Search results for: principle of non-derogability of human rights

Authors: Ni Luh Bayu PurwaEka Payani, Destin Ristanti

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Every child has the right to be healthy, and it is a parents’ obligation to fulfill their rights. In order to be healthy and prevented from the outbreak of infectious diseases, some vaccines are required. However, there are groups of people, who consider that vaccines consist of religiously forbidden ingredients. The government of Indonesia legally set the rule that all children must be vaccinated. However, merely based on religious beliefs and not supported by scientific evidence, these people ignore the vaccination. As a result, this anti-vaccine movement caused diphtheria outbreak in 2017. Categorized as a vulnerable group, child`s rights must be fulfilled in any forms. This paper tries to analyze the contradiction between religious beliefs and the fulfillment of child`s rights. Furthermore, it tries to identify the anti-vaccine movement as a form of human rights violation, especially regarding child's rights. This has been done by examining the event of the outbreak of diphtheria in 20 provinces of Indonesia. Furthermore, interview and literature reviews have been done to support the analysis. Through this process, it becomes clear that the anti-vaccine movements driven by religious beliefs did influence the outbreak of diphtheria. Hence, the anti-vaccine movements ignore the long-term effects not only on their own children’s health but also others.

Keywords: anti-vaccine movement, child rights, religious beliefs, right to health

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Authors: Aklima Jesmin, Ubaidur Rob, M. Ashrafur Rahman

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Rohingya population of Arakan state in Myanmar are one the most persecuted ethnic minorities in this 21st century. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), all human beings are born free, equal in dignity and rights. However, these populations are systematically excluded from this universal proclamation of human rights as they are Rohingya, which signify ‘other’. Based on the accessible and available literatures about Rohingya issue, this study firstly found there are chronological pattern of human rights violations against the ethnic Rohingya which follows the pathology of the Holocaust in this 21st century of human civilization. These violations have been possible due to modern technology, bureaucracy which has been performed through authorization, routinization and dehumanization; not only in formal institutions but in the society as a whole. This kind of apparently never-ending situation poses any author with the problem of available many scientific articles. The most important sources are, therefore the international daily newspapers, social media and official webpage of the non-state actors for nitty-gritty day to day update. Although it challenges the validity and objectivity of the information, but to address the critical ongoing human rights violations against Rohingya population can become a base for further work on this issue. One of the aspects of this paper is to accommodate all the social movements since August 2017 to date. The findings of this paper is that even though it seemed only human rights violations occurred against Rohingya historically but, simultaneously the process of social movements had also started, can be traced more after the military campaign in 2017. Therefore, the Rohingya crisis can be conceptualized within one ‘campaign’ movement for justice, not as episodic events, especially within the Political Process Model than any other social movement theories. This model identifies that the role of international political movements as well as the role of non-state actors are more powerful than any other episodes of violence conducted against Rohinyga in reframing issue, blaming and shaming to Myanmar government and creating the strategic opportunities for social changes. The lack of empowerment of the affected Rohingya population has been found as the loop to utilize this strategic opportunity. Their lack of empowerment can also affect their capacity to reframe their rights and to manage the campaign for their justice. Therefore, this should be placed at the heart of the international policy agenda within the broader socio-political movement for the justice of Rohingya population. Without ensuring human rights of Rohingya population, achieving the promise of the united nation’s sustainable development goals - no one would be excluded – will be impossible.

Keywords: civilization, holocaust, human rights violation, military campaign, political process model, Rohingya population, sustainable development goal, social justice, social movement, strategic opportunity

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Authors: Michael Augustus Akagbor

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Same-sex relationships have always existed in Ghana. In coastal towns such as James Town in the heart of the country’s capital, persons who were sexually different and attracted to members of their own sex were able to live their lives openly as queer persons without any fear for their lives. Since 2006, this idyllic existence has been under attack, with LGBTQ+ communities suffering violence and discrimination. This paper highlights the lived experiences of the LGBTIQ+ community in Ghana against the backdrop of the anti-gay bill - The Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 (now renamed the Human Sexual Rights and Family Values Bill, 2021), currently before Parliament, introduced by eight members of Parliament as a Private Members’ Bill, and its implications for the LGBTQ+ community. The paper makes recommendations to key stakeholders on strategies to counter the cultural and religious arguments/strategies and activism of the anti-LGBTQ+ movement in Ghana. It relied on secondary data from a variety of sources, including the Bill before Parliament, media reports, and baseline surveys and studies conducted by LGBTQ organizations and other Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Ghana and elsewhere.

Keywords: sexual rights, promotion, family values, lgbtq+, ghana, discrimination

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Authors: Francis Jegede

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This paper examines essential issues relating to the rise and nature of violent extremism involving non-state actors and groups in the early 21^st century. The global trends in terrorism and violent extremism are examined in relation to Western governments’ counter terror operations. The paper analyses the existing legal framework for fighting violent extremism and terrorism and highlights the inherent limitations of the current International Law of War in dealing with the growing challenges posed by terrorists and violent extremist groups. The paper discusses how terrorist groups use civilians, women and children as tools and weapon of war to fuel their campaign of terror and suggests ways in which the international community could deal with the challenge of fighting terrorist groups without putting civilians, women and children in harm way. The paper emphasises the need to uphold human rights values and respect for the law of war in our response to global terrorism. The paper poses the question as to whether the current legal framework for dealing with terrorist groups is sufficient without contravening the essential provisions and ethos of the International Law of War and Human Rights. While the paper explains how terrorist groups flagrantly disregard the rule of law and disrespect human rights in their campaign of terror, it also notes instances in which the current Western strategy in fighting terrorism may be viewed or considered as conflicting with human rights and international law.

