Search results for: political violence

Authors: Teju N. Adisa-Farrar

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In European cities, social, political and cultural geographies of blackness exist. Organizations create spaces to discuss, express, and expose the realities of young people of African descent creating an Afropean lifestyle with transnational affiliations. Focusing on black and brown spaces produced by and for the young people of African descent in Vienna and Brussels, it became clear a multidisciplinary approach would be necessary. Using Cultural Studies frameworks along with Communications Theories on Black Public Spheres and Social-Geography, a basis was created for exploring the creative, political, and economic responses of young people who are apart of the historically (and contemporary) oppressed and excluded groups of the African Diaspora. Through this intrinsic study, it became apparent that spaces created and reclaimed by young people of the African Diaspora were more inclusive and democratic than other spaces. The organizations studied have used city life as the platform to express their struggles and celebrations of their multicultural identity; clearly using historical, global black and Pan-African movements as the basis for local adaptation of an African Diaspora identity.

Keywords: African diaspora, black public sphere, identity, spaces, geographies

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Authors: Fevy Kae Mateo, Kimberly Javier, Alyzza Marie Palles

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Leadership is a process of relationship involving interaction with other people. Leaders emphasise authority, which executes and implements regulations, maintains the rules and leads to a better future. The First Time voters are very significant because there are the stakeholders of the type of leader to be deployed. They also have the capacity of engaging the government and can be the agents of change. The objective of the study is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of leader. Moreover, the study identifies the qualities of a leader. Finally, the study determines first-time voter’s representation of a leader. Focus Group Discussion was carried out into two groups of first time voter’s ages 18 to 21 years old. Verbatim transcripts of the discussion were analyzed using Thematic Analysis. Overall results showed super ordinate themes for weaknesses of leader: Lace of transparency in the government, poor communication strategy, and valuing experience over potential and other contributory factor; for strength of a leader: analytical skill, emotional intelligence in political work, analytical ability and economic status on political participation; finally, in the representation of a leader: positive representation of a leader and negative representation of a leader.

Keywords: first time voters, focus group discussion, leadership, qualitative research design

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Authors: Andrea Miconi

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The research will focus on the results of the Tempus European Project eMEDia dedicated to Cross-Media Journalism. The project is founded by the European Commission as it involves four European partners - IULM University, Tampere University, University of Barcelona, and the Mediterranean network Unimed - and three Tunisian Universities – IPSI La Manouba, Sfax and Sousse – along with the Tunisian Ministry for Higher Education and the National Syndicate of Journalists. The focus on Tunisian condition is basically due to the role played by digital activists in its recent history. The research is dedicated to the relationship between political participation, news-making practices and the spread of social media, as it is affecting Tunisian society. As we know, Tunisia during the Arab Spring had been widely considered as a laboratory for the analysis the use of new technologies for political participation. Nonetheless, the literature about the Arab Spring actually fell short in explaining the genesis of the phenomenon, on the one hand by isolating technologies as a casual factor in the spread of demonstrations, and on the other by analyzing North-African condition through a biased perspective. Nowadays, it is interesting to focus on the consolidation of the information environment three years after the uprisings. And what is relevant, only a close, in-depth analysis of Tunisian society is able to provide an explanation of its history, and namely of the part of digital media in the overall evolution of political system. That is why the research is based on different methodologies: desk stage, interviews, and in-depth analysis of communication practices. Networked journalism is the condition determined by the technological innovation on news-making activities: a condition upon which professional journalist can no longer be considered the only player in the information arena, and a new skill must be developed. Along with democratization, nonetheless, the so-called citizen journalism is also likely to produce some ambiguous effects, such as the lack of professional standards and the spread of information cascades, which may prove to be particularly dangerous in an evolving media market as the Tunisian one. This is why, according to the project, a new profile must be defined, which is able to manage this new condition, and which can be hardly reduced to the parameters of traditional journalistic work. Rather than simply using new devices for news visualization, communication professionals must also be able to dialogue with all new players and to accept the decentralized nature of digital environments. This networked nature of news-making seemed to emerge during the Tunisian revolution, when bloggers, journalists, and activists used to retweet each other. Nonetheless, this intensification of communication exchange was inspired by the political climax of the uprising, while all media, by definition, are also supposed to bring some effects on people’s state of mind, culture and daily life routines. That is why it is worth analyzing the consolidation of these practices in a normal, post-revolutionary situation.

