Search results for: AUTHORITARIAN

Authors: Noureddine Radouai

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Corruption is an endemic phenomenon in many countries around the globe. Morocco, as an authoritarian regime, relies on corruption for monarchy survival. I analyze the Makhzen structure and methods that it follows to exchange corruption for political loyalty. The abuse of power in Morocco is sponsored by the monarch itself as it is its way to remain its importance in the regime.

Keywords: corruption, Clientelism, authoritarian regime, Morocco

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Authors: Hong-Yi Kuo

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Leadership is a key factor of improving workplace safety, and there have been abundant of studies which support the positive effects of appropriate leadership on employee safety performance in the western academic. However, little safety research focus on the Chinese leadership style like paternalistic leadership. To fill this gap, the resent study aims to examine the relationship between authoritarian leadership (one of the ternary mode in paternalistic leadership) and safety outcomes. This study makes hypothesis on different levels. First, on the group level, as an authoritarian leader regards safety value as the most important tasks, there would be positive effect on group safety outcomes through strengthening safety group norms by the emphasis on etiquette. Second, on the cross level, when a leader with authoritarian style has high priority on safety, employees may more obey the safety rules because of fear due to emphasis on absolute authority over the leader. Therefore, employees may show more safety performance and then increase individual safety outcomes. Survey data would be collected from 50 manufacturing groups (each group with more than 5 members and a leader) and a hierarchical linear modeling analysis would be conducted to analyze the hypothesis. Above the predictive result, the study expects to be a cornerstone of safety leadership research in the Chinese academic and practice.

Keywords: safety leadership, authoritarian leadership, group norms, safety behavior, supervisor safety priority

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Authors: Antonia Stanojević, Agnes Akkerman

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In contemporary society, economically active people typically spend most of their waking hours doing their job. Having that in mind, this research examines how socialization at the workplace shapes political preferences. Innovatively, it examines, in particular, the possible relationship between employees’ voice suppression by the employer and the formation of their political preferences. Since the employer is perceived as an authority figure, their behavior might induce spillovers to attitudes about political authorities and authoritarian governance. Therefore, a positive effect of suppression of voice by employers on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is expected. Furthermore, this relation is expected to be mediated by two mechanisms: system justification and power distance. Namely, it is expected that suppression of voice would create a power distance organizational climate and increase employees’ acceptance of unequal distribution of power, as well as evoke attempts of oppression rationalization through system justification. The hypotheses will be tested on the data gathered within the first wave of Work and Politics Dataset 2017 (N=6000), which allows for a wide range of demographic and psychological control variables. Although a cross-sectional analysis to be used at this point does not allow for causal inferences, the confirmation of expected relationships would encourage and justify further longitudinal research on the same panel dataset, in order to get a clearer image of the causal relationship between employers' suppression of voice and workers' political preferences.

Keywords: authoritarian values, political preferences, power distance, system justification, voice suppression

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Authors: Yu-Chien Huang, Shu-Chen Yang

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Introduction: Parenting style, non-attachment, and inferiority are important topics in psychology, but the related research on nonattachment is still lacking. Therefore, the purposes of this study were to explore the relationship between parenting style, nonattachment, and inferiority. Methods: We conducted a correlational study, and three instruments were utilized to collect data: parenting style scale, nonattachment scale, and inferiority scale. The inter-reliability Cronbach's α used in this research indicated good inter item reliability and the test-retest reliability that showed a good consistency. The data were analyzed using the descriptive statistics, Chi-square test, one way ANOVA, Pearson’s correlation, and regression analysis. Results: A total of 200 participators were tested in this research. As a result of the study, inferiority had a positive correlation with authoritarian parenting style; nonattachment had a negative correlation with authoritarian parenting style; and with inferiority, the hypothesis was supported. In the linear mediation models, nonattachment was found to be partially mediated the relationship between authoritarian parenting style and inferiority. Conclusion: These findings imply that interventions aimed at enhancing nonattachment as a way to improve inferiority are a good strategy.

