Search results for: civil rights

Authors: Tracy Smith-Carrier

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In 1995, the World Health Organization declared that poverty was the biggest killer and the greatest cause of suffering in the world. Income is certainly a key social determinant of health, the lack of which causes innumerable health and mental health conditions. In seeking to provide relief from financial hardship for residents within their populace, states in the Global North have largely turned to the non-profit and charitable sector. The stigma and shame of accessing charity is a significant barrier for many, but what is more problematic is that the embrace of the charitable model has let governments off the hook from responding to their international human rights obligations. Although states are signatories to various human rights treaties and conventions internationally, many of these laws have not been implemented domestically. This presentation explores the limits of the charitable model in addressing poverty in countries of the Global North. Unlike in the ages passed, when poverty was thought to be an individual problem, we now know that poverty is largely systemic in nature. In this presentation, we will identify the structural determinants of poverty, outline why people are reticent to access charitable programs and services and how income security is reproduced through the charitable model, and discuss evidence-informed solutions, such as a basic income guarantee, to move beyond the charitable model in favour of a rights-based justice model. To move beyond charity, we must demand that governments recognize our fundamental human rights and address poverty and hunger using a justice model based on substantive human rights.

Keywords: basic income, charity, poverty, income security, hunger, food security, social justice, human rights

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Authors: Aleksandar Savanović

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In this paper we will analyze the relationship between the neo-liberal concept of property rights and redistribution policy. This issue is back in the focus of interest due to the crisis 2008. The crisis has reaffirmed the influence of the state on the free-market processes. The interference of the state with property relations re-opened a classical question: is it legitimate to redistribute resources of a man in favor of another man with taxes? The dominant view is that the neoliberal philosophy of natural rights is incompatible with redistributive measures. In principle, this view can be accepted. However, when we look into the details of the theory of natural rights proposed by some coryphaei of neoliberal philosophy, such as Hayek, Nozick, Buchanan and Rothbard, we can see that it is not such an unequivocal view.

Keywords: economic neoliberalism, natural law, property, redistribution

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Authors: Oktawia Braniewicz

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The phenomenon of emigration and migration increasingly affects Poland's borders as well. For this reason, it is necessary to examine the level of protection of Human Rights in Polish Centres for Foreigners. The field study covered 11 centers for Foreigners in the provinces Kujawsko-Pomorskie Region, Lubelskie Region, Lodzkie Region, Mazowieckie Region and Podlaskie Region. Photographic documentation of living and social conditions, conversations with center employees and refugees allow to show a comprehensive picture of the situation prevailing in Centres for Foreigners. The object of reflection will be, in particular, the standards resulting from art. 8 and 13 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and article 2 of Protocol No. 1 to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The degree of realization of the right to education and the right to respect for family and private life will be shown. Issues related to learning the Polish language, access to a professional translator and psychological help will also be approximated. Learning Polish is not obligatory, which causes problems with assimilation and integration with other members of the new community. In centers for foreigners, there are no translators - a translator from an external company is rented if necessary. The waiting time for an interpreter makes the refugees feel anxious, unable to communicate with the employees of the centers (this is a situation in which the refugees do not know either English, Polish or Russian). Psychologist's help is available on designated days of the week. There is no separate specialist in child psychology, which is a serious problem.

Keywords: human rights, Polish centres, foreigners, fundamental freedoms

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Authors: Sid Ahmed Ziane

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This paper argues for Johnson's financial responsiveness to the rise of Black Power and its advocate, 'Stokely Carmichael' in 1966. John H. Johnson was a Black businessman and the owner of Ebony magazine, one of the widely read Black magazines in the U.S. His magazine, however, was designed only to promoting Black fashion, aesthetic, marketing, and consumerism. In mid-1966, the mainstream of the Civil Rights movement was heading into two distinct camps when some of its advocates, led by Stokely Carmichael, began to question the slow pace of the Civil Rights and sought to pursue a more radical approach to bring about upheaval to the Black community. Their new approach, however, propelled the national media into paying close attention to their activities, their new methods, and their radical orientations. In fact, the major White-oriented media discredited Carmichael and distorted his public image via sensational stories and race-mongering reports. However, the Black owned outlets such as The Liberator advocated his agendas, whereas other magazines such as The Crisis rejected them. Based on such oral sources and Ebony’s online issues, this paper adds and argues that Johnson had also responded to the rise of Black Power and Carmichael. This reaction had, in fact, aimed at scooping and selling Carmichael and his new orientation as well as advertising him in his magazine to attract the readers who showed a strong tendency to hear and read about the heyday and even the ferment of Black Power. This paper is part of an ongoing project which aims at framing our understanding of how the Black print media and the modern Black liberation struggle were correlated and could shape each other by appraising their agendas, milestones, and their pivotal figures.