Keywords: terrorism, law of war, international law, violent extremism

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Authors: Adriano Mortada

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Human history is rife with conflict, and the question of refugee status determination and their rehabilitation has been up for debate since. Refugee Status Determination is the administrative or legal process by which UNHCR or governments determine whether a person seeking international protection or asylum can be identified as a refugee under international, regional, or national law. Refugee Status Determination is considered to be a vital process in aiding refugees’ realization of their rights under international law. One of the major reasons why the refugee status determination is considered an “issue”, and is one that is much debated upon annually, is the fact that the national bureaucratic systems are rigid and unbending. This is particularly concerning in the 21st century despite human advancement in policy and diplomacy, working in tandem with the United Nations and their charters and resolutions on human rights and dignity. The paper seeks to criticize the European member states' response to the refugee crisis and their inflexible and prejudiced bureaucratic systems when it comes to refugee status determination. The paper looks at multiple case studies as primary evidence and the alternate case studies where the system helped refugees, like those in Jordan, Pakistan, Turkey, and Lebanon. The main concern of the paper is to highlight the bias in the selected European systems, which do not stem from the Human Rights Charter but rather on the basis of geographical backgrounds, cultural and religious affiliations of those seeking refugee status or asylum in their respective countries. The paper hopes to not only create awareness about this issue but also provide a research background to advocacy programs to bring a change in the systems.

Keywords: refugee status determination, human rights, bureaucracy, United Nations, European Union

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Authors: Deike Janssen

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In the scenery of the Tyrolean mountains, at an altitude of 1300 meters, stands a building. Residents and activists call it a prison. However, it is not a prison -according to authorities, it is a 'Return Counseling Facility' where migrants and refugees should be "motivated" to return "voluntary" to their countries of origin. This paper argues that the geographical location of the camp functions as a site of exclusion, isolation, and coercion where no one can decide “voluntary” to return, but where people are brought to despair to leave Austria. Through a qualitative case study, this paper documents the heavy impact of offshore detention on the mental, physical and social state of the residents and a variety of human rights problems in the centre. Different developments at the Return Counselling Facility and the law that back up the centre uncover a worrying dynamic that deliberately accepts human rights problems in order to enforce borders, a policy that disregards humanitarian, legal, and ethical stands in order to deport people at all hazards. It, therefore, can be seen as a creative and ultimate exercise of state power, which uses isolated locations to control migration. While the analysis revises the micro and macro implications of the facility and, therefore, the legal and political facets, it also sheds light on the role of the civil society, which tries to increase through constant and collective efforts the human rights efforts of the government.

Keywords: deportation, human rights, migration, refugee detention, voluntary return

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Authors: Stellina Jolly

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July 18th to August 19th 2013 has gone down in the history of India for undertaking the country’s first environment referendum. The Supreme Court had ruled that the Vedanta Group's bauxite mining project in the Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa will have to get clearance from the gram sabha, which will consider the cultural and religious rights of the tribals and forest dwellers living in Rayagada and Kalahandi districts. In the Niyamgiri hills, people of small tribal hamlets were asked to voice their opinion on bauxite mining in their habitat. The ministry has reiterated its stand that mining cannot be allowed on the Niyamgiri hills because it will affect the rights of the Dongria Kondhs. The tribal person who occupies the Niyamgiri Hills in Eastern India accomplished their first success in 2010 in their struggle to protect and preserve their existence, culture and land against Vedanta a London-based mining giant. In August, 2010 Government of India revoked permission for Vedanta Resources to mine bauxite from hills in Orissa State where the Dongria Kondh live as forest dwellers. This came after various protests and reports including amnesty report wherein it highlighted that an alumina refinery in eastern India operated by a subsidiary of mining company. Vedanta was accused of causing air and water pollution that threatens the health of local people and their access to water. The abuse of human rights by corporate is not a new issue it has occurred in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world. Paper focuses on the instances and extent of human right especially in terms of environment violations by corporations. Further Paper details on corporations and sustainable development. Paper finally comes up with certain recommendation including call for a declaration by United Nations on Corporate environment Human Rights Liability.

Keywords: environment, corporate, human rights, sustainable development

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Authors: Entfellner Manuel, Wannenmacher Helmut, Reisenbauer Josef, Schubert Wulf

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When tunnelling in overstressed weak rocks ("squeezing ground"), two basic design approaches are available: the resistance principle, and the yielding principle. The resistance principle relies on rigid support systems to withstand the ground pressure. Alternatively, the yielding principle prioritizes controlled deformation, allowing the ground to deform without compromising tunnel integrity. This paper highlights the beneficial factors of the yielding principle for conventionally excavated tunnels in overstressed weak rocks. Especially the application of a ductile shotcrete lining with yielding elements is analysed in detail. Construction costs, safety, short- and long-term stabilities are discussed.

Keywords: squeezing ground, yielding principle, yielding element, conventional tunneling

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Authors: Pearl K. Atuhaire, Sylvia Kaye

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While the need for equal access to civil, political as well as economic, social and cultural rights is clear under the international law, the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against women in 1979 made this even clearer. Despite this positive progress, the abuse of refugee women's rights is one of the basic underlying root causes of their marginalisation and violence in their countries of asylum. This paper presents a critical review on the development of refugee women's rights at the international levels and national levels. It provides an array of scholarly literature on this issue and examines the measures taken by the international community to curb the problem of violence against women in their various provisions through the instruments set. It is cognizant of the fact that even if conflict affects both refugee women and men, the effects on women refugees are deep-reaching, due to the cultural strongholds they face. An important aspect of this paper is that it is conceptualised against the fact that refugee women face the problem of sexual and gender based first as refugees and second as women, yet, their rights are stumbled upon. Often times they have been rendered "worthless victims" who are only in need of humanitarian assistance than active participants committed to change their plight through their participation in political, economic and social participation in their societies. Scholars have taken notice of the fact that women's rights in refugee settings have been marginalized and call for a need to incorporate their perspectives in the planning and management of refugee settings in which they live. Underpinning this discussion is feminism theory which gives a clear understanding of the root cause of refugee women's problems. Finally, this paper suggests that these policies should be translated into action at local, national international and regional levels to ensure sustainable peace.