Keywords: inferiority, nonattachment, parenting style, psychology

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Mary Ostaszewski

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For many years China was riddled by poverty among many other issues and was far from a world power. However, today China has one of the largest GDPs of any country in the world and is a global powerhouse. Since China has accomplished so much, many would presume that this means China is moving away from being a “developing country” alongside countries such as India, Brazil, Israel, etc. into the category “developed country” with countries such as the U.S. Yet, this is not the case as, despite their economic strides, China still has ways to come, especially when it comes to human rights. China faces extreme criticism regarding how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) handles human rights. China has an Orwellian-based society where technology is highly monitored, critics are quickly silenced, and freedoms are heavily restricted. One of their most recent human rights violations is attempting to repress Uyghur populations by placing them into “re-education camps,” where an already vulnerable population is being deprived of their freedoms through severe oppression. These violations create concerns as other developing countries with authoritarian governments follow the example of China. This is mainly because China has seen great success economically while simultaneously being able to maintain its authoritarian regime, thus, inspiring other countries to continue their human rights violations in hopes of gaining success similar to China’s. This idolization of China by other authoritarian regimes creates a concern especially regarding their “re-education” camps. This paper will argue that Chinese “re-education” camps are not only dangerous because they severely oppress and harm the Uyghur population. Yet they are also dangerous because other countries already impressed by China’s success may adopt similar camps in their countries to ensure their oppressive governments retain their tight grasp on power.

Keywords: China, re-education camps, developing countries, Africa, West

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Authors: Frew Yirgalem Mane

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This study has examined Africa’s experiment with authoritarian model of development drawing from the experience of Ethiopia. With the tectonic crisis of neoliberal ideology, the dominant policy agenda in Africa pertains to bringing the state back to development. More concretely, countries epitomized by Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda have been constructing a highly interventionist state with authoritarian character. The central motive appears to facilitate development and salvage people out of appalling and grinding poverty. Each country warrants closer inspection. However, this study focuses on Ethiopia- a country often applauded as ‘Africa’s Great Run’ for delivering socio-economic success over the past two decades. In fact, inspired by East Asia’s including Chinese model of authoritarian development, Ethiopia orchestrated a vanguard party, centralized rent control system with politicized bureaucracy and militaristic mobilization resources for development. This arrangement may explain Ethiopia economic success story as one the fastest growing countries in the world. However, this paper detected, Ethiopia’s attempt to bring the state back in development has precipitated institutionalization of a new breed of authoritarianism and informalization of public institutions. Ethiopia’s model of state-led development may constitute a noticeable shift away from the vengeful adherence to neoliberal policies. However, the manner the model has been practiced proved to be neither smooth nor appears to address Ethiopia’s aspiration for political and economic transformation. Partly, this can be illustrated by recent widespread grievances that fed into the popular uprising and animated opposition against the state. Sources of the grievance are complex, but they are highly ingrained with the way the authoritarian model of development is functioning and also the model’s dis-functioning in terms of benefiting people. In light of these findings, the study has arrived at the following conclusion. Africa’s attempt to emulate development models from other countries is not such a ‘bad’ thing. However, emulation makes sense if it is contextualized and sensitive to complex local socio-economic interests.

Keywords: Africa, authoritarianism, development, Ethiopia, neoliberalism

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Authors: Nur Köprülü

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One of the main questions that have arisen after the Arab uprisings has centered on whether they will lead to democratic transition and what the roles of Islamist actors will be. It has become apparent today that one of the key outcomes has been the partial, if not total, overthrow of authoritarian regimes in some cases. So, this article aims to analyse three synchronous upshots brought about by the uprisings, referring to patterns of state formation in the Maghreb and Mashreq. One of the main outcomes has been the persistence of authoritarianism in various forms, and the fragility of the Arab republics coping with the protests as compared to the more resilient character of the monarchies. In addition, none of the uprisings has brought an Islamist organization to incontestable power, as some predicted. However, ‘old’ Islamist actors have since re-emerged as key players, namely the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and elsewhere. Thus, to understand the synthesis of change and continuity in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, analysing the changing faces of authoritarianism in the region and the impact on Islamists in both the Maghreb and the Mashreq is imperative.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democratization, Arab spring, Islamists