Keywords: Black power, Ebony magazine, John Johson, Stokely Carmichael

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Authors: Malik Imtiaz Ahmad

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Human beings are the super organism granted the gift of consciousness of life by the Almighty God and endowed with an intrinsic legal value to their humanity that shall be guarded and protected respecting dignity regardless of your cultural, religious, race, or physical background; you want to be treated equally for a reason for being human. Islam graces the essential integrity of humanity and confirms the freedom and accountability impact on individuality and the open societal sphere, including the moral, economic, and political aspects. Human Rights allow people to live with dignity, equality, justice, freedom, and peace. The Kantian approach to morality expresses that ethical actions follow universal moral laws. Hence, human rights are based upon the normative approaches setting the international standards to promote, guard, and protect the fundamental rights of the people. Islam is a divine religion commanding human rights based upon the principles of social justice and regulates all facets of the moral and spiritual ethics of Muslims besides bringing balance abreast in the non-Muslims to respect their lives with safety and security and property. The Canon law manifests the faith and equality amongst Christianity, regulating the communal dignity to build and promote the sanctity of Holy life (can. 208 to 223). This concept of the community is developed after the insight of the Islamic 'canon law', which is the code of revelation itself and inseparable from the natural part of the salvation of mankind. The etymology and history of human rights is a polemical debate in a preview of Islamic and Western culture. On the other hand, international law is meticulous about the fundamental part of Conon law that focuses on the communal political, social and economic relationship. The evolving process of human rights is considered to be an exclusive universal thought regarding an open society that forms a legal base for the constituent of international instruments of the protection of Human Rights, viz. UDHR. On the other side, Muslim scholars emphasize that human rights are devolving around Islamic law. Both traditions need a dire explanation of contemporary openness for bringing the harmonious universal law acceptable and applicable to the international communities concerning the anthropology of political, economic, and social aspects of a human being.

Keywords: human rights-based approach (HRBA), human rights in Islam, evolution of universal human rights, conflict in western, Islamic human rights

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Authors: Congrui Chen

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The European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter ECtHR) delivered its judgment of just satisfaction on the case of Cyprus v. Turkey, ordering a lump sum of 9,000,000 euros as the just compensation. It is the first time that the ECtHR applied the Article 41 of just compensation in an inter-state case, and it stands as the highest amount of just compensation awarded in the history of the ECtHR. The Cyprus v. Turkey case, which represents the most crucial contribution to European peace in the history of the court. This thesis uses the methodologies of textual research, comparison analysis, and case law study to go further on the following two questions specifically:(i) whether the just compensation is applicable in an inter-state case; (ii) whether such just compensation is of punitive nature. From the point of view of general international law, the essence of the case is the state's responsibility for the violation of individual rights. In other words, the state takes a similar diplomatic protection approach to seek relief. In the course of the development of international law today, especially with the development of international human rights law, States that have a duty to protect human rights should bear corresponding responsibilities for their violations of international human rights law. Under the specific system of the European Court of Human Rights, the just compensation for article 41 is one of the specific ways of assuming responsibility. At the regulatory level, the European Court of Human Rights makes it clear that the just satisfaction of article 41 of the Convention does not include punitive damages, as it relates to the issue of national sovereignty. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the relief to the victim and the punishment to the responsible State are two closely integrated aspects of responsibility. In other words, compensatory compensation has inherent "punitive".

Keywords: European Court of Human Right, inter-state cases, just satisfaction, punitive damages

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Authors: Fatima Ahdash

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Over the last 6-7 years, the UK has resorted to using the family courts and the family justice system more generally as a way of dealing with children and young people either traveling to or returning from ISIS territories in the Middle East. This is an important innovation in counter-terrorism laws and practices in the UK: never before have the family courts been used for the purpose of preventing and countering terrorism anywhere in the world. This paper will examine this innovation; it will explore how, why, and the implications of the interaction between family law and counter-terrorism, particularly on the human rights of the parents and children involved. It will question whether the use of the family courts provides a more useful, and perhaps human rights compliant, method of tackling terrorism and extremism when compared to other more Draconian legal and administrative methods.

Keywords: counter-terrorism, family justice, law, human rights

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Authors: Veljko Turanjanin

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In this article, an author deals with the issue of life imprisonment. Life imprisonment represents a new sentence in the Serbian legislature, in addition to the standard one, imprisonment. The author elaborated on judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), imposing the possibility of parole for the person sentenced to life imprisonment, emphasizing rehabilitation as the primary goal of penalties. According to the ECtHR, life imprisonment without parole is not permitted. The right to rehabilitation is very strictly set in the ECtHR jurisprudence. Life imprisonment represents a new sentence in the Serbian legislature, in addition to the standard one, imprisonment. The legislator provided the possibility of parole for most criminal offenses after 27 years in prison, while for some of them, a possibility of parole is explicitly prohibited. The author points out the shortcomings of the legal solution that exists in Serbia, which flagrantly threatens to violate the human rights of the offenders.