Keywords: feminism theory, human rights, refugee women, sexual and gender based violence

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Authors: Christiena Van Der Bank, Marjone Van Der Bank, Ronelle Prinsloo

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The constitutional right to a healthy environment and the constitutional duty imposed on the state actively to protect the environment fulfill the specific duties to prevent pollution and ecological degradation and to promote conservation. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the relationship between child rights and the environment. The focus is to analyse government’s responses as mandated with section 24 of the Bill of Rights for ensuring the right to a clean and healthy environment. The principle of sustainability of the environment encompasses the notion of equity and the harm to the environment affects the present as well as future generations. Section 24 obliges the state to ensure that the legacy of future generations is protected, an obligation that has been said to be part of the common law. The environment is an elusive and wide concept that can mean different things to different people depending on the context in which it is used for example clean drinking water or safe food. An extensive interpretation of the term environment would include almost everything that may positively or negatively influence the quality of human life. The analysis will include assessing policy measures, legislation, budgetary measures and other measures taken by the government in order to progressively meet its constitutional obligation. The opportunity of the child to grow up in a healthy and safe environment is extremely unjustly distributed. Without a realignment of political, legal and economic conditions this situation will not fundamentally change. South Africa as a developing country that needs to meet the demand of social transformation and economic growth whilst at the same time expediting its ability to compete in global markets, the country will inevitably embark on developmental programmes as a measure for sustainable development. The courts would have to inquire into the reasonableness of those measures. Environmental threats to children’s rights must be identified, taking into account children’s specific needs and vulnerabilities, their dependence and marginalisation. Obligations of states and violations of rights must be made more visible to the general public.

Keywords: environment, children rights, pollution, healthy, violation

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Authors: Ramona Georgeta Biholar

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Gender-based violence against women plagues societies around the world. The work to eliminate it is an ongoing battle. At the international level, Article 5 (a) CEDAW establishes an agenda for social and cultural transformation: it imposes on States parties to CEDAW an obligation to modify sex roles and stereotypical social and cultural patterns of conduct. Also, it provides for the protection of women from violence stemming from such gender norms. Yet, the lived realities of women are frequently disconnected from this agenda. Nonetheless, it is the reality of the local that is crucial for the articulation, implementation and realization of women’s rights in general, and for the elimination of gender-based violence against women in particular. In this paper we discuss the transformation of sex roles and gender stereotyping with a view to realize women’s right to be free from gender-based violence. This paper is anchored in qualitative data collection undertaken in Jamaica and socio-legal research. Based on this research, 1) We explain the process of vernacularisation as a strategy that enables women’s human rights to hit the ground and benefit rights holders, and 2) We present a synergistic model for the implementation of Article 5 (a) CEDAW so that women’s right to be free from gender-based violence can be realized in a concrete national jurisdiction. This model is grounded in context-based demands and recommendations for social and cultural transformation as a remedy for the incidence of gender-based violence against women. Moreover, the synergistic model offers directions that have a general application for the implementation of CEDAW and Article 5 (a) CEDAW in particular, with a view to realize women’s right to be free from gender-based violence. The model is thus not only a conceptual tool of analysis, but also a prescriptive tool for action. It contributes to the work of both academics and practitioners, such as Governmental officials, and national and local civil society representatives. Overall, this paper contributes to understanding the process necessary to bridge that gap between women’s human rights norms and women’s life realities of discrimination and violence.

Keywords: CEDAW, gender-based violence against women, international human rights law, women’s rights implementation, the Caribbean

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Authors: Kolawole Oyekan

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Torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is one of the issues dealt with by the United Nations in its development of human rights standard. Torture and other ill -treatments is banned at all times in all places including in times of war. There is no justification for torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment under any law in Nigeria. All statutes; local, regional and international on human rights prohibits all forms of degrading treatment. This paper examines the definition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and the prevalence of confessional statements obtain through torture by security agencies during the interrogation of crime suspects and are mostly relied upon during trial even in cases involving capital punishment. The paper further reviews the Violence against Persons Prohibition Act 2015 which prohibits torture and other forms of ill-treatment. Presently, the Act is applicable only to the federal Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Consequently, the paper concludes that the Act should be adopted as a matter of urgency by the 36 states of the Federation of Nigeria and in addition, cogent steps must be taken to ensure that the provisions of the Act are strictly complied with in order to eliminate torture, cruel and inhuman degrading treatment in Nigeria.