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Authors: Ghulam Zahra

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Parenting style affects the morality of their children. There is plenty of evidence to support the effect of parenting styles on the morality of their children. Therefore, this research is considered essential and suitable. Thus, the main objective of this study was to assess the correlation between the parenting style of mothers and the moral development of primary school students. The population consisted of all primary school students enrolled in the province of Punjab. The sample was comprised of twelve hundred thirty-nine primary school students. One questionnaire was adapted to explore the parenting styles of mothers and to assess the level of students’ level of morality; a moral development scale was adopted. The conclusions showed that there was a significant correlation exist among authoritarian parenting style, permissive parenting, and moral developments. Based on findings, it is recommended that parents should follow a warm style of parenting for the sake of the moral development of their children.

Keywords: maternal parenting style, moral development, authoritative parenting, authoritarian parenting, permissive parenting

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Inga Balarjishvili, Ia Natsvlishvili

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Article aims to discuss the controversial character of the institutional preferences of elites and society in modern Georgia. Desktop research method is used to formulate the findings and analyze the outcomes. It is accepted that transformation process in Post-Soviet Georgia went with the prevalence of elites’ institutional preferences over the needs of the society that induced voluntarism in the process of formation of institutions. Hypothesis of 'quasi-inclusion trap' is put forward in the article as an effect of authoritarian modernization that is proved by instable paces of wealth and economic growth in the post-authoritarian period. On the one hand, monopolization of institutional choice by the elites, blocking formation of inclusive political and economic institutions for fear of losing status-quo worsen perspectives for achieving free availability regime. On the other hand, consciousness of the society is dominated by informal institutions, judicial nihilism and orientation on 'self-survival values.' This hinders its consolidation as a 'collective principal' against 'institutional utilitarianism,' result of which is hindered economic development.

Keywords: elites, hypothesis of 'quasi-inclusion trap', institutional preferences, post-Soviet Georgia

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Authors: Olubukola Ajayi

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INFLUENCE OF PARANTING STYLES ON ADOLECENST’ SELF-ESTEEM BY AJAYI OLUBUKOLA (PhD) DEPARTMRNT OF PSYCHOLOGY & BEHAVIOURAL STUDIES FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES EKITI STATE UNIVERSITY [email protected] , [email protected] ABSTRACT This study was designed to assess the influence of parenting styles on adolescents’ self-esteem. The study population comprised of adolescents selected from two secondary schools (Bishop Philip Academy and T.L. Oyeshina Model School) in Ibadan, Oyo State. A total number of 300 students whose ages range from 13-19 were used. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE) developed by Rosenberg (1965) was used to measure Adolescents’ Self-Esteem. While Robinson (2001) Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire was used to measure how adolescents perceive their parents on four sub scales (Authoritative, Authoritarian, Uninvolved, Permissiveness).Three hypotheses were tested using Regression, One way ANOVA and Independent t-test. Result showed that parenting styles do not significantly influence Self-Esteem. Parents Work Status did not have a significant influence on Self-Esteem. The result also revealed no significant difference between Male and Female Self-Esteem. The findings were discussed in line with relevant empirical literatures, while conclusions and recommendations subsequently followed. Key Words: Parenting style, Adolescents, Self- esteem,

Keywords: AUTHORITATIVE, AUTHORITARIAN, UNINVOLVED, PERMISSIVENESS

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Authors: Loreta Axhami

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Media literacy in the digital age emerges not only as a set of skills to generate true knowledge and information but also as a pedagogy methodology, as a kind of educational philosophy. In addition to such innovations as information integration and communication technologies, media infrastructures, and web usage in the educational system, media literacy enables the change in the learning methods, pedagogy, teaching programs, and school curriculum itself. In this framework, this study focuses on ICT's impact on teaching and learning methods and the degree they are reflected in the Albanian education system. The study is based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods of scientific research. Referring to the study findings, it results that student’s limited access to the internet in school, focus on the hardcopy textbooks and the role of the teacher as the only or main source of knowledge and information are some of the main factors contributing to the implementation of authoritarian pedagogical methods in the Albanian education system. In these circumstances, the implementation of media literacy is recommended as an apt educational process for the 21st century, which requires a reconceptualization of textbooks as well as the application of modern teaching and learning methods by integrating information and communication technologies.