Keywords: European Court of Human Rights, life imprisonment, parole, rehabilitation

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Sonia Boulos

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The prohibition on ‘inhuman treatment’ constitutes one of the central tenets of modern international human rights law. It is incorporated in principal international human rights instruments including Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, in the absence of any legislative definition of the term ‘inhuman’, its interpretation becomes challenging. The aim of this article is to critically analyze the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ in international human rights law and to suggest a new approach to construct its meaning. The article is composed of two central parts. The first part is a critical appraisal of the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ by supra-national human rights law institutions. It highlights the failure of supra-national institutions to provide an independent definition for the term ‘inhuman’. In fact, those institutions consistently fail to distinguish the term ‘inhuman’ from its other kin terms, i.e. ‘cruel’ and ‘degrading.’ Very often, they refer to these three prohibitions as ‘CIDT’, as if they were one collective. They were primarily preoccupied with distinguishing ‘CIDT’ from ‘torture.’ By blurring the conceptual differences between these three terms, supra-national institutions supplemented them with a long list of specific and purely descriptive subsidiary rules. In most cases, those subsidiary rules were announced in the absence of sufficient legal reasoning explaining how they were derived from abstract and evaluative standards embodied in the prohibitions collectively referred to as ‘CIDT.’ By opting for this option, supra-national institutions have created the risk for the development of an incoherent body of jurisprudence on those terms at the international level. They also have failed to provide guidance for domestic courts on how to enforce these prohibitions. While blurring the differences between the terms ‘cruel,’ ‘inhuman,’ and ‘degrading’ has consequences for the three, the term ‘inhuman’ remains the most impoverished one. It is easy to link the term ‘cruel’ to the clause on ‘cruel and unusual punishment’ originating from the English Bill of Rights of 1689. It is also easy to see that the term ‘degrading’ reflects a dignatarian ideal. However, when we turn to the term ‘inhuman’, we are left without any interpretative clue. The second part of the article suggests that the ordinary meaning of the word ‘inhuman’ should be our first clue. However, regaining the conceptual independence of the term ‘inhuman’ requires more than a mere reflection on the word-meaning of the term. Thus, the second part introduces philosophical concepts related to the understanding of what it means to be human. It focuses on ‘the capabilities approach’ and the notion of ‘human functioning’, introduced by Amartya Sen and further explored by Martha Nussbaum. Nussbaum’s work on the basic human capabilities is particularly helpful or even vital for understanding the moral and legal substance of the prohibition on ‘inhuman’ treatment.

Keywords: inhuman treatment, capabilities approach, human functioning, supra-national institutions

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Authors: Rika van Zyl

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South Africa’s racial discrimination past has led to the drafting of the Constitution with the Bill of Rights for the people of South Africa. The Bill of Rights prohibits the state from unfairly discriminating directly or indirectly on certain grounds, one of which is race and another is gender. This has forced changes to the law of succession. The customary law rule of male primogeniture was abolished to ensure that women were not excluded from the intestate succession of the male head of the family in 2005. It was said that this rule cannot be reconciled with the notions of equality and human dignity contained in the Bill of Rights. The freedom of testation has further come under fire in South Africa, where it was found to be unfair discrimination and against public policy to exclude a specific gender (women) from inheriting in a private will. Although no one has the right to inherit in South Africa, any person with an interest can approach the court alleging that a right in the Bill of Rights has been infringed. A will that is found inconsistent with the South African Bill of Rights then cannot be enforced. Recent case law found that to leave out a specific gender (women) from a will, based entirely on the fact that they are of said specific gender, is in contravention of the Constitution and should, therefore, be declared invalid. It was said that the courts should take a transformative constitutional approach when equality rights are affected. Otherwise, the historical and insidious unequal distribution of wealth in South Africa will continue along the fault lines such as gender. This decision has opened the debate on the extent to which the state can interfere with the private autonomy of an individual who is deceased. Some of these arguments will be discussed, including the ambit of public policy in this regard.

Keywords: equality, discrimination, succession, public policy

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Authors: Mary Carmen Peloche Barrera

