Search results for: social protest

Authors: Zahra Afshordi

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Instagram, as an everyday life social network, hosts from the ultrasound image of an unborn fetus to the pictures of newly placed gravestones and funerals. It is a platform that allows its users to create a second identity independently from and at the same time in relation to the real space identity. The motives behind this identification are what this article is about. This article studies the motivations of Instagram users mourning for celebrities with a focus on the death of MohammadReza Shajarian. The Shajarian’s death had a wide reflection on Instagram Persian-speaking users. The purpose of this qualitative survey is to comprehend and study the user’s motivations in posting mourning and memorializing content. The methodology of the essay is a hybrid methodology consisting of content analysis and open-ended interviews. The results highlight that users' motives are more than just simple sympathy and include political protest, gaining cultural capital, reaching social status, and escaping from solitude.

Keywords: case study, celebrity, identity, Instagram, mourning, qualitative survey

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Naghmeh Sadat Nabavi

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Women´s role in political participation, despite its limitations, is undoubtedly the most essential and effective part of Iran. In all political events throughout Iran's history, women have been pioneers, although they have been limited from getting political positions, even in the parliament. In recent years, movements and protests have been formed by Iranian women to respect natural human rights, especially for women. These movements are accompanied and sometimes guided by female celebrities, the most important of which are actresses. In 2017, this cooperation reached its highest level compared to the past, and the political participation of actresses in support of Hassan Rouhani in the presidential elections brought people who were hesitant to vote to the polls. This type of participation of actresses is seen in the recent protest of #Woman_Life_Freedom in 2022 and 2023 that still continues.

Keywords: political participation, presidential election, actresses, celebrities, social media, women, Iran

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Authors: Libia Jiménez Chávez

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This is a study of freedom riders and their courageous journey for civil rights, but the year was not 1961. It was 2003. This paper chronicles the emergence of a new civil rights movement for immigrant rights through an oral history of the 2003 U.S. Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR). During the height of the post-9/11 immigrant repression, a bloc of organizations inspired by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s mobilized 900 multinational immigrants and their allies in the fight for legal status, labor protections, family reunification, and civil rights. The activists visited over 100 U.S. cities, met with Congressional leaders in the nation’s capital, and led a rally of over 50,000 people in New York City. This unified effort set the groundwork for the national May Day immigration protests of 2006. Movements can be characterized in two distinct ways: physical movement and social movements. In the past, historians have considered immigrants both as people and as participants in social movements. In contrast, studies of recent migrants tend to say little about their involvement in immigrant political mobilizations. The dominant literature on immigration portrays immigrants as objects of exclusion, border enforcement, detention, and deportation instead of strategic political actors. This paper aims to change this perception. It considers the Freedom Riders both as immigrants who were literally on the move and as participants in a social movement. Through interviews with participants and archival video footage housed at the University of California Los Angeles, it is possible to study this mobile protest as a movement. This contemporary immigrant struggle is an opportunity to explore the makeup and development of a heterogenous immigrant coalition and consider the relationship between population movements and social justice. In addition to oral histories and archival research, the study will utilize social movement literature, U.S. immigration and labor history, and Undocumented Critical Theory to expand the historiography of immigrant social movements in America.

Keywords: civil rights, immigrant social movements, undocumented communities, undocumented critical theory

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Authors: Anna Jagielska

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Five years ago, the word ‘gender’ was discussed in Poland exclusively in academic contexts. One year later, it was chosen as the word of the year and omnipresent in the Polish media. The rapid career of this word is due to the involvement of the Polish church hierarchy who strategically brought this term into relation with abortion, pornography and paedophilia. ‘Gender’ is more than a political slogan. It is a symbol of social anxiety and moral panic in Poland which need to be historically considered. The aim of this paper is to present selected rhetorical strategies used by the Polish Catholic clergy who strive to have an impact on the current gender discourse in Poland. In particular, the gender debate, culminated in the pastoral letter of the Bishops' Conference of Poland, will be discussed. The church’s protest against the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence will be analyzed and the recent heated debates in Poland on contraception, abortion, in vitro fertilization, and sex education will be mentioned. To provide explanations on the specificity of Polish gender debates the role of the Catholic Church in the fall of communism in Poland as well as the charismatisation of Polish society by Pope John Paul II will be explained. The social constructions of communism and feminism which are manifested in both written and symbolic contracts on gender equality between the Church and the State will be demonstrated. At the end of the paper, theories about the changing role of religion in society will be applied.