Keywords: authoritarian pedagogic model, education system, ICT, media literacy

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Authors: Sung-Chun Tsai, Li-Fang Chou, Chun-Jung Tseng

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How relational identity of leader-subordinate relationship affects behavior of both parties is getting more and more attentions in recent years. Different from past studies on leader-subordinate relationship taking viewpoint of self-concept or interaction between categories, we took perspective of social cognitive schema with special focus on the cognition structure and category content of the vertical leader-subordinate relationship. This study firstly clarified the dimensions and contents of cognitive structure of vertical leader-subordinate relationship. By using two dimensions of “equal/unequal” and “close/distant”, the contents of the leader-subordinate relational identity (LSRI) are classified into four categories: communal affection RI (equal and close), instrumental exchange RI (equal but distant), care-repay RI (unequal but close), and authority-obedience RI (unequal and distant). Furthermore, according to the four dimensions of leader-subordinate relational identity, we explored: (1) how a leader’s LSRI leads to paternalistic leadership; and (2) how paternalistic leadership affects subordinate’s LSRI. Using 59 work group as sample (59 leaders and 251 subordinates), the results of HLM and regression analysis showed: (1) leader’s LSRI significantly affects leadership behavior: instrumental exchange RI is positively relates to authoritarian leadership behavior, but significantly has negative relationship with benevolent leadership; care-repay RI has significantly positive relationship with authoritative leadership; authority-obedience RI has significantly positive relationship with authoritarian leadership; (2) paternalistic leadership is significantly related to subordinates’ LSRI: benevolent leadership is positively related to subordinate’s communal affection and care-repay RI; authoritative leadership has significantly positive relationship with care-repay and authority-obedience RI; authoritarian leadership has significantly positive relationship with subordinate’s instrumental exchange RI. Finally, the main findings, contributions and limits, future research directions, and implications were also discussed.

Keywords: relational identity, leader-subordinate relational identity (LSRI), relational schema, paternalistic leadership

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Authors: Haian Dukhan

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The death of Hafez al-Assad and the ascension of his son, Bashar, to rule brought an end to the state-society dynamics that his father worked on for decades. Hafez al-Assad built an authoritarian state that rests on patronage networks that connected his regime to the society. During Bashar’s reign, these patronage relationships have been affected by the policies of privatization and liberalization. Privatization and liberalisation of the economy have created new economic and social players that transformed the populist nature of the authoritarian regime into a regime that is connected mainly with bourgeoisie and the upper class neglecting the rural tribal constituency that was a vital part of Hafez al-Assad’s authoritarian state. Drawing on different data gathered through interviews as well as written literature, this paper will explore the policies that Bashar al-Assad carried out towards the Arab tribes in the period extended from 2000 until 2010. The paper starts by outlining how Bashar al-Assad narrowed the coalition of his rule to depend mainly on his family, the city merchants excluding the lower and middle strata in the periphery. It will then trace the disintegration of the social contract between the regime and the Arab tribe as a result of the latter’s failure to deliver adequate development services in their regions. Losing the support of the tribes undermined the stability of the regime resulting in different clashes between the tribes themselves, the tribes and the Kurds, the tribes and the druze (a sect of Islam situated in Southern Syria), which will be investigated in detail in this paper. In similar policies adopted by his father who used the tribes as leverage against the Islamists and the Kurds, Bashar al-Assad’s regime encouragement of Syrian tribal youth to join the Iraqi insurgency against the Americans will be explored in detail. The regime’s tolerance of Iran missionary activities in the tribal regions and its accommodation of Islamists group’s activities in those regions have erased the regime’s secular foundation. This paper will argue that Bashar al-Assad’s policies towards the Arab tribes have chipped away the regime’s ideological pillars and threatened the longer-term cohesion of its social base which paved the way for the uprising to start in the tribal regions.