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Since its early years as an independent nation, the United States has been one of the main promoters regarding the recognition, legislation, and protection of human rights. In the matter of freedom, the founding father Thomas Jefferson envisioned the role of the U.S. as a defender of freedom and equality throughout the world. This founding ideal shaped America’s domestic and foreign policy in the 19th and the 20th century and became an aspiration of the ideals of the country to expand its values and institutions. The history of the emergence of human rights cannot be studied without making reference to leaders such as Woodrow Wilson, Franklin, and Eleanor Roosevelt, as well as Martin Luther King. Throughout its history, this country has proclaimed that the protection of the freedoms of men, both inside and outside its borders, is practically the reason for its existence. Although the United States was one of the first countries to recognize the existence of inalienable rights for individuals, as well as the main promoter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the country has gone through critical moments that had led to questioning its commitment to the issue. Racial segregation, international military interventions, national security strategy, as well as national legislation on immigration, are some of the most controversial issues related to decisions and actions driven by the United States, which at the same time mismatched with its role as an advocate of human rights, both in the Americas and in the rest of the world. The aim of this paper is to study the swinging of the efforts and commitments of the United States towards human rights. The paper will analyze the history and evolution of human rights in the United States, to study the greatest challenges for the country in this matter. The paper will focus on both the domestic policy (related to demographic issues) and foreign policy (about its role in a post-war world). Currently, more countries are joining the multilateral efforts for the promotion and protection of human rights. At the same time, the United States is one of the least committed countries in this respect, having ratified only 5 of the 18 treaties emanating from the United Nations. The last ratification was carried out in 2002 and, since then, the country has been losing ground, in an increasingly vertiginous way, in its credibility and, even worse, in its role as leader of 'the free world'. With or without the United States, the protection of human rights should remain the main goal of the international community.

Keywords: United States, human rights, foreign policy, domestic policy

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Authors: Varinder Singh

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The primitive man had not known anything like human rights. In the later centuries of human progress with the development of scientific and technological knowledge, the growth of population and the tremendous changes in the human environment, the laws of nature that maintained the Eco-balance crumbled. The race for better and comfortable life landed mankind in a vicious circle. It created environmental imbalance, unplanned and uneven development, breakdown of self-sustaining village economy, mushrooming of shanty towns and slums, widening the chasm between the rich and the poor, over-exploitation of natural resources, desertification of arable lands, pollution of different kinds, heating up of earth and depletion of ozone layer. Modem International Life has been deeply marked and transformed by current endeavors to meet the needs and fulfill the requirements of protection of human person and of the environment. Such endeavors have been encouraged by the widespread recognition that protection of human being and the environment reflects common superior values and constitutes a common concern of mankind. The parallel evolutions of human rights protection and environmental protection disclose some close affinities. There was the occurrence of process of internationalization of both human rights protection and environmental protection, the former beginning with the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the latter with the 1972 Stockholm Declaration on the Human Environment.It is now well established that it is the basic human right of every individual to live in a pollution free environment with full human dignity. The judiciary has so far pronounced a number of judgments in this regard. The Supreme Court in view of various laws relating to environment protection and the constitutional provision has held that right to pollution free environment. Article-21 is the heart of the fundamental rights and has received expanded meanings from time to time.

Keywords: human rights, law, environment, polluter

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Authors: Eliziane Fernanda Navarro, Aparecida Eleonora Sitta

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Child of the Dark is the work of the Brazilian author Carolina Maria de Jesus, published at the first time by Ática and Francisco Alves in 1960. It is, mostly, a story of lack of rights. It lacks to men who live in the slums what is essential in order to take advantage of the privilege of rationality to develop themselves as civilized humans. It is, therefore, in the withholding of the basic rights that inequality finds space to build itself to be the main misery on Earth. Antonio Candido, a Brazilian sociologist claims that it is the right to literature has the ability to humanize men, once the aptitude to create fiction and fable is essential to the social balance. Hence, for the forming role that literature holds, it must be thought as the number of rights that assure human dignity, such as housing, education, health, freedom, etc. When talking about her routine, Carolina puts in evidence something that has great influence over the formation of human beings, contributing to the way they live: the slum. Even though it happens in a distinct way and using her own linguistics variation, Carolina writes about something that will only be discussed later on Brazil’s Cities Statute and Erminia Maricato: the right to the city, and how the slums are, although inserted in the city, an attachment, an illegal city, a dismissing room. It interests ourselves, for that matter, in this work, to analyse how the deprivation of the rights to the city and literature, detailed in Carolina’s journal, conditions human beings to a life where the instincts overcome the social values.

Keywords: Child of the Dark, slum, literature, architecture and urbanism, fundamental rights, Brazil

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Authors: Tingting Zhou

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The partial privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is a dynamic process. The main features of this process lie in not only gradual and sequential privatizations, but also privatized shares transfer. For partially privatized SOEs, the introduction of private sector ownership is not the end of the story because the previously introduced private owners may choose to leave the SOEs by transferring the privatized shares after privatization, a process that is called “privatized shares transfer”. This paper investigates the determinants of privatized shares transfer from the perspective of large shareholders’ control rights. The results captures the fact that the higher control rights of large shareholders lead to more privatized shares transfer. After exploring the impacts of excessive control rights, the results provide evidence supporting the idea that firms with excessive numbers of directors, senior managers or supervisors who also have positions in the largest controlling shareholder’s entity are more likely to transfer privatized shares owned by private owners. In addition, the largest shareholders’ ownership also plays a role in privatized shares transfer. This evidence suggests that the large shareholders’ control rights should be limited to an appropriate range during the process of privatization, thereby giving private shareholders more opportunity to participate in the operation of firms, strengthen the state and enhance the competitiveness of state capital.