Keywords: cross-media, education, Mediterranean, networked journalism, social media, Tunisia

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Authors: Arubi Thompson Abari

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Globally, a writer is absolutely necessary to the society, for he mirrors and projects the society, grumbles and protects against the ills that hinders its development. A writer is committed to the language, social-cultural, political and economic factors that determine the sustenance of human dignity in the society. In this 21st century. The literary artist holds literature as a tool for the restoration and sustenance of human dignity. In Nigeria, literature is politically committed because colonialism gives birth to the modern Nigerian literature. Literature thus was regarded as one of the greatest weapons against colonialism in Nigeria. Nigerian literature is aimed at the restoration and sustenance of the dignity of Nigerians in the 21st century. A literary writer is a member of the society and his sensibility is conditioned by the socio-political situations around him. A writer cannot be excused from the task of regeneration and restoration of his past lost glorious days that must be done. This academic paper therefore showcases the efficacy of literature in bringing about the sustenance of human dignity in the 21st century. Consequently, the paper in its introduction clarifies some vital concepts. It discusses the forms of literature, portrays the ability and capability of literature as a tool for the sustenance of human dignity globally, and makes useful recommendations for the growth of knowledge in the 21st century and beyond.

Keywords: literature, sustenance, human dignity, 21st century

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Authors: Andrea Vega-Tinoco, Ana I. Gil-Lacruz, Marta Gil-Lacruz

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The main objective of this research is to acknowledge whether civic participation affects the well-being of the elderly, thus being a key activity of active aging. It is also of interest to recognize any differences among genders, generational cohorts or country of residence. If a positive relationship is found between civic participation and well-being, the actions that promote this participation will benefit the quality of life of senior citizens. Otherwise, independent action must be taken in the improvement of social and human capital. The sample consists of approximately 50.000 individuals from the European Social Survey (2002-2016). Only individuals born before 1965 in 15 European countries were considered. The sample was distributed according to gender, year of birth, country, level of studies and ESS wave to form pseudo-panel data cohorts, leaving a total of 1.318 observations. The data were analyzed through a Cross-Lagged Model using Fixed-Effects. A bidirectional association is observed between the civic participation and well-being variables. However, participating in the past seems to have a higher impact on today’s health, happiness and life satisfaction than the other way around. Furthermore, 26% of the respondents expressed to be satisfied with their life, 27% to be happy and 57% to have good health. On the other hand, 49% have participated civically in the last year, being the most common activities: signing petitions, boycotting products and volunteer work in non-political organizations. A slight trend of BabyBoomers and men towards greater participation can be observed, as well as a higher impact of this participation on their well-being. In addition, international differences exhibit a stronger relation for Nordic, East European and Mediterranean countries. The given results support the hypothesis that civic participation is a promoter of well-being for the elderly. This paper positively highlights the activity of involving in political and non-political organizations, as well as wearing badges. At any rate, almost all forms of civic participation show a positive relationship with well-being and should therefore be promoted, although differences between countries must be taken into consideration.

Keywords: active aging, civic participation, Europe, well-being

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Authors: Hannes Groeneweg

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Myanmar is considered one of the largest fishing nations in the world. The country’s rapid economic and political reform process since 2011 entails both challenges and opportunities for its marine fishing sector. The development pathway of the sector remains unclear. Which future will eventually materialize is shaped and determined by the various visions and actions of the stakeholders engaging in political debates and decision-making. These visions can be conceptualized through the Science and Technology Studies (STS) concept of sociotechnical imaginaries. The research of this article is guided by the question of which imaginaries are currently relevant, who is propagating these imaginaries, and how are these imaginaries produced and contested. Using qualitative documentary analysis of policy documents, reports, and media articles as well as in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, three archetypical national sociotechnical imaginaries of Myanmar’s future marine fisheries were identified: The industrial scale extractivism imaginary views marine fishing sector as a driver for national economic growth and focuses on the industrial and technological development of the production chain, increasing yield and exports. Sustainable fishing management encompasses the vulnerability of marine ecosystems and views increasing efficient sustainability governance, planning, and management into existing fishing practices. In the traditional sufficiency fishing imaginary, small-scale fishing practices are viewed as an important livelihood practice for millions of coastal dwellers. The need to conserve them through strengthening the self-reliance, autonomy, and resilience of these communities is stressed. In national debates, the first two imaginaries are currently dominant. The imaginaries, as well as their contestations, are also linked to other critical political issues. The paper suggests that participatory decision-making processes are needed to create an inclusive imaginary of the future marine fishing sector.