Keywords: Syria, tribes, uprising, regime

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Authors: Debangana Mukherjee

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This study delves into the pivotal role of parenting styles in shaping the development of aggression and empathy in children aged 10 to 12. Using a sample of 300 school students, we employed self-assessment questionnaires and scales to investigate correlations between parenting styles—authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and neglectful—and behavioural traits, focusing on aggression and empathy as primary outcomes. The findings underscore the intricate relationships between parenting styles, aggressive behaviours, and empathetic tendencies. Notably, certain parenting approaches demonstrated strong correlations with specific behavioural outcomes. For instance, authoritarian parenting showed associations with increased aggression and reduced empathy, while authoritative parenting exhibited the opposite trend. These correlations emphasize the potential impact of parenting styles on children's behavioural development during this critical transitional phase. However, this study is limited by its correlational nature, which does not imply causation. The complexities of human behaviour, the limited scope of analysis, and the need for further research into causative relationships and cultural influences call for a nuanced understanding of these dynamics. Moving forward, longitudinal studies, causality investigations, consideration of cultural diversity, and exploration of additional variables could enrich our understanding of the interplay between parenting styles, empathy, and aggression. Validating these findings across diverse populations and refining interventions could pave the way for nurturing healthy behavioural development in children.

Keywords: aggression, correlational nature, empathy, longitudinal studies, parenting style

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Authors: Debangana Mukherjee

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This study delves into the pivotal role of parenting styles in shaping the development of aggression and empathy in children aged 10 to 12. Using a sample of 300 school students, we employed self-assessment questionnaires and scales to investigate correlations between parenting styles—authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and neglectful—and behavioural traits, focusing on aggression and empathy as primary outcomes. The findings underscore the intricate relationships between parenting styles, aggressive behaviours, and empathetic tendencies. Notably, certain parenting approaches demonstrated strong correlations with specific behavioural outcomes. For instance, authoritarian parenting showed associations with increased aggression and reduced empathy, while authoritative parenting exhibited the opposite trend. These correlations emphasize the potential impact of parenting styles on children's behavioural development during this critical transitional phase. However, this study is limited by its correlational nature, which does not imply causation. The complexities of human behaviour, the limited scope of analysis, and the need for further research into causative relationships and cultural influences call for a nuanced understanding of these dynamics. Moving forward, longitudinal studies, causality investigations, consideration of cultural diversity, and exploration of additional variables could enrich our understanding of the interplay between parenting styles, empathy, and aggression. Validating these findings across diverse populations and refining interventions could pave the way for nurturing healthy behavioural development in children.

Keywords: aggression, correlational nature, empathy, longitudinal studies, parenting style

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Authors: Pegah Farokhzad

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Family is a basic unit of the society and the main source of human development. The initial aim of the family is psychological and social support of its members and has special developmental stages. Researches show the families who have less cohesion, have more conflicts and maladjustments and the members of such families are not able to communicate effectively. Family is a system in which any inter communication is related to child rearing patterns and can affect it. Even the child rearing styles in childhood can determine the family communications in adulthood. Therefore, the aim of the present research was to examine the relationship between child-rearing styles including authoritative, authoritarian and permissive with dimensions of family communication patterns including the conversation and conformity. The research design was a correlational and the population consisted of the psychology students of Roudehen Islamic Azad University who were studying in academic year 2013-2014. A sample of 324 students were selected randomly from the population. The research tools were the Baumrind Child-rearing Questionnaires and Family Communication Patterns Inventory, The Revised Scale of Koerner and Fitzpatrick. The results were: (a) There was a positive and significant relationship between conversation orientation and authoritative style. (b) There was no significant relationship between conversation orientation and other child-rearing styles. (c) There was a negative significant relationship between conformity orientation and authoritative style. (d) There was a positive significant relationship between conformity orientation with authoritarian and permissive styles. (e) There was a significant relationship between 3 dimensions of child-rearing and communication patterns.