Keywords: control rights of large shareholders, partial privatization, privatized shares transfer, state-owned listed companies

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Authors: Cita Ayeni

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Following countless violations of Human Rights in Nigeria by the various arms and agencies of government; from the Military to the Federal Police and other law enforcement agencies, Nigeria has been riddled with several reports of acts by these agencies against the citizens, ranging from illegal arrest and imprisonment, torture, disappearing, and extrajudicial killings, just to mention a few. This paper, focuses on SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad), a division of the Nigeria Police Force, and its reported threats to the people’s security, particularly the Nigerian youths, with continuous violence, extortion, illegal arrest and imprisonment, terror, and extrajudicial activities resulting in maiming and in most cases death, thus infringing on the human rights of the people it’s sworn to protect. This research further analyses how the activities of SARS has over the years instigated fear on the average Nigerian youth, preventing the free participation in daily life, education, job, and individual development, in turn impeding the realization of their full potentials for growth and participation in collective national development. This research analyzes the executive order by the then Acting President (Vice-President) of Nigeria, directing the overhauling of SARS, and its implementation by the Federal Police Force in determining if it’s enough to prevent or put a stop to the continuous Human Rights abuse and threat to the security of the individual citizen. Concluding that although the order by the Acting President was given with an intent to halt the various violations by SARS, and the Inspector General of Police’s (IGP) subsequent action by releasing a statement following the order, the bureaucracy in Nigeria, with a history of incompetency and a return to 'business as usual' after a reduced public outcry, it’s most likely that there will not be adequate follow up put in place and these violations would be slowly 'swept under the rug' with SARS officials not held accountable. It is recommended therefore that the Federal Government through the NPF, following the reforms made, in collaboration with the mentioned Independent Human Rights and civil societies organizations should periodically produce unbiased and publicly accessible reports on the implementation of these reforms and progress made. This will go a long way in assuring the public of actual fulfillment of the restructuring, reduce fear by the youths and restore some public faith in the government.

Keywords: special anti-robbery squad, youths in Nigeria, overhaul, insecurities, human rights violations

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Authors: Sara Vora (Hoxha)

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Defamation, invasion of privacy, and cyberbullying have all increased in tandem with the growth of the internet. European international private law may struggle to deal with such transgressions if they occur in many jurisdictions. The current study examines how effectively the legal system of European international private law addresses abuses of personality rights in cyberspace. The study starts by discussing how established legal frameworks are being threatened by online personality rights abuses. The article then looks into the rules and regulations of European international private law that are in place to handle overseas lawsuits. This article examines the different elements that courts evaluate when deciding which law to use in a particular case, focusing on the concepts of jurisdiction, choice of law, and recognition and execution of foreign judgements. Next, the research analyses the function of the European Union in preventing and punishing online personality rights abuses. Key pieces of law that control the collecting and processing of personal data on the Internet, including the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the e-Commerce Directive, are discussed. In addition, this article investigates how the ECtHR handles cases involving the infringement of personal freedoms, including privacy and speech. The article finishes with an assessment of how well the legal framework of European international private law protects individuals' right to privacy online. It draws attention to problems with the present legal structure, such as the inability to enforce international judgements, the inconsistency between national laws, and the necessity for stronger measures to safeguard people' rights online. This paper concludes that while European international private law provides a useful framework for dealing with violations of personality rights online, further harmonisation and stronger enforcement mechanisms are necessary to effectively protect individuals' rights in the digital age.

Keywords: European international private law, personality rights, internet, jurisdiction, cross-border disputes, data protection

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: A. Edwards

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The civil service was created to reform the hiring process for public officials, changing the patronage system to a merit-based system. Though exam reforms continued throughout the 20th century, there have been few during the 21st century, particularly in New York state. In the case of police departments, the civil service exam has acted as a hindrance to its ‘21st Century Policing’ goals and new exam reform efforts have left out officers voices and concerns. Through in-depth interviews of current and retired police officers and local and state civil service administrators in Albany County in New York, this study seeks to understand police influence and insight regarding the civil service exam, placing some of the voice and input for civil service reform on police departments, instead of local and state bureaucrats. The study also looks at the relationship between civil service administrators and police departments. Using practice theory, the study seeks to understand the ways in which the civil service exam was defined in the 20th century and how it is out of step with current thinking while examining possible changes to the civil service exam that would lead to a more equitable hiring process and successful police departments.

