Search results for: nationalism

Authors: Hilmi Yazici

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Just after Ottoman period, new more homogenic republic was struggling to form a national identity and dealing with the cultural and historical background of the nation. This new republic had an aim of modernization and westernization which started in the late ottoman period. In this process, the culture was an important basis to form a new nation and it clearly put forward that the new citizens of the new national republic are to have a modern and national culture. The result of this aimed change was to find the Turkish culture suppressed among the common people of the Anatolia and to take the western modernization and breed this with national culture. So in this context, we can say that this approach separated the people from ottoman culture and its roots to empower the national identity. Repeatedly, it may be said that Turkish folkloric music was an important basis for the new revolution, on the other hand classical Turkish music was alienated with the idea that it didn’t belong to Turkish culture. So the aim of this study is to determine how these efforts to nationalize a new identity and culture was successful and conscious intervention to folkloric Turkish music became efficient.

Keywords: opera, nationalism in music, Turkish music

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Authors: Leandro Moura da Silva

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The international community has strived to create legal mechanisms to protect their biodiversity, but this can represent, sometimes, particularly in the case of regulatory regime on access to genetic resources, an excessive nationalism which transforms itself into a significant obstacle to scientific progress causing damages to the country and to local farmers. Although it has been poorly publicized in the media, the international legal system was marked, in 2014, by the entry into force of the Nagoya Protocol, which regulates the access and benefit sharing of genetic resources of the States Party to that legal instrument. However, it’s not reasonable to think of regulating access to genetic resources without reflecting on the links of this important subject with other related issues, such as family farming and agribusiness, food safety, food security, intellectual property rights (on seeds, genetic material, new plant varieties, etc.), environmental sustainability, biodiversity, and biosafety.

Keywords: international law, regulation on agriculture, agronomy techniques, sustainability, genetic resources and new crop varieties, CBD, Nagoya Protocol, ITPGRFA

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Authors: Krista Mae F. Ramos, Lance Micaiah C. Dauz, Gylza Nicole D. Bautista, Rua R. Galang, Jeric Xyrus G. Karganilla

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With the recent proclamation of the possible reinforcement of Compulsory Military Service in the Philippines, debates and societal talks rose and circulated as opinions and perceptions regarding the topic continue to clash. This study aims to determine the perception of the youth on its reimplementation and identify various advantages and disadvantages based on their perspective. The responses were gathered through a virtual call interview, underwent the process of thematization, and were categorized into different themes. Results reflect that the students perceive compulsory military service as a necessity for national defense but requires a long time that can hinder their education and needs a strong foundation to be implemented and sustained. The participants acknowledged that the practice would instill discipline, patriotism, and nationalism, develop an individual’s physical abilities, provide skills and knowledge and improve a person’s self-defense. However, there are also concerns regarding the prominent military shaping and abuse, their loss of freedom of choice, and the chances of health deterioration.

Keywords: compulsory, military, service, reinforcement, perception

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Authors: Budi Annisa Sidi

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Present-day Indonesia maintains a narrative of a culturally plural but unified nation. At the same time, multicultural policies extend different degrees of recognition, accommodation, toleration and even discrimination towards different socio-cultural groups. In conjunction with different ethnographic landscapes across regions in Indonesia, this approach leads to a varied experience and understanding of national identity and multiculturalism among people. As a result, governments seeking to maintain national unity while practicing multiculturalism have to juggle different expectations. This situation is examined through the microcosms of university students using questionnaires followed up by focus group discussions and personal interviews. A comparison between university students across four different provinces in Indonesia (Aceh, Jakarta, West Java and the Moluccas) highlights the influence of one’s surroundings on their perception of multiculturalism. Students in the more heterogeneous areas generally show more acceptance towards diversity compared to students in primarily homogenous areas who have little actual experience in dealing with diversity. Regardless of their environment, students claim to have positive feelings and a strong sense of attachment to Indonesia but hold different ideas of what constitutes an ideal Indonesian national identity.

Keywords: Indonesia, multiculturalism, national identity, nationalism

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Authors: Samuel Onyekachi Chidi

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Nigeria today faces more internal threats stemming from ethnic and religious conflicts than external sources. This article seeks to examine the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria from 2015 to 2021 and their impact on national security. The research was guided by six objectives. The theoretical framework adopted for this study is Structural Conflict Theory, which provides an adequate explanation, a predictive rationale for the frequent occurrence of ethno-religious conflicts and a tendency to provide the necessary insight for their resolution. The results of the study revealed that there is a strong relationship between ethnicity, religion, conflict and national security and that the ethno-religious conflicts experienced in Nigeria have gross implications for national security. The study recommends that the secularity of the Nigerian state be restored and preserved and that the state of origin be removed and replaced by the state of residence in all our national documents, as this will reduce ethnic identity, which is in opposition to nationalism. Religious leaders, traditional rulers, the media and other stakeholders should support the government in its fight to reduce ethno-religious conflict by sensitizing its youth, preaching unity and peaceful coexistence, and discouraging the use of violence as a means of settling disputes between groups and individuals.