Keywords: child-rearing styles, family relationship patterns, university students, Iran

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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In places from Latin America to Africa, a big number of authoritarian regimes have given way to democratic forces and increasingly responsive and open societies. Many countries have embarked upon a process of democratisation for the first time while many others have moved to restore their democratic roots. Mexico is one of these countries, and although the Mexican state is not democratic neither dictatorial in the strict sense the Anglo-Saxon and European tradition has defined these concepts, it is possible to find elements that combine both concepts. History helps us understand and study the past, interpret the present and predict the future. In the case of the Mexican political system, history has had a very specific effect in each of the areas that comprise the making of what it is now the contemporary Mexican system. Each of the different historical periods has left a legacy that has marked the way the political system has evolved. The historical periods that Mexico has undergone since its emergence as an independent state, have permeated until modern days and some of these legacies are the ones which will help us understand and interpret many of the structures of the current Mexican political system. The most notorious characteristic of contemporary Latin America is its dependency, underdevelopment and economic disparity once this region if compared with Europe and North America. There is a widespread persistence of economic dependence and social problems despite the creation of independent countries. The role of the state is to supervise the development of relations among actors. The political phenomenon is full of a constant process of transitions and the particular case of the formation of the Mexican state evidences this.

Keywords: Mexico, democratisation process, PRI, authoritarian regimes, political transitions, Latin America

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: Delna Shroff

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Merchant shipping is an occupation with a high rate of fatal injuries caused by organizational accidents and maritime disasters. In most accident investigations, the leader’s actions are under scrutiny and point out the necessity to investigate the leader’s decisions in critical conditions. While several leadership studies have been carried out in the past, there is a tendency for most research to focus on holders of formal positions. The unit of analysis in most studies has been the ‘individual.’ A need is, therefore, felt to adopt a practice-based perspective of leadership, understand how leadership emerges to affect maritime safety. This paper explores the phenomenon of distributed leadership among seafarers more holistically. It further examines the role of one form of distributed leadership, that is, planfully aligned leadership in the emergency response of the team. A mixed design will be applied. In the first phase, the data gathered by way of semi-structured interviews will be used to explore the seafarer’s implicit understanding of leadership. The data will be used to develop a conceptual framework of distributed leadership, specific to the maritime context. This framework will be used to develop a simulation. Experimental design will be used to examine the relationship between planfully aligned leadership and emergency response of the team members during navigation. Findings show that planfully aligned leadership significantly and positively predicts the emergency response of team members. Planfully aligned leadership leads to a better emergency response of the team members as compared to authoritarian leadership. In the third qualitative phase, additional data will be gathered through semi-structured interviews to further validate the findings to gain a more complete understanding of distributed leadership and its relation to emergency response. Above are the predictive results; the study expects to be a cornerstone of safety leadership research and has important implications for leadership development and training within the maritime industry.

Keywords: authoritarian leadership, distributed leadership, emergency response , planfully aligned leadership

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Authors: Mariya Dzhyoyeva

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In the present paper, I examine manifestations of toxic masculinity in the novels by Tomás Eloy Martínez, a post-Boom author, journalist, literary critic, and one of the representatives of the Argentine writing diaspora. I focus on the analysis of Martínez´s characters that display hypermasculine traits to define the relationship between toxic masculinity and power, including the power of authorship and violence as they are represented in his novels. The analysis reveals a complex network in which gender, power, and violence are intertwined and influence and modify each other. As the author exposes toxic masculine behaviors that generate violence, he looks to undermine them. Departing from M. Kimmel´s idea of masculinity as homophobia, I examine how Martínez “outs” his characters by incorporating into the narrative some secret, privileged sources that provide alternative accounts of their otherwise hypermasculine lives. These background stories expose their “weaknesses,” both physical and mental, and thereby feminize them in their own eyes. In a similar way, the toxic masculinity of the fictional male author that wields his power by abusing the written word as he abuses the female character in the story is exposed as a complex of insecurities accumulated by the character due to his childhood trauma. The artistic technique that Martínez uses to condemn the authoritarian male behavior is accessing his subjectivity and subverting it through a multiplicity of identities. Martínez takes over the character’s “I” and turns it into a host of pronouns with a constantly shifting point of reference that distorts not only the notions of gender but also the very notion of identity. In doing so, he takes the character´s affirmation of masculinity to the limit where the very idea of it becomes unsustainable. Viewed in the context of Martínez´s own exilic story, the condemnation of toxic masculine power turns into the condemnation of dictatorship and authoritarianism.