Keywords: civil service, hiring, merit, policing

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Authors: Chloe Fauchon

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In Europe, the right to a fair trial is enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights, signed in 1950, in its famous Article 6, and, in the field of the European Union, in Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, binding since 2009. The right to a fair trial is, therefore, a fundamental right protected by all the relevant treaties. The right to a fair trial is an "umbrella right" which encompasses various sub-rights and principles. Although this right applies in all the proceedings, it gets a special relevance in criminal matters and, particularly, regarding the defendant. In criminal proceedings, the parties are not equal: the accusation is represented by a State-organ, with specific prerogatives, and the defense does not benefit from these specific powers and is often inexperienced in criminal law. Equality of arms, and consequently the right to a fair trial, needs some specific mechanisms to be effective in criminal proceedings. For instance, the defendant benefits from some procedural rights, such as the right to a lawyer, the right to be informed of the charges against them, the right to confront witnesses, and so on. These rights aim to give the defendant the tools to dispute the accusation. The role of the defense is, therefore, very important in criminal matters to avoid unjustified convictions. This specificity of criminal matters justifies that the focus will be put on them during this study. Then this paper will also focus on French and Spanish legal orders. Indeed, if the European Court and Convention on Human Rights are the most famous instruments to protect the right to a fair trial, this right is also guaranteed at a constitutional level in European national legal orders in Europe. However, this enshrinement differs from one country to the other: for instance, in Spain, the right to a fair trial is protected explicitly by the 1978 constitutional text, whereas, in France, it is more of a case-law construction. Nevertheless, this difference between both legal orders does not imply huge variations in the substantive aspect of the right to a fair trial. This can be specifically explained by the submission of both States to the European Convention on Human Rights. This work aims to show that, although the French and Spanish legal orders differ in the way they protect the right to a fair trial, this right eventually has the same substantive meaning in both legal orders.

Keywords: right to a fair trial, constitutional law, French law, Spanish law, European Court of Human Rights

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Authors: Laura Cami Vorpsi

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This research paper examines the potential of private law as a means to promote and safeguard human rights while also addressing the associated challenges and limitations of adopting such an approach. Historically, private law mechanisms, namely contract law, tort law, and property law, have been employed to govern and oversee private relationships and transactions. Nevertheless, it is increasingly acknowledged that private law can also assume a significant role in safeguarding and advancing human rights, particularly in circumstances where the safeguards provided by public law are insufficient or inaccessible. This study assesses the benefits associated with the utilization of private law as a complementary measure to public law safeguards. These advantages encompass enhanced efficacy and efficiency of remedies, as well as the capacity to customize solutions to suit the unique requirements and circumstances of individuals. Nevertheless, the present study also considers the constraints associated with private law mechanisms, such as the financial and procedural intricacies of legal proceedings, the possibility of imbalanced negotiation power, and the potential to worsen pre-existing disparities and systemic inequities. The paper posits that the adoption of a private law-based approach to human rights necessitates a meticulous design and implementation process in order to mitigate potential risks and optimize the advantages. In conclusion, this study examines the ramifications of these discoveries on policy and practice, highlighting the necessity for heightened awareness and education regarding the capacity of private law to advance and safeguard human rights. Additionally, it underscores the significance of establishing efficient and easily accessible mechanisms for upholding human rights within the private domain. The paper concludes by providing recommendations for future research in this domain, specifically emphasizing the necessity for additional empirical investigations to assess the efficacy and consequences of private law-oriented strategies in safeguarding human rights.

Keywords: private law, human rights, promoting, protecting, access to justice

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities, and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, Indonesia

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, indonesia

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Authors: Marcya Burden, Savonna Greer

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In the wake of social unrest around the world, protest movements have been captured like never before. As protest movements have evolved, so too have their visibility and sources of coverage. Long gone are the days of print media as our only glimpse into the action surrounding a protest. Now, with social networks such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, we have access to real-time video footage of protest movements and human rights activism that can reach millions of people within seconds. This research paper investigated various social media network platforms’ statistical usage data in the areas of human rights activism and protest movements, paralleling with other past forms of media coverage. This research demonstrates that social networks are extremely important to protest movements and human rights activism. With over 2.9 billion users across social media networks globally, these platforms are the heart of most recent protests and human rights activism. This research shows the paradigm shift from the Selma March of 1965 to the more recent protests of Ferguson in 2014, Ni Una Menos in 2015, and End Sars in 2018. The research findings demonstrate that today, almost anyone may use their social networks to protest movement leaders and human rights activists. From a student to an 80-year-old professor, the possibility of reaching billions of people all over the world is limitless. Findings show that 82% of the world’s internet population is on social networks 1 in every 5 minutes. Over 65% of Americans believe social media highlights important issues. Thus, there is no need to have a formalized group of people or even be known online. A person simply needs to be engaged on their respective social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat) regarding any cause they are passionate about. Information may be exchanged in real time around the world and a successful protest can begin.

