similarly, Somalia has been devastated since 1991 by unending civil war, state collapse, and radical Islamists. There are some important aspects to highlight in the conflict-migration nexus in the Horn of Africa: first, the main push factor for the Somalis and Eritreans to leave their countries and risk their lives is the physical insecurity they have been facing in their countries. Secondly, as a result of the conflict the economic infrastructure is massively destroyed. Investment is rare; job opportunities are out of sight. Thirdly, in such a grim situation the politically and economically induced decision to migrate is a household decision, not only an individual decision. Based on this third point this research study took place in the Horn of Africa between 2014 and 2016 during different occasions. The main objective of the research was to understanding how the increasing migration is affecting the socio-economic and socio-political environment, and conversely how the socio-economic and socio-political environments are increasing migration decisions; and whether and how these decisions are individual or family decisions. The main finding is the higher the human insecurity, the higher the family decision; the lower the human insecurity, the higher the individual decision. These findings apply not only to the Eritrean, Somali migrants but also to Ethiopian migrants. But the general impacts of migration on sending countries’ human security is quite mixed and complex.

Keywords: Eritrea, Ethiopia, Horn of Africa, insecurity, migration, Somalia

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Authors: Alex Konrad

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In 2017, about 4.5 million Muslims live in Germany. They can practice their faith openly, mostly in well-equipped community centers. At the same time, right-wing politicians and media allege that all Muslims tend to be radical and undemocratic. Both perspectives are rooted in an interacting development since the 1970s. German authorities closed the 'King Fahd Academy' international school in Bonn in summer 2017 because they accused the school administration of attracting Islamists. Only 30 years ago, German authorities and labor unions directed their requests for pastoral care of the Muslim communities in Germany to the Turkish and Saudi administrations. This study shows the leading and misleading tracks of Muslim life and its perception in Germany from a historical point of view. Most of the Muslims came as so-called 'Gastarbeiter' (migrant workers) from Turkey and Morocco to West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s. Until the late 1970s, German society recognized them as workforce solely and ignored their religious needs broadly. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 caused widespread hysteria about Islamic radicalization. Likewise, it shifted the German perception of migrant workers in Germany. For the first time, the majority society saw them as religious people. Media and self-proclaimed 'experts' on Islam suspected Muslims in Germany of subversive and undemocratic belief. On the upside, they obtained the opportunity to be heard by German society and authorities. In the ensuing decades, Muslims and Islamophiles fought a discursive struggle against right-wing politicians, 'experts' and media with monolithic views. In the 1990s, Muslims achieved to establish a solid infrastructure of Islamic community center throughout Germany. Their religious life became present and contributed to diversifying the common monolithic images of Muslims as insane fundamentalists in Germany. However, the media and many 'experts' promoted the fundamentalist narrative, which gained more and more acceptance in German society at the same time. This study uses archival sources from German authorities, Islamic communities, together with local and national media to get a close approach to the contemporary historical debates. In addition, contributions by Muslims and Islamophiles in Germany, for example in magazines, event reports, and internal communication, revealing their quotidian struggle for more acceptance are being used as sources. The inclusion of widely publicized books, documentaries and newspaper articles about Islam as a menace to Europe conduces to a balanced analysis of the contemporary debates and views. Theoretically, the study applies the Third Space approach. Muslims in Germany fight the othering by the German majority society. It was their chief purpose not to be marginalized in both spatial meanings, discursively and physically. Therefore, they established realities of life as hybrids in Germany. This study reconstructs the development of the perception of Muslims in Germany. It claims that self-proclaimed experts and politicians with monolithic views maintained the hegemonic discursive positions and coined the German images of Muslims. Nevertheless, Muslims in Germany accomplished that Muslim presence in Germany’s everyday life became an integral part of society and the public sphere. This is how Muslims hybridized religious spaces in Germany.

Keywords: experts, fundamentalism, Germany, hybridization, Islamophobia, migrant workers

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Authors: Negar Vkilbashi, Hassan Kabiri

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Modern diplomacy, in its general form, refers to the people and not the governments, and diplomacy tactics are more addressed to the people than to the governments. Media diplomacy and cyber diplomacy are also one of the sub-branches of public diplomacy and, in fact, the role of media in the process of influencing public opinion and directing foreign policy. Mass media, including written, radio and television, theater, satellite, internet, and news agencies, transmit information and demands. What the Qatari government tried to implement in the countries of the region during the Arab Spring and after was through its important media, Al Jazeera. The embargo on Qatar began in 2017, when Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt imposed a land, sea, and air blockade against the country. The media tool constitutes the cornerstone of soft power in the field of foreign policy, which Qatari leaders have consistently resorted to over the past two decades. Undoubtedly, the role it played in covering the events of the Arab Spring has created geopolitical tensions. The United Arab Emirates and other neighboring countries sometimes criticize Al Jazeera for providing a platform for the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and other Islamists to promote their ideology. In 2011, at the same time as the Arab Spring, Al Jazeera reached the peak of its popularity. Al Jazeera's live coverage of protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Syria helped create a unified narrative of the Arab Spring, with audiences tuning in every Friday to watch simultaneous protests across the Middle East. Al Jazeera operates in three groups: First, it is a powerful base in the hands of the government so that it can direct and influence Arab public opinion. Therefore, this network has been able to benefit from the unlimited financial support of the Qatar government to promote its desired policies and culture. Second, it has provided an attractive platform for politicians and scientific and intellectual elites, thus attracting their support and defense from the government and its rulers. Third, during the last years of Prince Hamad's reign, the Al Jazeera network formed a deterrent weapon to counter the media and political struggle campaigns. The importance of the research is that this network covers a wide range of people in the Middle East and, therefore, has a high influence on the decision-making of countries. On the other hand, Al Jazeera is influential as a tool of public diplomacy and soft power in Qatar's foreign policy, and by studying it, the results of its effectiveness in the past years can be examined. Using a qualitative method, this research analyzes the impact of the media on the implementation of Qatar's foreign policy on the public opinion of the people of the Middle East. Data collection has been done by the secondary method, that is, reading related books, magazine articles, newspaper reports and articles, and analytical reports of think tanks. The most important findings of the research are that Al Jazeera plays an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in Qatar's public diplomacy. So that, in 2011, 2017 and 2023, it played an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in various crises. Also, the people of Arab countries use Al-Jazeera as their first reference.

Keywords: Al Jazeera, Qatar, media, diplomacy

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