Keywords: gender, masculinity., toxic masculinity, authoritarian, Argentine literature, Martínez

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Authors: Svetlana S. Saveysheva, Victoria E. Vasilenko

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The purpose of the research was to study the emotional and personal characteristics of preschool children in relation to the characteristics of child-parent interaction and deviant parental attitudes. The study involved 172 mothers and 172 children (85 boys and 87 girls) aged 4,5 to 7 years (mean age 6 years) living in St. Petersburg, Russia. Methods used were, demographic questionnaire, projective drawing method 'House-Tree-Man', Test of anxiety (Temml, Dorki, Amen), technique of studying self-esteem 'Ladder', expert evaluation of sociability and aggressiveness, questionnaire for children-parent emotional interaction (E.I. Zaharova) and questionnaire 'Analysis of family relationships' (E.G. Eidemiller, V.V. Yustitsky). Results. The greatest number of links with personal characteristics have received such parental deviant attitudes as overprotection and characteristics of authoritarian style (prohibitions, sanctions). If the mother has such peculiarities of the parental relationship, the child is characterized by lower self-esteem, increased anxiety, distrust of themselves and hostility. Children have more pronounced manifestations of aggression in a conniving and unstable style of parenting. The sensitivity of the mother is positively associated with children’s self-esteem. Unconditional acceptance of the child, the predominance of a positive emotional background, orientation to the state of the child during interaction promote the development of communication skills and reduce of aggressiveness. But the excessive closeness of the mother with the child can make it difficult to develop the communicative skills. Conclusions. The greatest influence on emotional and personal characteristics is provided by such features of the parental relation as overprotection, characteristics of authoritarian style, underdevelopment of the sphere of parental feelings, sensitivity of mother and behavioral manifestations of emotional interaction. Research is supported by RFBR №18-013-00990.

Keywords: characteristics of personality, child-parent interaction, children, deviant parental attitudes

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Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

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When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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Authors: Amber Lim, Ted Ruffman

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A vast amount of research evidence indicates that children develop social attitudes that are similar to those of their parents. When using general measures of social attitudes, such as social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and prejudice, studies show that parents' and children’s attitudes were correlated. However, the mechanisms behind the intergenerational transmission of attitudes remain largely unexplained. Since it was speculated that the origins of RWA could be traced back to one’s relationship with their parents, the aim of this study was to assess how parents’ social attitudes and parenting behavior are related to children’s social development. One line of research suggests that the different ways in which authoritarian and authoritative parents reason with their children may impact Theory of Mind (ToM) development. That is, inductive discipline (e.g., emphasising how the child’s actions affect others) facilitates empathy and ToM development. Conversely, past evidence shows that children have poorer ToM development when parents enforce rules without explanation. Thus, this study addresses the question of how parent behavior plays a role in the gradual acquisition of a ToM and social attitudes. Seventy parents reported their social attitudes, parenting behavior, and their child’s mental state and non-mental state vocabulary. Their children were given ToM and perspective-taking tasks, along with a friend choice task to measure racial bias and anti-fat bias. As hypothesised, parents’ use of inductive reasoning correlated with children’s performance on Theory of Mind tasks. Mothers’ inductive reasoning facilitated children’s acquisition of mental state vocabulary. Parents’ autonomy granting was associated with improved mental state vocabulary. Authoritarian parenting traits such as verbal hostility were linked to children’s racial bias. These findings highlight the importance of parent-child discussion in shaping children’s social understanding.