Keywords: activism, protests, human rights, networks

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Authors: Foluke Abimbola

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The United Nations Convention on the rights of the child has been signed and ratified by several countries due to the concern about various abuses and crimes committed against children both locally and internationally. It is a shame that in view of the peculiar hardships being experienced by children today, the natural right to childhood has to be protected by a vast array of laws and international conventions. 194 countries have so far acceded to and ratified the convention on the Rights of a Child while some countries such as Nigeria have enacted the convention as a domestic law, yet child abuse is still rampant not only in Nigeria but all over the world. In Nigeria, the Child Rights Act was passed into law in 2003, with its provisions similar to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child. Despite the age of marriage provided in the Nigerian Child’s Rights Act 2003, many communities still practice child marriages to the detriment of the girl-child. Cases where these children have to withdraw from school as a result of these unripe marriages abound. Unfortunately, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 appears to indirectly support early marriages for girls in section 29 (4) where it states that a woman who is married is deemed to be of full age whereas ‘full age’ as a general term in the Constitution is from 18 years old and above. Section 29 (4) may thus be interpreted to mean that a girl of 12 years old, if married, is deemed to be of ‘full-age.’ In view of these discrepancies which continue to justify this unwholesome practice, this paper shall proffer solutions to this unlawful act and make recommendations to existing institutions, using a rights-based approach, on how to prevent and/or substantially reduce this practice. A comparative analysis with other African countries will be adopted in order to conduct a research for effective policies that may be implemented for the protection of these girls. Thus, this paper will further examine the issue of child marriage which is still quite rampant in African countries particularly in Nigeria which also affects the girl-child’s right to an education. Such children are in need of special protection and this paper will recommend ways in which state institutions, particularly in Nigeria, may be able to introduce policies to curb incidences of child marriage and child sexual abuse while proffering strategies for the prevention of these crimes.

Keywords: child abuse, child marriages, child rights, constitutions, child rights, the girl-child

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Authors: Meinrad Haule Lembuka

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Social work profession one of its primary mission is to restore and maintain human rights where social workers recognise all humanity as equal, and so too the philosophies that have developed across the world’s regions. Ubuntu means African Humanism, where realization of human rights has been a primary role for every member of community to protect other member. Before Universal declaration of human rights, African societies had a long history of embracing human rights through Ubuntu approach model. The article used Ubuntu theory to guide the review process of existing literature since Ubuntu theory since is grounded in African cultural values and ecology, and it was thought that application of Ubuntu theory was relevant to reflect reality of Ubuntu model and indigenization of social work in African context. Results have shown that in realization of human rights, Ubuntu was practiced is termed as model, philosophy, cultural values, way of life or framework originated in sub-sahara Africa and some of remarkably practice model in several African communities such as Angola, (gimuntu), Botswana (muthu), Burkina Faso (maaya), Ghana (biako ye), Malawi (umunthu), Mali (maaya/hadama de ya), Namibia (omundu), Nigeria (mutunchi/iwa/agwa), (bantu), Sierra Leonne (maaya), South Africa (ubuntu/botho) and Tanzania (utu/obuntu/bumuntu). Collective and holistic mechanism of Ubuntu is found through an Ubuntu framework that is contributed by individual, family, community and spirit that is characterised by interconnectedness of all things and beings. Each society has its own name but the practice remained the same and realization of human rights in Africa context was centred through human dignity, Ubuntu is built under cultural values of humanism that brings implications for African social worker to integrate this indigenous model into social work practice in restoring and maintain human rights. Social workers should promote policies and practices that demonstrate respect for human life, difference, support and expansion of cultural knowledge and resources, advocate for programmes and institutions that demonstrate cultural competence and promote policies that safeguard the rights and confirm equity and social justice for all people.

Keywords: African ubuntu, indigenous practice, African humanism, African human rights, social work and human rights

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Authors: Julianne Viola

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Young people are at a critical stage in their lives, developing from young participants to adult participants in democratic society. At this time, civic engagement is crucial for young people’s sense of belonging and future participation in their communities. In adolescence, individuals form their own identities and associations with others and may accomplish this with the help of technology and social media. In the Digital Age, young people and adults use technology as a platform to discuss political issues, including human rights and social justice but do not always engage in civil discourse. There is an urgent need to investigate this complex interplay of social media, identity formation, and civil discourse as it relates to how teenagers become participants in democratic society and how they engage in civil discourse. This qualitative study draws on theories of identity formation in adolescence and is situated within the literature surrounding teen civic engagement and technology use. Through in-depth interviews with participants ages 14 through 17, this study investigates the ways in which teens conceptualize their civic identities and engagement, presence online, and civil discourse. The context in which the young people in this study have grown up has the potential to impact and inform these processes. Early results of this study illustrate what it means to be a young person in today’s world, and how perceptions of others’ opinions may influence young people’s engagement in their communities and online. Participants in this study often indicated concerns of their age as a constraint on participation in their communities and in society, and a self-imposed restriction around the people with whom they engage in conversation about political and social issues. While the participants shared common concerns and experiences, each participant’s unique perspectives and beliefs are viewed with equal importance. The results from this research will help students, teachers, and community groups learn about the reasons for engagement and disengagement among this age group, and how technology has influenced teens’ dialogue about political issues. With this knowledge, academics and school leaders can devise new ways to best teach citizenship skills and civil discourse to students in the Digital Age.