Keywords: gender, Poland, religion, catholicism, feminism

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Authors: O. Fayomi, F. Chidozie, C. Ayo

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The underlying causes of xenophobia are complex and varied. Xenophobia has to do with being contemptuous of that which is foreign, especially of strangers or of people from different countries or cultures. Unemployment and mounting poverty among South Africans at the bottom of the economic ladder have provoked fears of the competition that better educated and experienced migrants can represent. South Africa’s long track-record of violence as a means of protest and the targeting of foreigners in particular, and, the documented tensions over migration policy and the scale of repatriation serve a very good explanation for its xenophobia. It was clear that while most of the attacks were directed against foreign, primarily African, migrants, this was not the rule. Attacks were also noted against Chinese-speakers, Pakistani migrants as well as against South Africans from minority language groups (in the conflict areas). Settlements that have recently experienced the expression of ‘xenophobic’ violence have also been the site of violent and other forms of protest around other issues, most notably service delivery. The failure of government in service delivery was vexed on this form of xenophobia. Due to the increase in migration, this conflict is certainly not temporary in nature. Xenophobia manifests in different regions and communities with devastating effects on the affected nationals. Nigerians living in South Africa have been objects of severe attacks and assault as a result of this xenophobic attitude. It is against this background that this study seeks to investigate the xenophobic attacks against Nigerians in South Africa. The methodology is basically qualitative with the use of secondary sources such as books, journals, newspapers and internet sources.

Keywords: xenophobia, unemployment, poverty, Nigeria, South Africa

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Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia

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On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

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This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Social reactions to deviant groups with political goals follow two central patterns; one that associates personal characteristics with deviant behavior, and the other that claims that society is to be blamed for deviant behavior. The establishment usually tends towards the former notion and thus disclaims any responsibility for the distress of the underprivileged, while it is usually those who oppose government policies who believe that the fault lies with society. The purpose of the present research was to examine social reactions to the Wadi Salib riots that occurred in Haifa in 1959. These riots represented the first ethnic protest within Israeli society with its ideology of the ingathering of the exiles. The central question was whether this ideology contributed to the development of a different reaction when compared to reactions to similar events abroad. This question was examined by means of analyzing articles in the Israeli press of that period. The Israeli press representing the views of the establishment was at pains to point out that the rioters were criminals, their object being to obstruct the development of society. Opposition party leaders claimed that the rioters lived in poor circumstances, which constituted a direct result of government policies. An analysis of press reports on the Wadi Salib riots indicates a correspondence between the reaction to these events and similar events abroad. Nevertheless, the reaction to the Wadi Salib riots did not only express a conflict between different political camps, but also different symbolic universes. Each group exploited the events at Wadi Salib to prove that their ideology was the legitimate one.

Keywords: riots, media, political deviance, symbolic universe

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Authors: Lee Artz

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Based on content analyses of major US media, immediately following the George Floyd killing in May 2020, some mayors and local, state, and national officials offered favorable representations of protests against police violence. As the protest movement grew to historic proportions with 26 million joining actions in large cities and small towns, dominant representations of racism by elected officials and leading media shifted—replacing both the voices and demands of protestors with representations by elected officials. Major media quoted Black mayors and Congressional representatives who emphasized concerns about looting and the disruption of public safety. Media coverage privileged elected officials who criticized movement demands for defunding police and deplored isolated instances of property damaged by protestors. Subsequently, public opinion polls saw an increase in concern for law and order tropes and a decrease in support for protests against police violence. Black Lives Matter and local organizations had no coordinated response and no effective means of communication to counter dominant representations voiced by politicians and globally disseminated by major media. Politician and media-instigated public opinion shifts indicate that social movements need their own means of communication and collective decision-making--both of which were largely missing from Black Lives Matter leaders, leading to disaffection and a political split by more than 20 local affiliates. By itself, social media by myriad individuals and groups had limited purchase as a means for social movement communication and organization. Lacking a collaborative, coordinated strategy, organization, and independent media, the loose network of Black Lives Matter groups was unable to offer more accurate, democratic, and favorable representations of protests and their demands for more justice and equality. The fight for equality was diverted by the fight for representation.