Keywords: ethnicity, religion, conflict, national security

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Authors: Nizar Ibnus

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The term 'pribumi' or indigenous people was originally coined in the colonisation era to differentiate between Dutch colonials and native Indonesian people. The term was also used to trigger nationalism among Indonesian people to liberate their country from any kind of colonialism which had seized their freedom for ages. However, after the war was over and the colonials had fled from the country, the usage began to be altered. It changed from nationalist propaganda term to somewhat racist term. Immigrants and half-blooded people were massively victimized. Then, in 1998 the government forbade the use of this term for public use. Apparently, this racial issue happens again. On 16th October 2017, Anies Baswedan as the new government of DKI Jakarta province mentioned this term in his inauguration speech. This indeed raises controversy among Indonesian people. Using critical discourse analysis, this paper examines how Indonesian media portray the figure of Anies Baswedan regarding the issue. The findings reveal that Indonesian media depict Anies Baswedan differently. Some view him guilty as he mentioned the controversial and forbidden term in public. While, the other media consider him as innocent as he used the term in different contexts. This various media point of view and framing is presumably emerged from their different ideologies.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, media framing, racism, pribumi

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Authors: Mohammad Afghari

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Since the inception of intellectual movements in Iran, Iranian thinkers have perennially found themselves at the crossroads of indigenous traditionalism and Western orientation. On the one hand, supporters of indigenous thinking have emphasized the defense of cultural, national, and religious values. On the other hand, Western-leaning intellectuals, often derogatorily labeled as ‘Westoxication’ by their indigenous counterparts, have been inclined towards embracing non-indigenous ideas and ideologies, primarily of Western origin. In this historical context, the dualistic nature of Iranian intellectuals, evolving amidst the era of globalization and its swift advancements in communication, has not only retained its inherent character but has evolved into a broader duality that can identified as ‘Iranian-Cosmopolitan’. In this duality, both in its classical form of indigenous-Western and its contemporary manifestation as Iranian-Cosmopolitan, the Iranian national identity has consistently been a significant part of intellectual discussions. While critically examining this dualism through a historical lens and drawing upon the theories of Anthony Smith, a historical sociologist and British theorist of nationalism, this article delves into the importance of aligning national identity with the prevailing societal transformations, especially globalization. It underscores that Iranian intellectuals, to national identity reconstruction in the present age, will find no solution other than discarding this dualism and reconstructing national identity within a global framework.

Keywords: Iran, Iranian intellectuals, globalization, localism, national identity, cosmopolitan

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Authors: Muhammad Fairul Azreen bin Mohd Zahid, Melissa Querk, Aimi Nabila bt Anizaim

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For this particular research, the focus is based on the practice as research which will produce a choreography as the outcome. The ideas organically develop as an “epiphany” from the meeting, brainstorming, or situation that revolves around surroundings. In this study, the researchers are approaching the national pillar of Malaysia known as ‘Rukun Negara’ to develop a choreographic idea. The concept theory of Speech Act by J.L Austin is used to compose the choreography alongside with national pillar ‘Rukun Negara’ as a guideline for a contemporary work titled, The Pledge 2.0, besides fostering the spirit of unity. These approaches will offer flexibility in creating a choreography piece. The pledge has crossed the boundaries by using texts and heavy issues in choreography developments. It will emphasize the concept of delivering the speech via verbal and nonverbal body language. Besides using the Theory of Speech Acts, the development process of creating this piece will lay the bare normative structure implicit in performance practice. Converging current issues into the final choreographic piece for this research is vital as this research will explore a few choreography methods from different perspectives. Hence, the audience will be able to see the world of dance that always revolves in line with the diachronic process in many ways. The method used in this research is qualitative, which will be used in finding the movement that fits the given facts.

Keywords: performing arts, speech act, performative, nationalism, choreography, politic in dance

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Authors: Rudolf Egger

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This article shows some results of an ongoing project in Kosova. This project deals with the meaning of social transformation processes in the life-courses of Kosova people. One goal is to create an oral history archive in this country. In the last seven years we did some interpretative work (using narrative interviews) concerning the experiences and meanings of social changes from the perspective of life course. We want to reconstruct the individual possibilities in creating one's life in new social structures. After the terrible massacres of ethnical-territorially defined nationalism in former Yugoslavia it is the main focus to find out something about the many small daily steps which must be done, to build up a kind of “normality” in this country. These steps can be very well reconstructed by narrations, by life stories, because personal experiences are naturally linked with social orders. Each individual story is connected with further stories, in which the collective history will be negotiated and reflected. The view on the biographical narration opens the possibility to analyze the concreteness of the “individual case” in the complexity of collective history. Life stories contain thereby a kind of a transition character, that’s why they can be used for the reconstruction of periods of political transformation. For example: In the individual story we can find very clear the national or mythological character of the Albanian people in Kosova. The shown narrations can be read also as narrative lines in relation to the (re-)interpretation of the past, in which lived life is fixed into history in the so-called collective memory in Kosova.