Keywords: confessional statement, human rights, torture, United Nations

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Authors: J. D. Temperman

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Introduction: In particular, in relation to religion, the meaning and scope of freedom of expression have been tested in recent times. This paper investigates the legal justifications for restrictions that have been suggested in this area and asks whether they are sustainable from an international human rights perspective. The universal human rights instruments, particularly the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), are increasingly geared towards eradicating ‘incitement’ to contingent harms like violence or discrimination, whilst forms of extreme speech that fall short of such incitement are to be protected rather than countered by states. Human Rights Committee’s draft-General Comment on freedom of expression, adopted in 2011, provides another strong indication that this is the envisaged way forward: repealing anti-blasphemy and anti-religious defamation laws, whilst simultaneously increasing efforts to combat ‘incitement’. Within regional human rights frameworks, notably the European Convention system, judgments have in fact supported legal restrictions on both hate speech, holocaust denial, and blasphemy or religious defamation. Major contributions to scholarship: This paper proposes an actus reus for the offense of ‘advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination or violence’, as enshrined in Article 20(2) of the UN ICCPR. In underscoring the high threshold of ‘incitement’, the author distinguishes this offense from such notions as ‘blasphemy’ or ‘defamation of religions’. In addition to treating the said provision as a sui generis prohibition, the question is addresses whether a ‘right to be protected against incitement’ may be distilled from the ICCPR. Furthermore, the author will discuss the question of how to judge incitement; notably, is mens rea required to convict someone of incitement, and if so, what degree of mens rea? This analysis also includes the question how to balance content and context factors when addressing alleged instances of incitement, notably what factors make provide for a likelihood that imminent acts of violence or discrimination will ensue from an inciteful speech act? Methodology: This paper takes a double comparative approach: (i) it endeavours to compare and contrast monitoring bodies’ approach to incitement (notably, the UN Human Rights Committee, but also the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination which monitors states’ compliance with Article 4 of ICERD on incitement); and (ii) it endeavours to chart and compare and analyse from an international human rights perspective recent forms of state practice in the field of dealing with incitement (i.e. a comparative legal analysis and vertical human rights analysis of newly emerging incitement legislation in the light of the said international standards). Conclusion: This paper conceptualizes a legal notion – ‘incitement’ – encapsulated in international human rights law that may have a profound bearing on contemporary challenges of radicalization and religious strife.

Keywords: incitement, international human rights law, religious hatred, violence

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Authors: Mary Ostaszewski

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For many years China was riddled by poverty among many other issues and was far from a world power. However, today China has one of the largest GDPs of any country in the world and is a global powerhouse. Since China has accomplished so much, many would presume that this means China is moving away from being a “developing country” alongside countries such as India, Brazil, Israel, etc. into the category “developed country” with countries such as the U.S. Yet, this is not the case as, despite their economic strides, China still has ways to come, especially when it comes to human rights. China faces extreme criticism regarding how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) handles human rights. China has an Orwellian-based society where technology is highly monitored, critics are quickly silenced, and freedoms are heavily restricted. One of their most recent human rights violations is attempting to repress Uyghur populations by placing them into “re-education camps,” where an already vulnerable population is being deprived of their freedoms through severe oppression. These violations create concerns as other developing countries with authoritarian governments follow the example of China. This is mainly because China has seen great success economically while simultaneously being able to maintain its authoritarian regime, thus, inspiring other countries to continue their human rights violations in hopes of gaining success similar to China’s. This idolization of China by other authoritarian regimes creates a concern especially regarding their “re-education” camps. This paper will argue that Chinese “re-education” camps are not only dangerous because they severely oppress and harm the Uyghur population. Yet they are also dangerous because other countries already impressed by China’s success may adopt similar camps in their countries to ensure their oppressive governments retain their tight grasp on power.

Keywords: China, re-education camps, developing countries, Africa, West

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Authors: Liav Orgad

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This article challenges one of the most fundamental propositions in the democratic theory that the majority culture is protected merely by the forces of democracy and thus needs no special legal protection. By describing changes in the patterns of migration to Europe, in the face of the European society, and in the world as a whole, the Article demonstrates that the majority culture is no longer automatically protected by the forces of democracy. It claims that the changing reality is not adequately addressed by political theory and human rights law and advances the promotion of a new concept—'cultural majority rights'.

Keywords: European migration, European demography, democratic theory, majority rights, integration

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Authors: Ani Eda Njwe

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Cameroon is a bilingual and bijural country in West and Central Africa. The current president has been in power since 1982, which makes him the longest-serving president in the world. The length of his presidency is one of the major causes of the ongoing political instability in the country. The preamble of the Cameroonian constitution commits Cameroon to respect international law and human rights. It provides that these laws should be translated into national laws, and respected by all spheres of government and public service. Cameroon is a signatory of several international human rights laws and conventions. In theory, the citizens of Cameroon have adequate legal protection against the violation of their human rights for political reasons. The ongoing political crisis in Cameroon erupted after the Anglophone lawyers and teachers launched a protest against the hiring of Francophone judges in Anglophone courts; and the hiring of Francophone teachers in Anglophone schools. In retaliation, the government launched a military crackdown on protesters and civilians, conducted arbitrary arrests on Anglophones, raped and maimed civilians, and declared a state of emergency in the Anglophone provinces. This infuriated the Anglophone public, causing them to create a secessionist movement, requesting the Independence of Anglophone Cameroon and demanding a separate country called Ambazonia. The Ambazonian armed rebel forces have ever since launched guerrilla attacks on government troops. This fighting has deteriorated into a war between the Ambazonians and the Cameroon government. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonments have continued, causing the closure of Anglophone schools since November 2016. In October 2018, Cameroon held presidential elections. Before the electoral commission announced the results, the opposition leader, a Francophone, declared himself winner, following a leak of the polling information. This led to his imprisonment. This research has the objective of finding out whether the government’s reactions to protesters and opposition is lawful, under national and international laws. This research will also verify if the prison conditions of political prisoners meet human rights standards. Furthermore, this research seeks detailed information obtained from current political prisoners and detainees on their experiences. This research also aims to highlight the effort being made internationally, towards bringing awareness and finding a resolution to the war in Cameroon. Finally, this research seeks to elucidate on the efforts which human rights organisations have made, towards overseeing the respect of human rights in Cameroon. This research adopts qualitative methods, whereby data were collected using semi-structured interviews of political detainees, and questionnaires. Also, data was collected from secondary sources such as; scholarly articles, newspaper articles, web sources, and human rights reports. From the data collected, the findings were analysed using the content analysis research technique. From the deductions, recommendations have been made, which human rights organisations, activists, and international bodies can implement, to cause the Cameroonian government to stop unlawful arrests and reinstate the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Cameroon.