Keywords: black lives matter, public opinion, racism, representations, social movements

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Authors: Hanaa Sameen Ameen Bajilan

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Gender statuses are inherently unequal; it is difficult to establish equality between men and women in the light of traditional inequalities across the world. This research focuses on the similarities and differences among women from different generations different kinds of educational backgrounds and highlights the conflict experiences of the characters in Githa Hariharan's novel ‘The Thousand Faces of Night’ The purpose is to show how women are suffering and are being humiliated in a male-dominated society. The paper depicts how women in India grapple from male domination aggressiveness as well as the cultural, social and religious controlling in the society they live in. The paper also seeks to explore the importance of Knowledge as a powerful component that produces positive effects at the level of desire. The paper is based on the theories of Simone Beauvoir, Pierre Bourdieu, Edward Said, Rene Descartes and Amy Bhatt. Finally, the paper emphasizes on survival against hegemonic regimes and Indian women's hope for a better life.

Keywords: equality, gender, Githa Hariharan, humiliation

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Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

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Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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Authors: Govind Ji Pandey

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The divergent opinions in the society are important for its development but with reasonable restrictions. The world recently witnessed one of the most violent protests by a group against the editor and publisher of the magazine ‘Charlie Hebdo’ for publishing cartoon of their religious leader. The supporter of freedom of speech and expression around the world were in shock and termed it the strongest attack against the free speech. People all around the world condemned the killing of the journalists but many soft voices from several corners were also coming for reasonable restrictions on the freedom of speech and expression. Of late, Indian society has witnessed many protests and supports of films with controversial content. It is the beauty of the Indian democracy which gives an opportunity to all for discussion and debate on any issue that challenges established social norms. However, many organizations as well as individuals misuse it for their personal benefits. There have been many film directors who faced protest from several quarters for their controversial themes. This research aims at analyzing the controversial contents published in print media and shown in films. To understand the nature and frequency of such media reports, content analysis technique is used. The research also highlights the perception of the public regarding the controversies. For getting the popular opinion on the coverage of controversial content in cinema and print media, five hundred people from Lucknow, UP, India were randomly selected. The findings of this research are important to understand the response of media and society towards the controversial content presented in cinema and print media. The research highlights that how a handful of people curb free speech in a democratic country like India.

Keywords: cinema, censor board, free speech, liberty, social-religious beliefs

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Awais Ahmad

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People of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) remains underrepresented in Pakistan’s mainstream media and their miseries and concerns are unheard and unnoticed. Rising the incidents of human rights violation in KP province of Pakistan, and its absence in the mainstream media has raised many questions on the clause of press freedom known as 19/A in the constitution of Pakistan, that has claimed freedom of speech to all Pakistani citizens. Using a ‘think a loud’ research technique, senior most journalists of KP have been interviewed to get to know reasons of why and how Pashtun’s voices have been silenced in a democratic country where individual’s opinion is considered more powerful, and they can exercise freedom to protest and speak-up for their rights. The information collected from the journalists has been used to evaluate press freedom in KP and FATA by applying the institutional theory. The paper evaluates different recent cases where Pashtun journalists, media outlets and social activists were being punished for criticizing authorities and military establishment. This study also explores that the perception of local journalists regarding press freedom and what are the factors they consider it restrictions while they perform their duties.