Keywords: biographical learning, adult education, social change, post war societies

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Authors: Grace Rademacher

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Trauma” of the Kingdom of Hungary and the “Lost Cause” of the American Confederacy. Applying Nicole Maurantonio’s articulation of “confederate exceptionalism” and Svetlana Boym’s definition of “restorative nostalgia”, this article argues that, via memorialization and public discourse, both far right bodies flood their constituencies with narratives of nostalgia and martyrdom to sow existential anxieties about past and prophetic victimhood, all under the guise of protecting or restoring heritage. Linking this practice to gamification and conspiracy theorizing and following the work of Patrick Jagoda, this article identifies such industries of nostalgia as means by which the far right in both nations can partake in the “immanent and improvisational process of problem making.” Reified through monuments and references to the Trianon Trauma and the American confederacy, political actors “problem make” by alleging that they are victims of the West or the Left, subject to the cruel whims of liberalism and denial of historical legitimacy. In both nations, relying on their victimhood, pundits and politicians can appeal to white supremacists and distract citizens from legitimate active conflicts, such as wars or democratic rollbacks, redirecting them to fictional, mythical attacks on Hungarian or American society and civilization. This article will examine memorials and monuments as “lieux de memoire” and identify the purposeful similarities between the discourse of public figures and politicians such as María Schmidt, János Lázár, and Viktor Orbán, with that of Donald Trump and pundits such as Tucker Carlson.

Keywords: nationalism, political memory, white supremacy, trianon

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Authors: Mizuno Norihito

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This study attempts to examine Japanese views of Thailand primarily in the 1920s and 1930s through the analysis of documents published by the Office of Governor-General of Taiwan (Taiwan Sotokufu) and its affiliated organizations. Japan regarded Taiwan, under its control since 1895, as a foothold to making inroads into the South, and The governor-general office was active in investigations and intelligence gathering in Southeast Asia, as well as the southern part of the Chinese continent. Documents published by the governor-general office and its related organizations, especially those in a couple of decades following the First World War, reveal that the Japanese paid attention to the presence of the-Thai-Chinese during the time period. It would not be surprising that the desiring to penetrating into the Thai market, as well as the markets of the rest of Southeast Asia, the Japanese could not ignore the presence of the Thai-Chinese because of their local economic influences. The increased Japanese concern about the Thai-Chinese toward the end of the 1920s and throughout the 1930s was, moreover, intertwined with the increased tension between China and Japan. In other words, Thailand, as well as the rest of Southeast Asia, became another arena of Sino-Japanese confrontation. The rise of nationalism against Japan in China infected the Thai-Chinese communities and threatened Japanese economic activities in the country. However, the Japanese simultaneously found out that Thai-Chinese concert with anti-Japanese in China did not necessarily match their business interests and that the Thai government’s efforts to assimilate the Thai-Chinese into the Thais society and strategic approach to Japan in the late 1930s hampered their anti-Japanese actions.

Keywords: Japanese-Thai Relations, Sino-Japanese relations, Thai Chinese, Overseas Japanese

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Authors: Jessica Da Silva

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This paper examines France as a microcosm of the rise of right-wing populism in the broader European context. The attack on the Charlie Hebdo newspaper is arguably, a reaction to the aggressive European secularism spreading throughout Europe that sees its true enemy in the growth of extremist and violent interpretations of Islam. With each terrorist attack, the popularity of anti-immigrant policies and ideologies increases. What ultimately drives movements like the French National Front are the concepts of monoculture and ethnic identity. This paper analyses the character of right-wing populist parties using the National Front as a case study. Such parties generate anxiety and resentment by fomenting an irrational fear of the ‘other’. In this way, populists promote their identity on the basis of xenophobia, Islamophobia, and practices of social exclusion against targeted out-groups. They position immigrants and foreigners as ‘others’, claiming they are a threat to native cultures and a source of social and economic strife. Ultimately, right-wing populism exerts a negative influence over the democratic framework in Europe and opposes the European Union’s integration project. Right-wing populism attacks this supranational model because of its alleged inefficiency and departure from what it considers to be 'authentic' European traditions and citizenship. In this context, understanding the rise of radical right-wing populist parties is extremely important for the future of Europe, democracy and multiculturalism.

Keywords: cultural identity, Europeanization, front national, immigration, integration, Islamophobia, multiculturalism, nationalism, right-wing populist parties, xenophobia

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Authors: Karen de Andrade

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Literature is generally understood as an aesthetic creation, an artistic object that relates to the history and sociocultural paradigms of a given era. Moreover, through it, we can dwell on the deepest reflections on the human condition. It can also be used to propagate projects of domination, as Edward Said points out in his book Culture and Imperialism, connecting narrative, history and land conquest. Having said that, the aim of this paper is to analyse how Wole Soyinka elaborated his main theoretical work, Myth, Literature and African World, a collection of essays published in 1976, by comparing the philosophical, ideological and aesthetic practices of African, diasporic and European writers from the point of view of the Yoruba tradition, to which he belongs. Moreover, Soyinka believes that (literary) art has an important function in the formation of a people, in the construction of its political identity and in cultural regeneration, especially after the independence. The author's critical endeavour is that of attempting to construct a past. For him, the "African World" is not a mere allegory of the continent, and to understand it in this way would be to perpetuate a colonialist vision that would deny the subjectivities that cross black cultures, history and bodies. For him, comparative literature can be used not to "equate" local African texts with the European canon; but rather to recognise that they have aesthetic value and socio-cultural importance. Looking at the local, the particular and specific to each culture is, according to Soyinka, appropriate for dealing with African cultures, as opposed to abstractions of dialectical materialism or capitalist nationalism. In view of this, in his essays, the author creates a possibility for artistic and social reflection beyond the logic of Western politics.