Keywords: civics, digital age, discourse, sociology of youth, youth studies

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Authors: Hila Levi

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Respect for human rights is a fundamental element of the European Union's (EU) identity and law. Surprisingly, however, the protection of human rights has been significantly restricted in the austerity programs ordered by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the European Commission (EC) (often labeled 'the Troika') in return for financial aid to the crisis-hit countries. This paper focuses on the role of the ECB in the crisis management. While other international financial institutions, such as the IMF or the World Bank, may opt to neglect human rights obligations, one might expect a greater respect of human rights from the ECB, which is bound by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. However, this paper argues that ECB officials made no significant effort to protect human rights or strike an adequate balance between competing financial and human rights needs while coping with the crisis. ECB officials were preoccupied with the need to stabilize the economy and prevent a collapse of the Eurozone, and paid only marginal attention to human rights concerns in the design and implementation of Troikas' programs. This paper explores the role of Organizational Culture (OC) in explaining this marginalization. While International Relations (IR) research on Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) behavior has traditionally focused on external interests of powerful member states, and on national and economic considerations, this study focuses on particular institutions' internal factors and independent processes. OC characteristics have been identified in OC literature as an important determinant of organizational behavior. This paper suggests that cultural characteristics are also vital for the examination of IGOs, and particularly for understanding the ECB's behavior during the crisis. In order to assess the OC of the ECB and the impact it had on its policies and decisions during the Eurozone crisis, the paper uses the results of numerous qualitative interviews conducted with high-ranking officials and staff members of the ECB involved in the crisis management. It further reviews primary sources of the ECB (such as ECB statutes, and the Memoranda of Understanding signed between the crisis countries and the Troika), and secondary sources (such as the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on Austerity measures and economic, social, and cultural rights). It thus analyzes the interaction between the ECBs culture and the almost complete absence of human rights considerations in the Eurozone crisis resolution scheme. This paper highlights the importance and influence of internal ideational factors on IGOs behavior. From a more practical perspective, this paper may contribute to understanding one of the obstacles in the process of human rights implementation in international organizations, and provide instruments for better protection of social and economic rights.

Keywords: European central bank, eurozone crisis, intergovernmental organizations, organizational culture

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Authors: Kurt Willems

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The right to education is a fundamental human right, which has been entrenched in many international and regional treaties and national constitutions. Nevertheless, practice shows that many obstacles impede easy access to quality education for refugees. Overall, the material effects of international human rights legislation on improving (irregular) migrants’ access to social rights in the European countries have remained limited due to the lack of guarantees on effective incorporation in the municipal legal order and due to the lack of effective enforcement mechanisms. After the recent refugee crisis in Europe, this issue has grown in importance. The presentation aims to give a brief overview of the most important issues impeding the effective enforceability of the right to education for refugees. I. Do refugees fall within the scope of application of the relevant human rights treaties and to which extent can they invoke human rights treaties in domestic courts to set aside domestic legislation? II. How is the justiciability of the right to education organized in those treaties? III. What is the legal answer to questions raised in practice when dealing with the influx of refugees in Europe: (i) can refugees be placed in separate schools or classes until they can follow the regular curriculum?; (ii) can higher school fees be asked from pupils without legal documents?; (iii) do refugees have a right to be taught in their own native language until they learn to speak the national language? To answer the above questions, the doctrinal and comparative legal method will be used. The normative framework, as interpreted within Europe, will be distilled from the recent and relevant international treaties and European law instruments (in particular the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the European Convention on human rights, the European Social Charter and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) and their underlying policy documents, the legal literature, the (limited) European jurisprudence, and the general comments to those treaties. The article is mainly descriptive in nature. Its aim is to serve as a summary of the legal provisions, case law and legal literature on the topic of the right to education for refugees. The research shows that the reasons for the delicate enforceability of the rights to and the rights in education are multifold. The research will categorize the different contributing factors under the following headings: (i) problems related to the justiciability of international law as such; (ii) problems specifically related to the educational field; (iii) problems related to policy issues in the refugee debate. By categorizing the reasons contributing to the difficult enforceability of the right to education and the rights in education for refugees, this research hopes to facilitate the search for solutions to this delicate problem.

Keywords: right to education, refugees, discrimination, enforceability of human rights

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