Keywords: press freedom, federally administered tribal areas (fata), khyber pakhtunkhwa (kp), military establishment

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Authors: Finn Lannon, Jenny Roth, Roland Deutsch, Eric Igou

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The world continues to be rife with economic inequality, which has an impact on how people think and behaves in response to large and often growing gaps in wealth. Large gaps in earnings between groups within a particular organization, area or society can create tension between groups. Collective action tendencies (to protest, sign a petition, vote on behalf of an ingroup etc.) are also a growing phenomenon globally. Research shows that economic inequality promotes social processes such as appraisals of illegitimacy, which are recognized antecedents of collective action. This paper examines different types of collective action intentions among middle-status group members in response to economic inequality in two studies. Study 1 (N = 72) demonstrates a causal link between high economic inequality and collective action intentions of middle-status group members both to reduce inequality and to improve group status. A second pre-registered study (N = 432) examines key drivers of these relationships, including illegitimacy appraisals and direction of intergroup comparison. Adding to the current understanding of the topic, distinctions between the illegitimacy of one’s group status and the illegitimacy of societal inequality are found to mediate key relationships between economic inequality and relevant collective action types. The direction of intergroup comparison (upwards vs. downwards) is also shown to have a significant impact on collective action intentions to improve group status. Findings add to the understanding of the consequences of economic inequality and drivers of collective action intentions.

Keywords: economic inequality, collective action, legitimacy, social psychology

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Authors: Siwach Sripokangkul, Autthapon Muangming

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The Dao Din group is a gathering of students from the Faculty of Law, Khon Kaen University, a leading university in the northeast of Thailand. The Dao Din group has been one of the most prominent student movements in the past four decades since the bloody massacre of the 6th of October 1976. The group of student is a movement who gather to oppose and protest against different capitalist-run projects that have impacted upon the environment since 2009. The students have become heroes in Thai society and receive support from various groups, especially the middle class who regard the students as role models for the youth. Subsequently, the Dao Din group has received numerous awards between 2011-2013. However, the Dao Din group opposed the military coup d’état of 2014 and the subsequent military junta. Under the military dictatorship regime (2014-present), security officials have hunted, insulted, arrested, and jailed members of the group many times amidst silence from most of the from the middle class. Therefore, this article posits the question of why the Dao Din group which was once the hero and hope of Thai society, has become a political victim in only a few years. The study methods used are the analysis of documentaries, news articles, and interviews with representatives of the Dao Din group. The author argues that Thailand’s middle class previously demonstrated a positive perception of the Dao Din group precisely because that group had earlier opposed policies of the elected Yingluck Shinawatra government, which most of the middle class already despised. However, once the Dao Din group began to protest against the anti-Yingluck military government, then the middle class turned to harshly criticize the Dao Din group. So it can be concluded that the Thai middle class tends to put its partisan interests ahead of a civil society group which has been critical of elected as well as military administrations. This has led the middle class to support the demolishing of Thai democracy. Such a Thai middle-class characteristic not only poses a strong bulwark for the perpetuation of military rule but also destroys a civil society group (composed of young people) who should be the future hope of the nation rather than under the Thai society of darkness.

Keywords: Dao Din student activists, the military coup d’état of 2014, Thai politics, human rights violations

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Authors: Aimen Batool Bint-E-Rashid, Huma Irfan

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This research aims to investigate the role of social media (Snapchat, Facebook, Twitter, etc.) in our daily lives and its implication on our everyday routine in the form of stressors. The study has been validated by a social media survey with 150 social media users belonging to various age groups. The study explores how social media can make an individual anti-social in his or her life offline. To explain the phenomenon, we have proposed and evaluated a model based on social media usage and stressors including burnout and social overload. Results, through correlation and regression tests, have revealed that with increase in social media usage, social overload and burnout also increases. Evidence for the fact that excessive social media usage causes social overload and burnout has been provided in the study.

Keywords: burnout, emotional exhaustion, fatigue, stressors, social networking, social media, social overload

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Authors: Krisztina Szegedi, Gyula Fülöp, Ádám Bereczk

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The shared goal of social entrepreneurship, corporate social responsibility and social innovation is the advancement of society. The business model of social enterprises is characterized by unique strategies based on the competencies of the entrepreneurs, and is not aimed primarily at the maximization of profits, but rather at carrying out goals for the benefit of society. Corporate social responsibility refers to the active behavior of a company, by which it can create new solutions to meet the needs of society, either on its own or in cooperation with other social stakeholders. The objectives of this article are to define concepts, describe and integrate relevant theoretical models, develop a model and introduce some examples of international practice that can inspire initiatives for social development.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility, CSR, social innovation, social entrepreneurship