Keywords: comparative literature, African Literature, Literary Theory, Yoruba Mythology, Wole Soyinka, Afrodiaspora

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Authors: Qianyu Zhang

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The spread of digital technology in China has worsened the generation gap and intergenerational competition for cultural and aesthetic discourse. Meanwhile, the increased accessibility of cultural works has encouraged the sharing and inheritance of collective cultural memories between generations. However, not each cultural work can engage positively with efforts to bridge intergenerational aesthetic differences. This study argues that in contemporary China, where new media and the Internet are widely available, featured cultural works have more potential to help enhance the cultural aesthetic consensus among different generations, thus becoming an effective countermeasure to narrow the intergenerational aesthetic rift and cultural discontinuity. Specifically, the generational aesthetic gap is expected to be bridged or improved through the shared appreciation or consumption of cultural works that meet certain conditions by several generations. In-depth interviews of Gen X and Gen Z (N=15, respectively) in China uncovered their preferences and commonalities for cultural works and shared experiences in appreciating them. Results demonstrate that both generations’ shared appreciation of cultural work is a necessary but insufficient condition for its effective response to the generational aesthetic gap. Coding analysis rendered six dimensions that cultural works with the potential to bridge the intergenerational aesthetic divide should satisfy simultaneously: genre, theme, content, elements, quality, and accessibility. Cultural works that engage multiple senses/ compound realistic, domestic and contemporary cultural memories/ contain the narrative of family life and nationalism/ include more elements familiar to the previous generation/ are superb-produced and unaffected/ are more accessible better promote intergenerational aesthetic exchange and value recognition. Moreover, compared to the dilemma of the previous generation facing the aesthetic gap, the later generation plays a crucial role in bridging the generational aesthetic divide.

Keywords: cultural works, generation gap, generation X, generation Z, cultural memory

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Authors: Chin Pang Lei

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Colonized by the UK, handed over to China, and now as a global financial city, Hong Kong’s history is never easy to write under the dominant discourses of colonialism, nationalism and globalization. In this plight, cinema, regarded as Hong Kong’s most representative cultural form, is used for writing, exploring and questioning the local history of the city. In their writing of the past, Hong Kong directors such as Wong Kar-wai, Stanley Kwan and Tsui Hark have demonstrated alternative ways of historicizing Hong Kong. Despite their interests in different periods of time (Wong is obsessed with the 1960s; Kwan is attracted to the 1930s; Tsui often goes back to the early 20th century), all these directors use genres as their time machines to revisit the past. As a popular cultural form, genres always come with a series of ideologies which define our lives and explain the society. Hence, in a changing society, genres change and complicate themselves with different packages of meanings. Genres function as open-ended and corrigible schemata which can contain multiple themes and various meanings. In Hong Kong, genres, often seen as highly commercial and overly market-oriented, are opportunities for alternative history writing and the exploration of local identities. This paper examines how these Hong Kong directors use the popular forms of genres, such as melodrama, martial art and gangster films, to present the past, and how the stories of the fictional characters, such as prostitutes, martial artists and jobless hooligans mobilize imagination of history. These texts show that genre is a crucial platform for Hong Kong’s post-colonial self-writing. Via genres, history in these films is against official and canonical history as well as grand narrative. Genres as time machines articulate a voice for Hong Kong.

Keywords: Hong Kong cinema, genre, historicizing, local history, Wong Kar-Wai

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Angel Adams

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In Australia, the contemporary social construction of hatred against the Islamic community was facilitated through the mainstream media. Australian public figures who have depicted Muslims and Islam not only as potential terrorists but also as incompatible with the country’s values and identities have helped to increase the level of fear against the Islamic community, leading sympathetic far-right movements to shift discussions towards anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Political opportunities combined with a socially constructed narrative of fear of the ‘other’, introduced during the White Australia Policy of 1901, has allowed extreme and radical far-right movements to justify hate against the contemporary Australian Islamic community. This study aims to answer the following question: How does Australia’s founding provide a fertile environment to the spread of hatred against the contemporary Islamic community? The paper demonstrates that a forged social construct of grievances concerning the Islamic community in Australia has led to a surge in supply of far-right activism to combat what has become a perceived ‘national threat’. In essence, Australia’s history of a fear of the ‘other’ brings challenges to a multicultural society, and can potentially lead to a more unstable socio-political environment where abuse and violence are normalized and more likely to develop. Furthermore, the paper aims to bring a more nuanced understanding of what is considered ‘new far-right’ discourses with shared anti-Islam and anti-Muslim agendas in Australia. The political opportunity structures theory was the mechanism used to determine how new forms of far-right groups have become more mainstream in Australia. Previous studies on far-right groups in Australia have relied on qualitative data, but further empirical research in this area is sorely needed. Above all, this paper clarifies how hatred against minorities can have a negative impact on wider communities and allow a global narrative of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ to erupt from the fringes of society in Australia.