Keywords: science and technology studies, sociotechnical imaginaries, marine fishing, knowledge coproduction, Myanmar

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Authors: Sri Mahan Borah

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The issue of migration and displacement is considered so sensitive that states have often linked it with their sovereignty, independence and even existence. Therefor, even in the era of globalisation no nation-state is ready to compromise with its territorial boundaries. The problem of migration and displacement has generated a range of socio-political, economic, ethnic, and communal tensions in India in general and northeastern States in particular. In such situation it becomes unpreventable to look over the issue so that a viable elucidation may emerge. The present paper is an attempt to understand the impact of Bangladeshi and Nepali migration to North-Eastern states of India through historical and analytical methods. In this course it will look into the emergence of the migration and displacement problem, its causes, impacts on security and other issues of national interest especially when the migration is illegal and poses multi-layered challenges to the Indian state. The nature of migration from these countries to India has been dissimilar. This is because of their different historical backgrounds, geographical variants, ethno-religious affinities, political systems and bilateral arrangements with India. It concludes inter alia that, India’s borders with Bangladesh and Nepal must be regulated and that resident migrants need to be strategically dealt with, keeping in mind age-old relationships with these countries and, more importantly, the nature and construct of our geography.

Keywords: migration, displacement, North-East, India

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Authors: Michal Stelmach

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The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of the security policy in the field of the fight against transnational criminal groups in Central America in XXI century. We are analyzing all taken issues from several perspectives: political, anthropological, sociological and legal which allows me to confront behavior and the attitudes of the political elites against official legislative changes and declared actions, strategies and policies against practice. In the first part of paper we would like to present the genesis and characteristic of transnational gangs, called maras and next we would like to present their activities and roles within chosen sectors of organized crimes. In the second part we will analyze the government’s policy towards transnational criminal groups. The analysis will be concentrated on public safety policy implemented in specific Central American countries as well as regional international cooperation. The main intention of the author is to present the state of the security in Central America in XXI century by emphasizing failures and successes in the fight against transnational criminal organizations. Additionally we want to present and define the challenges currently facing the region now and to show the prediction of the situation’s development within next future and to define the recommendations on the design of public security policies in Central American countries.

Keywords: maras, public security, human rights, Central America

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Authors: Nadia Degregori

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This paper focuses on Peru’s Environmental Impact Assessment’s communication and participation mechanisms, whose rationale is to prevent conflictive situations by –supposedly- providing high-quality information about mining projects and their impacts to affected stakeholders. It is argued that, in fact, these mechanisms enhance citizens’ feelings of fear and/or mistrust towards mining projects and the companies behind them because their design follows a top-down perspective that limits “participation” to a passive reception of information, and which does not address power unbalances between communities and companies or government. As well, the paper contends that this way of managing the social aspects of Environmental Impact Assessments in Peru leads stakeholders who possess less power (typically communities) to incline towards maintaining the status quo and avoiding negotiations with either the central government or mining companies as a defence mechanism for avoiding a bad negotiation.