Keywords: parenting style, prejudice, social attitudes, social understanding, theory of mind

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Authors: Ilse Gonzalez-Rivera, Rolando Diaz-Loving

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Family, and parents in particular, are the main agents of socialization of children since they transmit values, beliefs, and cultural norms based on their own guidelines, so that children acquire the knowledge on how to interact with others in terms of the interaction with their parents. One way to measure socialization parenting is through parenting styles. Parenting styles are the set of parental behaviors that have a direct effect on the development of specific behaviors of children. The ideal parenting style depends on the cultural characteristics where people develop. In Mexico, the hierarchical structure of the family is built on a model in which men are dominant over women and their power is legitimized. This research explores the effect of parenting styles and the culture of the ambivalent sexism in the Mexican population. 150 men and 150 women participated. The instrument of individualism-collectivism was used to measure culture; participants also answered the instrument of ambivalent sexism and the parenting styles questionnaire. Regression analyses were done using sexism as the dependent variable and individualism-collectivism and parenting styles as independent variables. In addition, an analysis of variance between parental styles and gender of the participants was performed. The results indicate that the permissive style and authoritarian style are predictors of ambivalent sexism and higher levels of collectivism predict higher levels of sexism in both men and women. It is also found that parents tend to use authoritarian parenting style with women and permissive style with males. These results confirm the findings of other studies that indicate that parenting is an important variable that influences the interaction of adults. On the other hand, the effect of collectivism on sexism may be related to the fact that gender Mexican rules are rigid and for people with higher levels of collectivism, the social rules are more important than individual interests. In conclusion, these results indicate that both culture and parenting styles contribute to the maintenance of the status quo and prejudice towards women. Therefore, it is necessary to create proposals that break with this cultural paradigm and to further develop democratic styles of parenting with the aim of reducing prejudice and the legitimization of gender roles.

Keywords: culture, gender, parenting style, sexism

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Authors: Miral Sabry AlAshry

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The main objective of the study is to investigate the effectiveness of Egyptian Journalists through the Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law, as well as its implications for journalistic practice and the implications for press freedom in Egypt. Questionnaires were undertaken with 192 journalists representing four official newspapers, and in-depth interviews were held with 15 journalists. The study used an Authoritarian theory as a theoretical framework. The study revealed that the government placed restrictions on journalists by using the law to oppress them.

Keywords: anti-cyber and information technology crimes law, media legislation, personal information, Egyptian constitution

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Anthony Albanese

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While much of the literature concerning Max Weber’s concept of charisma has addressed the importance of the follower’s recognition of and devotion to the charismatic leader, very little has been said about the processes that lead to the development of follower charisma. This article examines this largely overlooked aspect of the concept, as doing so (1) exacts the dynamics behind charisma’s transferability by moving beyond follower-centric models that focus on the recognition of the leader and toward one that emphasizes the follower’s generation and exhibition of charisma, (2) bridges a crucial gap between the rather wanting “losers of modernization” thesis and the social actor’s proclivity to produce stories and self-cast in said stories, (3) presents authoritarian dispositions as a reaction to the weakening effects everydayness have on charisma, and (4) complicates Weber’s formulation by reassessing the role of continually demonstrable mastery. To illustrate these dynamics, one should turn to the January 6th Capitol attack in the United States.

Keywords: max weber, extremism, right-wing populism, charisma

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Authors: Hyun-Ji Choi

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This paper aims to examine the meaning of ‘state’ as a monopoly of violence, in regard with South Korean democratic transition. Since institutional democratization in 1987, it is conventionally known that governmental authority has exercised its power through law and police force, rather than inclusive or private violence. In other words, 1987 pro-democracy movement has been a critical juncture for a step towards democratic consolidation. However, state coercion may continually be exerted despite institutional specification by law in South Korean context. Explicit case would be amendment of ‘the Law on Assembly and Demonstration’ which determines citizens’ right to take collective action mostly against government actions. This paper investigates amendment process of the law along with social reality since 1987 until 2015 to see how effectively institutionalization has progressed.

Keywords: democratic transition, historical institutionalism, state coercion, the law on Assembly and Demonstration

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