Keywords: Australia, Islamophobia, far-right, nationalism, political opportunity structures, political violence, social construction

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Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Claudia Huerta, Pepijn Doornenbal, Walaa Elsiddig

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Rising waves of nationalism around the world have led first-world migration receiving countries to exploit the ambiguity of international refugee law and establish asylum application processes that deter applications, allow for bureaucratic deniability, and violate human rights. This case study of Greek asylum application practices argues that the 'pre-application' asylum process in Greece violates the spirit of international law by making it incredibly difficult for potential asylum seekers to apply for asylum, in essence violating the human rights of thousands of asylum seekers. This study’s focus is on the Greek mainland’s asylum 'pre-application' process, which in 2016 began to require those wishing to apply for asylum to do so during extremely restricted hours via a basic Skype line. The average wait to simply begin the registration process to apply for asylum is 81 days, during which time applicants are forced to live illegally in Greece. This study’s methodology in analyzing the 'pre-application' process consists of hours of interviews with asylum seekers, NGOs, and the Asylum Service office on the ground in Athens, as well as an analysis of the Greek Asylum Service historical asylum registration statistics. This study presents three main findings: the delays associated with the Skype system in Greece are the result of system design, as proven by a statistical analysis of Greek asylum registrations, NGOs have been co-opted by the state to perform state functions during the process, and the government’s use of technology is both purposefully lazy and discriminatory. In conclusion, the study argues that such asylum practices are part of a pattern of first-world migration receiving countries policies’ which discourage asylum seekers from applying and fall short of the standards in international law.

Keywords: asylum, European Union, governance, Greece, irregular, migration, policy, refugee, Skype

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Authors: Ren Boyuan

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This study focuses on how the Character and Citizenship Education textbook in Singapore primary schools deliver preferred and desired qualities to students and therefore reveals how discourse in textbooks can facilitate and perpetuate certain social practices. In this way, this study also serves to encourage the critical thinking of textbook writers and school educators by unveiling the nuanced message through language use that facilitates the perpetuation of social practices in a society. In Singapore, Character and Citizenship Education is a compulsory subject for primary school students. Under the framework of 21st Century Competencies, Character and Citizenship Education in Singapore aims to help students thrive in this fast-changing world. The Singapore government is involved in the development of CCE curriculum in schools from primary schools to pre-university. Inevitably, the CCE curriculum is not free from ideological influences. This qualitative study utilizes Fairclough’s three-dimensional theory and his framework of three assumptions to analyze the Character and Citizenship Education textbook for Primary 1 and to reveal ideologies in this textbook. Data for the analysis in this study are the textual parts of the whole textbook for Primary 1 students as this book is used at the beginning of citizenship education in primary schools. It is significant because it promotes messages about CCE to the foundation years of a child's education. The findings of this study show that the four revealed ideologies, namely pragmatism, communitarianism, nationalism, and multiculturalism, are not only dated back in the national history but also updated and explained by the current demands for Singapore’s thriving and prosperity in a sustainable term. This study ends with a discussion of the implications of this study. By pointing out the ideologies in this textbook and how they are embedded in the discourse, this study may help teachers and textbook writers realize the possible political involvement in the book and therefore develop their recognition of the implicit influence of lexical choice on their teaching and writing. In addition, by exploring the ideologies in this book and comparing them with ideologies in past textbooks, this study helps researchers in this area on how language influences readers and reflects certain social demands.

Keywords: citizenship education, critical discourse analysis, sociolinguistics, textbook analysis

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: Natsuko D'Aprile

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The construction of Nation-States is a historical process that produces a type of national identity and culture that States nowadays mobilise for global outreach. National culture, as a set of norms and values influencing individuals’ actions and decisions, produces a type of policy making of various strategies that impact how a Nation is promoted overseas. The 1990s were marked by a resurgence of the debates on national identity. This period is believed to have paved the way for nationalism and witnessed increased attention to analytical approaches to identity. Public diplomacy is a concrete example of how national culture is mobilised to project a favourable image of a Nation abroad, especially in the narratives on national identity mobilised by diplomatic actors. Public diplomacy is understood as providing tools for States to build and project strategic narratives that represent events and identities in an attempt to influence domestic and foreign audiences, be they domestic or foreign. France and Japan received little attention on the matter. This research hence aims to investigate how France and Japan have mobilised narratives on national identity since the 1990s in the context of their public diplomacy. To understand how identities are framed, qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis has been performed on a corpus of various speeches held by French and Japanese political actors in which they present their diplomacy goals, as well as official documents provided by both Ministries of Foreign Affairs. This analysis showed that the French discourse integrates a narrative on France’s universal vocation, relying on the expression of a Nation whose model is worldly applicable and has the legitimacy to influence international decisions. The Japanese discourse does not concretely emphasise Japanese or Asian values, except for some narratives integrating Confucian and Shintō values. It rather revolves around the need for Japan to ensure its citizens’ security and prosperity, hence the need for the Government to contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region and the world.

Keywords: comparative politics, culture, discourse analysis, narratives, public diplomacy