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Authors: Marvin R. Tenecio

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The analysis of "religious resistance" has been prevalent in Asian and Philippine studies. Discussions on religious resistance from a variety of perspectives are deemed as crucial turning points in the concept's ongoing development and expansion. By broadening the backdrop of religious protest between the early 1960s and the late 1980s, the researchers contend that a study examining the role carried by the Catholic Church in the upheavals against dictatorships in South Korea and the Philippines would be beneficial to the body of knowledge. This study examines a variety of historical writings about the activities occurring at that time. The researchers also compare and contrast the Catholic Church's contributions to the Korean and Philippine resistance against Park Chung-Hee and Ferdinand Marcos Sr., respectively, during the early 1960s until the late 1980s, using the lens of history from below, particularly the Pasyon and Revolution. The Catholic Church stood out against human rights abuses, promoted social justice, and mobilized the public for political reform in response to the dictatorships in South Korea and the Philippines. Even though the specific circumstances and personalities may have changed, the Church's position in both countries was vital in opposing authoritarian governments and supporting democratic movements.

Keywords: resistance, movements, catholic, church, dictatorship

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Authors: Revaz Gvelesiani

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Nowadays, social inequality increasingly strengthens the trend from business entrepreneurship to social entrepreneurship. It can be said that business entrepreneurs, according to their interests, move towards social entrepreneurship. Effectively operating markets create mechanisms, which lead to 'good' behavior. This is the most important feature of the rationally functioning society. As for the prospects of social entrepreneurship, expansion of entrepreneurship concept at the social arena may lead to such an outcome, when people who are skeptical about business, become more open towards entrepreneurship as a type of activity. This is the way which by means of increased participation in entrepreneurship promotes fair distribution of wealth. Today 'entrepreneurship for all' is still a dream, although the one, which may come true.

Keywords: social entrepreneurship, business entrepreneurship, functions of entrepreneurship, social inequality, social interests, interest groups, interest conflicts

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Authors: Muhammad Mustafizur Rahaman

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Social business is a new concept in the field of Business Economics and Capitalist Economy. It has increased the importance in economic and social development in emerging economies. Professor Muhammad Yunus is the founding father of the notion. While conventional business underscores profit maximization as a core business principle, social business calls for addressing social problems at the expense of profit. This underlying principle gives social business advantageous position over conventional businesses to serve those who live at the bottom of the pyramid. It also poses grave challenges to the social business because social business sacrifices profit at one hand and seeks financial sustainability on the other. For the sake of its financial sustainability, the social business might increase the price of its product or service which might lower its social impact, thus, makes the business self-defeating. Therefore, social business should be more innovative in every business process including production, marketing, and management. Otherwise, the business is unlikely to be driven out from the society.

Keywords: innovativeness, self-defeat, social business, social problem

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

Abstract:

Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Xiaoqing Li

Abstract:

Social entrepreneurship drives the global movement as social enterprises create best ways to satisfy social needs through connecting international resources. However, what determines social enterprises to internationalize is underexplored. This study aims to answer this question by conducting a systematic review of studies of past 20 years on social enterprises' internationalization. Findings reveal that factors at the individual (entrepreneur), firm, and environment (home and host country) levels determine the degree of social enterprises' internationalization. Future research is challenged by: a. adopting an integrated approach examining the three levels to explain social enterprises' internationalization; b. the different nature of social enterprises from commercial businesses demands scholars to refine and develop appropriate theoretical models to capture the dynamism of social enterprises' internationalization behavior.

Keywords: determinants, entrepreneurship, internationalization, social enterprises

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Authors: Elisa Pautasso, Matteo Castagno, Michele Osella

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In the last decade, the emergence of new social needs as an effect of the economic crisis has stimulated the flourishing of business endeavours characterised by explicit social goals. Social start-ups, social enterprises or Corporate Social Responsibility operations carried out by traditional companies are quintessential examples in this regard. This paper analyses these kinds of initiatives in order to discover the main characteristics of social business models and to provide insights to social entrepreneurs for developing or improving their strategies. The research is conducted through the integration of literature review and case study analysis and, thanks to the recognition of the importance of both profits and social impacts as the key success factors for a social business model, proposes a framework for identifying indicators suitable for measuring the social impacts generated.