Keywords: arbitrary arrests, Cameroon, human rights, political

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Authors: Adi Goldiner

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Historically, the social model of disability has played a pivotal role in bringing rights discourse into the disability debate. Against this backdrop, the paper explores the conceptual alignment between the social model’s account of disability and the nature of rights. Specifically, the paper examines the possibility that the social model conceptualizes disability in a way that aligns with the nature of rights and thus motivates the invocation of disability rights. Methodologically, the paper juxtaposes the literature on the social model of disability, primarily the work of the Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation in the UK and related scholarship, with theories of moral rights. By focusing on the interplay between the social model of disability and rights, the paper provides a conceptual explanation for the rise of disability rights. In addition, the paper sheds light on the nature of rights, their function and limitations, in the context of disability rights. The paper concludes that the social model’s conceptualization of disability is hospitable to rights, because it opens up the possibility that there are duties that correlate with disability rights. Under the social model, disability is a condition that can be eliminated by the removal of social, structural, and attitudinal barriers. Accordingly, the social model dispels the idea that the actions of others towards disabled people will have a marginal impact on their interests in not being disabled. Equally important, the social model refutes the idea that in order to significantly serve people's interest in not being disabled, it is necessary to cure bodily impairments, which is not always possible. As rights correlate with duties that are possible to comply with, as well as those that significantly serve the interests of the right holders, the social model’s conceptualization of disability invites the reframing of problems related to disability in terms of infringements of disability rights. A possible objection to the paper’s argument is raised, according to which the social model is at odds with the invocation of disability rights because disability rights are ineffective in realizing the social model's goal of improving the lives of disabled by eliminating disability. The paper responds to this objection by drawing a distinction between ‘moral rights,’ which, conceptually, are not subject to criticism of ineffectiveness, and ‘legal rights’ which are.

Keywords: disability rights, duties, moral rights, social model

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Authors: Tashwill Esterhuizen

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Throughout Africa, several countries continue to have laws which criminalise same-sex sexual activities, which increases the vulnerability of the LGBT community to stigma, discrimination, and persecution. These criminal provisions often form the basis upon which states deny LGBT activists the right to freely associate with other like-minded individuals and form organizations that protect their interests and advocate for the rights and aspirations of the LGBT community. Over the past year, however, there has been significant progress in the advancement of universal, fundamental rights of LGBT persons throughout Africa. In many instances, these advancements came about through the bravery of activists who have publically insisted (in environments where same-sex sexual practices are criminalised) that their rights should be respected. Where meaningful engagement with the State was fruitless, activists took their plight to the judiciary and have successfully sought to uphold the fundamental rights of LGBT persons, paving the way for a more inclusive and tolerant society. Litigation Progress: Botswana is a prime example. For several years, the State denied a group of LGBT activists their right to freely associate and form their organisation Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO), which aimed to promote the interests of the LGBT community in Botswana. In March 2016, the Botswana Court of Appeal found that the government’s refusal to register LEGABIBO violated the activists’ right to associate freely. The Court held that the right freedom of association applies to all persons regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not matter that the views of the organisation are unpopular or unacceptable amongst the majority. In particular, the Court rejected the government of Botswana’s contention that registering LEGABIBO would disturb public peace and is contrary to public morality. Quite remarkably, the Court of Appeal recognised that while LGBT individuals are a minority group within the country, they are nonetheless persons entitled to constitutional protections of their dignity, regardless of whether they are unacceptable to others on religious or any other grounds. Furthermore, the Court held that human rights and fundamental freedoms are granted to all, including criminals or social outcasts because the denial of an individual’s humanity is the denial of their human dignity. This is crucial observation by the Court of Appeal, as once it is accepted that human rights apply to all human beings, then it becomes much easier for vulnerable groups to assert their own rights. Conclusion: The Botswana Court of Appeal decision, therefore, represents significant progress in the promotion of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons. The judgment has broader implications for many other countries which do not provide recognition of sexual minorities. It highlights the State’s duty to uphold basic rights and to ensure dignity, tolerance, and acceptance for marginalised persons.

Keywords: acceptance, freedom of association, freedom of expression, fundamental rights and freedoms, gender identity, human rights are universal, inclusive, inherent human dignity, progress, sexual orientation, tolerance

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Authors: Ronli Sifris

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The last Australian Parliamentary inquiry into surrogacy took place in 2016. Since then, a number of countries have reviewed their surrogacy laws, including countries such as New Zealand and the United Kingdom, which traditionally have invoked similar legal approaches to Australia on a broad range of issues. The time is ripe to reform Australia’s surrogacy laws with a view to putting in place a system that best protects the rights of all parties to a surrogacy arrangement, and especially the rights of the child. There are two specific, linked issues which tend to be particularly contentious in the surrogacy context. The first relates to legal parentage. There are questions around whether the surrogate or the intended parents should be deemed the legal parents of a child born through surrogacy and what should be the process for any transfer of parentage. The second key issue relates to compensation and whether a surrogate should be compensated for the reproductive labour inherent in conceiving, gestating, and birthing a child. This paper will invoke a comparative analysis with a view to considering how different countries are regulating surrogacy and which approach best protects the rights all parties involved in the surrogacy arrangement, especially the rights of the children born through surrogacy. The specific countries to be considered are Australia, Canada, and California (United States). I have selected these countries for the following reasons: Australia is the jurisdiction where the author is based, it is, therefore, the jurisdiction with which she has the most familiarity. It allows altruistic surrogacy only and post-birth parentage orders in favour of the intended parents of children born through altruistic surrogacy California, as a jurisdiction allowing for compensated surrogacy and pre-birth parentage orders in favour of the intended parents, sits at the other end of the spectrum to Australia thereby providing an interesting point of comparison. Canada sits somewhere in the middle; it ostensibly allows only altruistic surrogacy, but in practice, many aspects of the Canadian process resemble compensated surrogacy. In addition to conducting a comparative analysis with other countries, the paper will also consider international human rights law as its overarching framework for determining the approach that best protects the rights of a child born through surrogacy. Particular attention will be paid to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child as the key children’s rights treaty. The European Court of Human Rights will also be extensively considered as it has decided a number of cases relating to the rights of children born through surrogacy.