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Authors: Nina Berding

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Migration and the ensuing diversity are integral parts of urban societies. However, engaging with the urban society and its diversification is rarely perceived as something trivial but rather as a difficult task and a major challenge. A central aspect of the discourse is the current migration of refugees from countries of the southern hemisphere to Europe and the resulting challenges for cities, their municipalities and the civil society as a whole. Based on exploratory field research in a German inner-city neighborhood, it is aimed to show that the discourses about migration and diversity are completely contrary to the everyday life actions of the urban society. Processes of migration that include leaving one’s hometown and moving to other places, searching for ‘safe’ environments or better opportunities are, historically speaking, not a new phenomenon. The urban dwellers have a large repertoire of strategies in managing processes of difference in everyday life situations, guided them well for centuries and also in these contemporary processes with an increased mobility and diversity. So there is obviously a considerable discrepancy between what is practically lived in everyday life, and how it is talked about. The results of the study demonstrate that the current discourse about the challenges of migration seems to legitimize interventions beyond humanist approaches where migrants serve as collective scapegoats for social problems and affected by different discrimination and criminalization processes. On the one hand, everyone takes advantage of the super-mobility and super-diversity in their daily lives and on the other hand, powerful stakeholders and designated authorities operate a sort of retro- nationalism and identity collectivism. Political players, the municipalities and other stakeholders then follow an urban public policy that takes actions (increasing police presence, concepts and activities for special groups, exclusion from active social life, preventing participation etc.) towards different ‘groups’ of residents, produced along ‘ethnic’ lines. The results also show that, despite the obstacles and adversities placed in their way, the excluded residents perpetually relocate and re-position themselves and attempt to empower themselves by redefining their identities in their neighborhood.

Keywords: coexistence, everyday life, migration and diversity regimes, urban policy

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Authors: Irma Wani Othman

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The internationalization of higher education in Malaysia mainly focuses to place the implementation of the strategic, comprehensive and integrated range of stakeholders in order to highlight the visibility of Malaysia as a hub of academic excellence. While the concept of 'global citizenship' is used as a two-pronged strategy of aggressive marketing by universities which includes; (i) the involvement of the academic expatriates in stimulating international activities of higher education and (ii) an increase in international student enrollment capacity for the enculturation of science and the development of first class mentality. In this aspect, aspirations for a transnational social movement through global citizenship status to establish the identity of the university community without borders (borderless universities) - regardless of skin colour, thus rationalize and liberalize the universal principles of life and cultural traditions of a nation. The education system earlier referred by the spirit of nationalism is now progressing due to globalization, hence forming a system of higher education that is relevant and generated by the need of all time. However, debates arose when the involvement of global citizenship is said to threaten the ultimate university autonomy in determining the direction of academic affairs and governance of their human resources. Stemming from this debate, this study aims to explore the experience of 'global citizenship' that the academic expatriates and international students in shaping the university's strategic needs and interests which are in line with the transition of contemporary higher education. The objective of this study is to examine the acculturation experience of the global citizen in the form of transnational higher education system and suggest policy and policing IHE which refers directly to the experience of the global citizen. This study offers a detailed understanding of how the university communities assess their expatriation experience, thus becoming useful information for learning and transforming education. The findings also open an advanced perspective on the international mobility of human resources and the implications on the implementation of the policy of internationalization of higher education. The contribution of this study is expected to give new input, thus shift the focus of contextual literature for the internationalization of the education system. Instead of focusing on the purpose of generating income of a university, to a greater understanding of subjective experience in utilizing international human resources hence contributing to the prominent transnational character of higher education.

Keywords: internationalization, global citizens, Malaysia higher education, academic expatriate, international students

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Authors: Andrew Wee

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As a result of the Italian Independence Wars starting in 1848, Italy began to change through unification. People gradually moved away from some of their traditional practices and values, such as the long-held belief that women were inferior to men, as part of the Risorgimento. Italians began to take interest in opera as a form of emotional release. As opera became more popular and prominent in their culture, it aided in the dissemination of ideas, especially stimulating the spread of imperialism, in the late 19th century, as Italy began extending its presence to other countries. In order to collect the information needed to analyze Italy’s foreign presence, it was necessary to consult texts concerning the culture of the Risorgimento. These texts included primary sources from operatic composers and contemporary recorded accounts. Letters from Giuseppe Verdi, a leader in opera during the Risorgimento, have been scrutinized for indications of popular attitudes of the time. The cultural context of the Risorgimento is essential to understanding the Italian motives and attitudes towards the outside world. On the more political side, research has also entailed the study of historical data of general laws, policies, and their purposes concerning geopolitical boundaries and foreign affairs, such as Edward Said’s thesis on Orientalism. By establishing these two characteristics of Italy, the paper will thoroughly illustrate Italy’s presence in foreign affairs. Texts have been searched with the intent of using information that reveals Italian attitudes toward exotic countries to determine whether their demeanor was positive or condescending. Motives behind sources have been interpreted in context in order to form a complete picture of the Italian sentiment towards foreigners. Additionally, research pertaining to Italian nationalism and imperialism such as song and literature has been used. The primary form of research has been the division of sources that are culturally based and those that are political in nature. Opera had always been developing since its creation in the 17th century, and in the 19th century, the bel canto movement revolutionized opera and its role in Italian society. This paper uses evidence that popular sentiment was influenced by opera to support the belief that the evolution of opera was as a result of the nationalist sentiment, and in turn fueled the cultural movement known as the Risorgimento. In this way, opera proceeded to affect Italian culture by spreading the idea of imperialism.