Keywords: business model, case study, impacts, social business

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Authors: Rumeysa Terzioglu

Abstract:

Social entrepreneurship is not only a new concept but also an engaging factor of development that utilizes opportunities in economic and social areas for women. Social entrepreneurs have experience in determining and solving social problems with community participation. Social entrepreneurship is a consequence of individual social and economic initiatives contributing to women’s social and economic development against poverty. Women’s empowerment is an essential point for development. Türkiye has been developing an alternative empowerment model for women affected by the national development plan. Social entrepreneurship is an alternative model of social and economic empowerment of women’s status in Türkiye.

Keywords: social entrepreneurship, women, women empowerment, development

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Authors: Dilay Akgun Giray

Abstract:

Basic insuffiency spaces of ASD diagnosed individuals can be grouped as cognitive and academic characteristics, communicational characteristics, social characteristics and emotional characteristics. Referring to the features that children with ASD exhibit on social events, it is clear they have limitations for several social skills. One of the evidence based practices which has been developed and used for the limitations of definite social skills for individuals with autism is “Social Story Method”. Social stories was designed and applied for the first time in 1991, a special education teacher, in order to acquire social skills and improve the existing social skills for children with ASD. Many studies have revealed the effectiveness of social stories for teaching the social skills to individuals with ASD. In this study, three social skills that the child ,who was diagnosed ASD, is going to need primarily will be studied with smart board. This study is multiple probe across-behavior design which is one of the single subject research models.

Keywords: authism spectrum disorders, social skills, social story, smart board

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Authors: Mahmood Niroobakhsh

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This article deals with special structuralism approaches to explain a certain kind of social problem. Widespread presence of poverty is a reminder of deep-rooted unresolved problems of social relations. The expected role from an individual for the social system recognizes poverty derived from an interrelated social structure. By the time, enabled to act on his role in the course of social interaction, reintegration of the poor in society may take place. Poverty and housing type are reflections of the underlying social structure, primarily structure’s elements, systemic interrelations, and the overall strength or weakness of that structure. Poverty varies based on social structure in that the stronger structures are less likely to produce poverty.

Keywords: absolute poverty, relative poverty, social structure, urban poverty

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Authors: Zeinab Hmama

Abstract:

Much recent discourse has highlighted the supporting role of social entrepreneurs in solving social problems. However, the identification of social enterprise’s characteristics in emerging countries has not yet been thoroughly examined. This research seeks to explores the profile of social enterprises in Morocco. In this perspective, we conduct a quantitative study on a sample of 87 social enterprises. This study was undertaken in Morocco based on a quantitative study lead among sample consists of 82 organizations qualified as social enterprises. Therefore, the response rate was 45.12% (37/82). Participants in the study were described on the basis of the following demographic characteristics: Gender, Age, Education Level and field, Entrepreneurial activity age, Legal forms, Line of business.

Keywords: social entrepreneurship, social enterprise, problem resolution, value creation

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Authors: Liberty Takudzwa Nyete

Abstract:

This paper examines the feminine representation of women’s experiences in relation to womanhood as depicted by selected three South African female authors:. The study examines the challenges, difficulties and strategies used by various female characters’ to deal with situations in a typical apartheid and post-apartheid society. It also explores the way in which gender, race and class discourses are treated in the selected texts. The three authors, born and bred at the peak of the anti-apartheid movement and women’s protest against patriarchy, witnessed the effects of apartheid on both their families and societies at large which could perhaps have influenced their writing. The study is informed by both the feminist and womanist ideologies postulated by different theorists. In particular, the study of Not Woman Enough considers issues of motherhood, womanhood and racism; while that of Shameless focuses on the importance of women’s narration of their own stories, sexuality and racism; and the depiction of sexual violence, class, and women’s roles in the fight against oppression is explored with regard to This Book Betrays My Brother. Thus, the study concludes on the social makeovers that include women in all the spheres of life, such as education and the economy, which were largely dominated by men but are no longer defined by economic status, physical attributes, class nor sexuality.

Keywords: apartheid, feminism, prostitution, sexual violence, womanism, womanhood

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