Keywords: surrogacy, children’s rights, australia, compensation, parentage

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Authors: Rozh Abdulrahman Kareem

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The displacement of individuals has become a common interest for international players. Mostly occurs in Islamic states, as religion is considered the most common cause of this form of displacement. Therefore, this thesis aims to depict the reality of the situations of the refugees, particularly in KRI, illustrating how they are treated and protected and if the treatment merits the protection clause as envisaged in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Overall, the aim is to touch on the issue of protection by non-governmental organizations and government towards the refugees here. In light of this, it focused on the adequate protection of refugees in relation to the refugee law. In the Middle East, including Iraq, there have been multiple reports on violations of these refugee laws and human rights. Protection involves providing physical security to the concerned parties, functional administration with legal structures, and infrastructural setup that could help citizens exercise rights. The KRI has provided the refugees with various benefits, including education, access to residency, and employment. It also provided transitionary in various social dimensions like gender-based violence. The Convention on Status of Refugees 1951 tried to resolve this problem, whereby the principle of ‘nonrefoulement’ under Article 33 was passed. The ‘nonrefoulement’, an exceptional reference, was enacted to protect refugees from forcible return to their countries of the original. However, the convention never addressed an unusual scenario regarding the application of this principle, ‘Extradition Treaties.’ Even though some scholarly article exists regarding the problems of refugees, the topic of interplay between Nonrefoulement and Extradition Treaties has never been explained in detail in the available books on refugee laws and practices. Each year, millions of refugees seek protection from foreign countries for fear of being tortured, victimized, or executed. People seeking international protection are susceptible and insecure. The main objective of the prevention is to provide security to citizens susceptible to inhuman treatment, distress, oppression, or other human rights defilements when they arrive back in their own countries. The refugee situation may get worse in the near future. Just like several nations within the Middle East, Iraq is not a signatory to the globally acknowledged legal structure for the protection of refugees. The first law of 1971 in Iraq was issued only for military or political causes. This law also establishes benefits such as the right to education and health services and the right to acquire employment just as the Iraqi nationals. The other legislative instrument is the 21st law from the ministry of migration of Iraq widened the description of an immigrant to incorporate the definition from the refugee resolution. Nonetheless, there is a lack of overall consistency in the protection provided under these legislations regarding rights and entitlement. A Memorandum of Understanding was signed in October 2016 by the UNHCR and the Iraq government to develop the protection of refugees. Under the term of this MoU, the Iraqi Government is obligated to provide identity documents to asylum seekers beside that UNHCR provides more guidance.

Keywords: law, refugee, protection, Kurdistan

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Authors: Vanda Božić, Željko Nikač

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Trafficking in children, especially vulnerable victims, is a qualified form of committing the crime of human trafficking, and a special form of abuse and violation of children's rights. Given that trafficking in children is dangerous, but also a specific form of crime in relation to trafficking in human beings, this paper will in the first part indicate the forms of trafficking in children (trafficking in children for sexual exploitation, child pornography, and pedophilia, exploitation of labor, begging, performance of criminal acts, adoption, marriage and participation in armed conflicts). The second part references the international documents which regulate this matter as well as the solutions in national criminal legislations of Republic of Croatia and Republic of Serbia. It points to the essential features and characteristics of the victims, according to sex, age, and citizenship, as well as the age of children at the stage of solicitation and recruitment and the status of the family from which the child comes from. The work includes a special emphasis on international police cooperation in the fight against trafficking in children. Concluding remarks set out proposals de lege ferenda that can be of significant impact, particularly on prevention, and then also on repression in combating this serious crime.

Keywords: trafficking in children, trafficking in human beings, child as a victim of human trafficking, children’s rights

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Authors: Lizelle Ramaccio Calvino

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Article 3 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child states that 'The best interests of the child must be a top priority in all decisions and actions that affect children.' This stance is also echoed in terms of article 20 of the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. South Africa, as a signatory of the aforesaid international and national conventions, constitutionalised the best interest of the child in terms of section 28(2) of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Section 28(2) provides that '[A] child’s best interests are of paramount importance in every matter concerning the child.' The application of 'the best interests of the child' principle is consequently applicable in all fields of South African law, including matrimonial law. Two separate but equal Acts regulate civil marriages in South Africa, namely the Marriage Act 25 of 1961 and the Civil Union Act 17 of 2006. Customary marriages are regulated by the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998. In terms of the Marriage Act and the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, a minor may (provided he/she obtains the required consent) enter into a marriage. Despite the aforesaid, section 1 of the Civil Union Act categorically prohibits a minor from entering into a civil union. The article will first determine whether the ban of minors from entering into a civil union undermines the 'the best interests of the child' principle, and if so, whether it is in violation of the Constitution as well as international and national conventions. In addition, the article will critically analyse whether the application of the Marriage Act and the Civil Union Act (dual Acts) result in disparity within the South African marriage law framework, and if so, whether such discrepancy violates same-sex couples’ right (in particular a same-sex minor) to equality before the law and to have their dignity protected. The article intends, through the application of a qualitative research methodology and by way of a comparative analyses of international and domestic laws, consider whether a single well-defined structure such as the Dutch marriage law system would not be an improved alternative to address the existing paradox resulting from the application of an Act that undermines 'the best interest of the child' principle. Ultimately the article proposes recommendations for matrimonial law reform.