Keywords: opera, Italian unification, music history, imperialism

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Authors: Badru Hasan Segujja, Nassiwa Shamim

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This study “Territorial Influence of Religious Based Armed Conflicts in Africa” was in place to identify the influence of religious based armed conflicts, their parsistance and their impact on African societies. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, as data from respondents was descriptively recorded using random sampling technics. The study discovered that, the world is experiencing religious based armed violence where actors fight under the umbrella of freedom fighters where the African continent in particular has been at the pic of such armed violence almost since each countries independence to date. Because of this situation, the Continent is torn apart as families are traumatized by the memories of their dear ones who never survived in yesterdays’ faith based armed violence. The study disvovered that, some of these faith based armed conflicts are caused by factors ranging from undemocratic practices due to poor governance, poverty, Unemployment, religious extremism and radicalism which later turn into intractable violence. Religious armed groups such as, Holly Spirit Movement (HSM), Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and Lords Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda and now Eastern DRC and Central African Republic, ALSHABAB in East Africa, SELEKE and ANTI BALAKA in Central African Republic, BOKO HARAM in Nigeria, JANJAWEED in Sudan and Republic of Chad, Sudaneess Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) in Southern Sudan, Alqaida Mission in Islamic Magreeb (AQIIM) in Mali coupled with acute racism of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda or Burundi and Xenophobic Nationalism in (South Africa). The study futher discovered that, the component of “freedom fighters” has strongly made these groups maintain the ground without fear of any repucation, which situation has resulted into children and women becoming disproportionally victims and the response of international communities to the violence is inadequate. The study concludes that, dialogue for peace is better than going for wars. The study recommends that, in order to restore peace on the African continent and elsewhere in the world, UN should recommend the teaching of peace values in schools, pre-conflict early warnings must be well attended, actors must refrain from using religious lebles, democracy, unemployment and poverty issues should as well be addressed to avoid unnessesary conflicts.

Keywords: influence, religious, armed, conflicts

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Authors: Nenita Pambid Domingo

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The komedya otherwise known as moro-moro or pretending to be Moors, is a traditional Filipino play in the vernacular adapted from the Spanish comedia de capa y espada. It was used by Spanish colonizers in the Philippines, circa 1766 to evangelize and strengthen the faith of Indios or Filipino natives to Christianity. Unlike the Moros y Cristianos festival held all over Spain celebrating the Reconquista from the 8th to the 15th century, the Philippine Moro-Moro or Komedya is a romance between a Muslim and a Christian and the battles between Christians and Moros, where the Moros are always defeated and the Muslim prince is converted to the Christian faith and marries the Christian princess at the end of the play. For over 200 years, the komedya has been part of the Filipinos’ life and has been dubbed by some Philippine scholars as the Philippine’s national theater. Until now postings of performances in different parts of the Philippines in different Philippine languages are uploaded at youtube. In the US, “San Dionisio sa America (SDA),” an organization of natives from Barrio San Dionisio, Parañaque, Philippines has been performing the komedya for the past 16 years during their town’s fiesta, in honor of the barrio's patron saints St Denis of Paris, France and Saint Joseph whom the devotees fondly call "Tata Dune" and "Tata Hosep". The komedya performed in the US is infused with modern elements in the production and content, but retain the basic form in verse and the stylized war dance, marches, and singsong delivery of lines. Most of the Celebras or town fiestas and komedya performances are held at The Barnsdall Art Park and Gallery Theatre in Hollywood, Los Angeles. The presentation will focus on the linguistic and content analysis of the Tagalog verses in the 2010 komedya entitled Mga Prinsesa ng Cordova (The Princesses of Cordova) publicized as a modern komedya. The presentation will also touch on the healing function of the language and performance that is part of the town’s religious festivities. It will also look into the aesthetics of the production, audience reception, participation of the sponsors, producers called Hermana/Hermano Mayor, the performers who are a mix of Filipinos from the Philippines and Filipino-Americans who are starting to lose the Tagalog language and the non-Filipino participants, as well as the general audience who are from Parañaque and those not from Parañaque, who come to witness the event and enjoy the festivities.

Keywords: devotion, diaspora nationalism, komedya, st. denis of Paris, France, traditional Philippine theater

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Authors: Hasan Topacoglu

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The Meiji Restoration was a chain of events that restored Japan in 1868 and considered as the beginning of Japanese Modernization by many scholars. In 1968, to honor its modern incarnation, Japan celebrated Meiji Centennial as one of the biggest Media Events in the country after the World War II. It was celebrated all around the country throughout the year following with a central event in Tokyo. Meanwhile, Japanese scholars started an opposition movement and claimed that Government was using this event to raise nationalism, pointing at Government’s statement on the meaning of Meiji. Most of the scholars, unfortunately, were hooked into the ideological problem of the Government’s way of planning and evaluated it as a failure. However, scholars missed out an important point that apart from the central event in Tokyo, each city planned its own event and celebrated it on a different date, also with a different theme. For example, Kyoto showed a regional characteristic and focused on Kyoto’s own culture, tradition etc., and highlighted a further past than 100 years. This was mainly because some areas/cities had a different ‘memory’ for Meiji Restoration than Tokyo which was reflected through the way they celebrated Meiji Centennial. On the other hand, 2023 will be the year of Turkish Republic Centennial. A year which will be marked by national and maybe even international events. Although an official committee has not been announced yet, The 2023 Vision, a list of goals has been released by the Government to coincide with the centenary of the Republic of Turkey in 2023 and there are some ongoing projects that are planned to be completed by then. By looking at the content of these projects, it is possible to say that Government is aiming to focus on Modernization through the Centennial. However, some of the projects are already showing some interesting characteristics such as the Istanbul New Airport whose design is inspired by Selimiye Mosque’s Islamic-Ottoman figure. It is true that Turkey and Japan have different historical backgrounds and the timeline of the Meiji Restoration and Foundation of Turkish Republic are different. Therefore, a particular comparison between these two events is not justified. However, they may have more in common than we are up to think because, each country marked the start of a new nation conceived on modern principles. For that reason, it is important to understand the similarities or differences between Meiji Centennial and Turkish Republic Centennial as a media event. This study introduces Meiji Centennial as a media event and analyses opposition movement along with the meaning of Meiji Centennial. Additionally, it explains regional characteristic differences and gives Kyoto as an example. Moreover, it introduces some of the ongoing Centennial projects in Turkey and analyses the meaning of the Turkish Republic Centennial through these projects. Without comparing Japan and Turkey, it explains the case of Japan but the discussion centers on deepening our understanding of Centennial as a Media Event and remarks some important aspects for Turkey’s upcoming Centennial events.

Keywords: media events, Meiji centennial, the 2023 vision, Turkish republic centennial

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Authors: Samuel Gary Beckton

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Ever since the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014, there has been a threat of a second referendum. However, if there was another referendum and the majority favoured independence, it is highly likely to be by a small majority. In this paper, it will look into the hypothetical situation of what could have happened if Scotland had voted in favour of independence in 2014. If this occurred, there would be many Unionists within Scotland, including devoted supporters of the Better Together campaign. There was a possibility of some Scottish Unionists not willing to accept the result of the Referendum unchallenged and use their right of self-determination through the UN Charter for their region to remain within the United Kingdom. The Shetland and Orkney Islands contemplated of opting out of an independent Scotland in 2013. This caught the attention of some politicians and the media, via confirming the possibility of some form of partition in Scotland and could have gained extra attention if partition quickly became a matter of ‘need’ instead of ‘want’. Whilst some Unionists may have used petitions and formed pressure groups to voice their claims, others may have used more hard-line tactics to achieve their political objectives, including possible protest marches and acts of civil unrest. This could have possibly spread sectarian violence between Scottish Unionists and Nationalists. Glasgow has a serious issue of this kind of sectarianism, which has escalated in recent years. This is due to the number communities that have been established from Irish Immigrants, which maintain links with Northern Irish loyalists and republicans. Some Scottish Unionists not only have sympathy towards Northern Irish loyalists but actively participate with the paramilitary groups and gave support. Scottish loyalists could use these contacts to create their own paramilitary group(s), with aid from remaining UK (RUK) benefactors. Therefore, this could have resulted in the RUK facing a serious security dilemma, with political and ethical consequences to consider. The RUK would have the moral obligation to protect Scottish Unionists from persecution and recognise their right of self-determination, whilst ensuring the security and well-being of British citizens within and outside of Scotland. This work takes into consideration the lessons learned from the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland. As an era of ‘Troubles’ could occur in Scotland, extending into England and Northern Ireland. This is due to proximity, the high number of political, communal and family links in Scotland to the RUK, and the delicate peace process within Northern Ireland which shares a similar issue. This paper will use British and Scottish Government documents prior to the Scottish referendum to argue why partition might happen and use cartography of maps of a potential partition plan for Scotland. Reports from the UK National Statistics, National Rail, and Ministry of Defence shall also be utilised, and use of journal articles that were covering the referendum.

Keywords: identity, nationalism, Scotland, unionism

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Authors: Sunaina Sunaina

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The emergence of Thailand as a modern nation was amalgamation of several minority groups. Eventually, the nation tried to mitigate these diversities in the name of nationalism in the backdrop of colonial powers presence in neighboring nations. However, the continued imposition of modern nation building processes (which is a western concept) in the post-colonial era deepen the feelings of alienation among the minority groups and leads to separatist conflicts. It is significant that whatever form these conflicts take, will impact the security of nation as well as the region of Southeast Asia. This paper tries to explore the possible factors behind the state policies adopted by the government of Thailand to manage the insurgency in Southern provinces in the south. The protracted insurgency in the South has historical roots as Pattani kingdom had glorious period whether it was trade or commerce or education and its assimilation was never accepted by the leaders of these areas. But after assimilation of southern provinces in the state, it has been the state policy as an important factor in promoting or mitigating the insurgency. Initial protests from the elite class of southern provinces inflated into a more organized and violent uprising after Second World War. It was only the decade of 1990s that a relative peace could prevail for some time. The violence reemerged in 2004 with more intensity and till today this area is suffering with violence. Period of different Prime Ministers dealt this insurgency in different ways sometimes very hard line approach had been adopted especially under Primeminstership of Thaksin Shinawatra. Recently, the peace talks which were started during the period of Yinglunck Shinawatra and were carried forward by Junta government also halted. And again, the region stays in a very volatile state. Violence in these provinces not only questions the capability of government to provide political solution to the problem, but also emerges as a major threat to the internal security of the state. The current era where global terrorism is spreading fast, such vulnerable areas may work as a new ground for its proliferation in Southeast Asia. The paper attempts to understand how Thailand’s historical experience of security determines a different approach to national unity which limits the prospects for autonomy in the South. In conjunction with this experience it is nature of national politics and leadership that influences the nature of policies on the ground in Southern Thailand. The paper also tries to bring out conflict between state sovereignty and self-determination as demanded by many in the southern provinces.

Keywords: insurgency, southern Thailand, security, nation building

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