Keywords: best interests of the child, civil marriage, civil union, minor

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Authors: Katharina Crepaz

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Both minority rights and disability rights are relatively new fields for policy-making in a European context, and both are affected by the EU’s diversity mainstreaming approach, as well as by the non-discrimination legislation drafted at the European level. These processes correspond to the classic understanding of Europeanization, namely a “top-down” stream of influence from the European to the national and subnational levels. However, both minority and disability rights movements also show instances of “bottom-up” Europeanization, e.g. transnational advocacy networks and efforts to reach joint goals at the EU-level. This paper aims to provide a comparative perspective on Europeanization in both fields, pointing out similar dynamics and patterns, but also explaining in which sectors outcomes may be different and which domestic and other scope conditions may be responsible for these differences.

Keywords: europeanization, disability rights, minority rights, comparative perspective

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Authors: María Elena Menéndez Ibáñez

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After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, new measures were adopted by powerful countries and regions like the United States and the European Union in order to safeguard their security. In 2002, the US created the Department of Homeland Security with one sole objective; to protect American soil and people. The US adopted new policies that made every immigrant a potential terrorist and a threat to their national security. Stronger border control became one of the key elements of the fight against organized crime and terrorism. The main objective of this paper is to compare some of the most important and radical measures adopted by the US, even those that resulted in systematic violations of human rights, with some of the European measures adopted after the 2015 Paris attacks of 2015, such as unlawful detainment of prisoners and other measures against foreigners. Through the Schengen agreement, the European Union has tried to eliminate tariffs and border controls, in order to guarantee successful economic growth. Terrorists have taken advantage of this and have made the region vulnerable to attacks. Authorities need to strengthen their surveillance methods in order to safeguard the region and its stability. Through qualitative methods applied to social sciences, this research will also try to explain why some of the mechanisms proven to be useful in the US would not be so in Europe, especially because they would result in human rights violations. Finally, solutions will be offered that would not put the whole Schengen Agreement at risk. Europe cannot reinstate border control, without making individuals vulnerable to human rights violations.

Keywords: border control, immigration, international cooperation, national security

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Authors: María José Benítez Jiménez

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Article 3 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (E.C.H.R.) proclaims that no one may be subjected to torture, punishment or degrading treatment. The legislative correlate in Spain is embodied in Article 15 of the Spanish Constitution, and there must be an overlapping interpretation of both precepts on the ideal plane. While it is true that there are not many cases in which the European Court of Human Rights (E.C.t.H.R. (The Strasbourg Court)) has sanctioned Spain for its failure to investigate complaints of torture, it must be emphasized that the tendency to violate Article 3 of the Convention appears to be on the rise, being necessary to know possible factors that may be affecting it. This paper addresses the analysis of sentences that directly or indirectly reveal the violation of Article 3 of the European Convention. To carry out the analysis, sentences of the Strasbourg Court have been consulted from 2012 to 2016, being able to address any previous sentences to this period if it provided justified information necessary for the study. After the review it becomes clear that there are two key groups of subjects that request a response to the Strasbourg Court on the understanding that they have been tortured or degradingly treated. These are: immigrants and terrorists. Both phenomena, immigration and terrorism, respond to patterns that have mutated in recent years, and it is important for this study to know if national regulations begin to be dysfunctional.

Keywords: E.C.H.R., E.C.t.H.R. sentences, Spanish Constitution, torture

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Authors: Babatunde Osabiya

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Cybersecurity has emerged as a pressing policy problem in recent years, affecting individuals, businesses, and governments worldwide. This research paper aims to critically review the literature on cybersecurity policy and apply policy theory to propose a policy approach that balances the freedom to access and use technology with the human rights risks and threats posed by cyber. Drawing on various credible sources, the paper examines the scale and seriousness of cyber threats, highlighting the growing threat posed by cybercriminals, hackers, and nation-states. The paper also identifies the key challenges facing policymakers, including the need for more significant investment in cybersecurity research and development and the importance of balancing the benefits of technological innovation with the risks to privacy, security, and human rights. To address these challenges, the paper proposes a policy approach emphasizing investing in cybersecurity research and development to maintain a technological edge over potential adversaries. This approach also highlights the need for greater collaboration between government, industry, and civil society to develop effective cybersecurity policies and practices that protect the rights and freedoms of people while mitigating the risks posed by cyber threats. This paper will contribute to the growing body of literature on cybersecurity policy and offers a policy framework for addressing this critical policy challenge.

Keywords: security risk, legal framework, cyber security and policy, national security

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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Where criminal law used to be the traditional response to cope with the terrorist threat, European governments are increasingly relying on administrative paths. The reliance on immigration law fits into this trend. Terrorism is seen as a civilization menace emanating from abroad. In this context, the expulsion of dangerous aliens, immigration law’s core task, is put forward as a key security tool. Governments all over Europe are focusing on removing dangerous individuals from their territory rather than bringing them to justice. This research reflects on the consequences for the expelled individuals’ fundamental rights. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues, igniting the recourse to immigration law as a counterterrorism tool. Yet, they adopt a very different approach on this: the United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand, also 'securitized' its immigration policy after the recent terrorist hit in Stockholm, but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This paper addresses the situation in Belgium. In 2017, the Belgian parliament introduced several legislative changes by which it considerably expanded and facilitated the possibility to expel unwanted aliens. First, the expulsion measure was subjected to new and questionably definitions: a serious attack on the nation’s safety used to be required to expel certain categories of aliens. Presently, mere suspicions suffice to fulfil the new definition of a 'serious threat to national security'. A definition which fails to respond to the principle of legality; the law, nor the prepatory works clarify what is meant by 'a threat to national security'. This creates the risk of submitting this concept’s interpretation almost entirely to the discretion of the immigration authorities. Secondly, in name of intervening more quickly and efficiently, the automatic suspensive appeal for expulsions was abolished. The European Court of Human Rights nonetheless requires such an automatic suspensive appeal under Article 13 and 3 of the Convention. Whether this procedural reform will stand to endure, is thus questionable. This contribution also raises questions regarding expulsion’s efficacy as a key security tool. In a globalized and mobilized world, particularly in a European Union with no internal boundaries, questions can be raised about the usefulness of this measure. Even more so, by simply expelling a dangerous individual, States avoid their responsibility and shift the risk to another State. Criminal law might in these instances be more capable of providing a conclusive and long term response. This contribution explores the human rights consequences of expulsion as a security tool in Belgium. It also offers a critical view on its efficacy for protecting national security.

Keywords: Belgium, counter-terrorism and human rights, expulsion, immigration law

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Authors: Sitaram Dahal

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Among many strategic and practical needs in overcoming the threats and challenges being experienced in the global environment, constitutional provision for Rights to live in clean and healthy environment is one and so is the school curriculum incorporating information on such rights. Government of Nepal has also introduced information on rights to live in clean and healthy environment, as provisioned in its interim constitution of 2007, in the secondary level curriculum of formal education. As the predetermined specific objective of such curriculum is to prepare students who are conscious of citizens’ rights and responsibilities and are able to adopt functions, duties and rights of the rights holders and duty bearers; the study was designed to assess the effectiveness of such curriculum. The study was conducted in one private school and a community school to assess the effectiveness of such curriculum. The study shows that such curriculum has been able to make students responsible duty bearers as they were aware of their habits towards environment. Whereas only very few students are aware enough as being rights holders. Students of community schools were aware rights holders as they complain if they are not satisfied with the environment of the school itself. But private school is far behind in this case. It can be said that only curriculum with very few portion of information on such rights might not be capable enough to meet its objective.

Keywords: curriculum, environmental rights, constitution, effectiveness

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Authors: Muhammad Tanziel Aziezi

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In Indonesia, pre-trial (in Indonesia called ‘praperadilan’) is a mechanism that is regulated on Criminal Procedure Code as a form of oversight and check and balance on the process at the stage of inquiry, investigation, and prosecution, so that actions taken by the State (in this case, the police and prosecutor) is carried out in accordance with its authority and not violate human rights. Article 77 of the Criminal Procedure Code has been set that the object may be filed pretrial is just about the lawfulness of the arrest, the lawfulness of the detention, and the legitimacy of stopping investigation and prosecution. However, since the beginning of 2015, there was a further object which is then entered as a pre-trial object, namely the lawfulness of the determination of a criminal suspect. This is because the determination of the suspect is considered as one of the forceful measures that could restrict the rights of a person, so the implementation should have oversight and checks and balances by the courts. This paper will discuss the development of the pre-trial on the lawfulness of the determination of a criminal suspect as a new judicial mechanism as the protection of human rights in Indonesia.

Keywords: criminal procedure law, pre-trial, lawfulness of determination of a criminal suspect, check and balance by the court

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Authors: Sonia Boulos

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The prohibition on ‘inhuman treatment’ constitutes one of the central tenets of modern international human rights law. It is incorporated in principal international human rights instruments including Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, in the absence of any legislative definition of the term ‘inhuman’, its interpretation becomes challenging. The aim of this article is to critically analyze the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ in international human rights law and to suggest a new approach to construct its meaning. The article is composed of two central parts. The first part is a critical appraisal of the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ by supra-national human rights law institutions. It highlights the failure of supra-national institutions to provide an independent definition for the term ‘inhuman’. In fact, those institutions consistently fail to distinguish the term ‘inhuman’ from its other kin terms, i.e. ‘cruel’ and ‘degrading.’ Very often, they refer to these three prohibitions as ‘CIDT’, as if they were one collective. They were primarily preoccupied with distinguishing ‘CIDT’ from ‘torture.’ By blurring the conceptual differences between these three terms, supra-national institutions supplemented them with a long list of specific and purely descriptive subsidiary rules. In most cases, those subsidiary rules were announced in the absence of sufficient legal reasoning explaining how they were derived from abstract and evaluative standards embodied in the prohibitions collectively referred to as ‘CIDT.’ By opting for this option, supra-national institutions have created the risk for the development of an incoherent body of jurisprudence on those terms at the international level. They also have failed to provide guidance for domestic courts on how to enforce these prohibitions. While blurring the differences between the terms ‘cruel,’ ‘inhuman,’ and ‘degrading’ has consequences for the three, the term ‘inhuman’ remains the most impoverished one. It is easy to link the term ‘cruel’ to the clause on ‘cruel and unusual punishment’ originating from the English Bill of Rights of 1689. It is also easy to see that the term ‘degrading’ reflects a dignatarian ideal. However, when we turn to the term ‘inhuman’, we are left without any interpretative clue. The second part of the article suggests that the ordinary meaning of the word ‘inhuman’ should be our first clue. However, regaining the conceptual independence of the term ‘inhuman’ requires more than a mere reflection on the word-meaning of the term. Thus, the second part introduces philosophical concepts related to the understanding of what it means to be human. It focuses on ‘the capabilities approach’ and the notion of ‘human functioning’, introduced by Amartya Sen and further explored by Martha Nussbaum. Nussbaum’s work on the basic human capabilities is particularly helpful or even vital for understanding the moral and legal substance of the prohibition on ‘inhuman’ treatment.

Keywords: inhuman treatment, capabilities approach, human functioning, supra-national institutions

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