Keywords: community relations, environmental impact assessments, governance and participation, mining, Peru

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Athanasia Petropoulou

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While there is a common understanding that a person’s sex, gender, gender identity, and sexual orientation shape every stage of the migration experience, theories of international migration had until recently not been focused on exploring and incorporating a gender perspective in their analysis. In a similar vein, refugee law has long been the object of criticisms for failing to recognize and respond appropriately to women’s and sexual minorities’ experiences of persecution. The present analysis attempts to depict the challenges faced by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and U.S. courts when adjudicating in cases involving asylum claims with a gendered perspective. By providing a comparison between adjudicating strategies of international and national jurisdictions, the article aims to identify common or distinctive approaches in addressing gendered based claims. The paper argues that, despite the different nature of the judicial bodies and the different legal instruments applied respectively, judges face similar challenges in this context and often fail to qualify and address the gendered dimensions of asylum claims properly. The ECtHR plays a fundamental role in safeguarding human rights protection in Europe not only for European citizens but also for people fleeing violence, war, and dire living conditions. However, this role becomes more difficult to fulfill, not only because of the obvious institutional constraints but also because cases related to claims of asylum seekers concern a domain closely linked to State sovereignty. Amid the current “refugee crisis,” risk assessment performed by national authorities, like in the process of asylum determination, is shaped by wider geopolitical and economic considerations. The failure to recognize and duly address the gendered dimension of non - refoulement claims, one of the many shortcomings of these processes, is reflected in the decisions of the ECtHR. As regards U.S. case law, the study argues that U.S. courts either fail to apply any connection between asylum claims and their gendered dimension or tend to approach gendered based claims through the lens of the “political opinion” or “membership of a particular social group” reasons of fear of persecution. This exercise becomes even more difficult, taking into account that the U.S. asylum law inappropriately qualifies gendered-based claims. The paper calls for more sociologically informed decision-making practices and for a more contextualized and relational approach in the assessment of the risk of ill-treatment and persecution. Such an approach is essential for unearthing the gendered patterns of persecution and addressing effectively related claims, thus securing the human rights of asylum seekers.

Keywords: asylum, European court of human rights, gender, human rights, U.S. courts

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Authors: Anchana Sooksomchitra

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This study aims to explore and compare the current condition of community radio stations in Phutthamonthon district, Nakhon Pathom province, Thailand, as well as the challenges they are facing. Qualitative research tools including in-depth interviews; documentary analysis; focus group interviews; and observation, are used to examine the content, programming, and management structure of three community radio stations currently in operation within the district. Research findings indicate that the management and operational approaches adopted by the two non-profit stations included in the study, Salaya Pattana and Voice of Dhamma, are more structured and effective than that of the for-profit Tune Radio. Salaya Pattana – backed by the Faculty of Engineering, Mahidol University, and the charity-funded Voice of Dhamma, are comparatively free from political and commercial influence, and able to provide more relevant and consistent community-oriented content to meet the real demand of the audience. Tune Radio, on the other hand, has to rely solely on financial support from political factions and business groups, which heavily influence its content.

Keywords: radio broadcasting, programming, management, community radio, Thailand

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Authors: Haymanot Gebre-Amlak, Selamawit Gebre-Amlak

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Since its original declaration in the 18th century, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's Communist Manifesto has become one of the most influential political tracts. Socialism is a political path that leads towards communism by fostering a cooperative economy through the creation of cooperative enterprises, common ownership, state ownership, or shared equity. The ultimate objective of communism is to bring everyone working toward the same collective goal of a healthy, happy, and free society. The European establishment of 19-century colonial rule over the continent of Africa reinforced inflows of European investment and forced a profound change in the operation of labor and land markets. The colonial era and forced labor schemes in Africa lasted for several decades. When exiting from colonialism, these African countries were attracted to socialism’s ideology to bridge the social gap and freedom to their society. In this paper, we compare a pre and post socialist ideology and the impact in various African countries. We analyse the different aspects, which led to inconsistent outcomes. Our finding indicates that while they have some facets in common, each African country had a unique interpretation and influence from the socialist ideology.

Keywords: African politics, socialism in Africa, African history, Africa

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Authors: Mawa Abdelbagi Mohamed Mohamed, Eslam Alaa Elbahlawan

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This study examines the complex social fabric woven within the Abu-Shouk internally displaced persons camp, shaped by the chaotic waves of armed conflict and displacement in the early 2000s. The impact of war, economic constraints, and altered living conditions have fundamentally reshaped families and traditions, presenting both challenges and opportunities. In this exploration, we navigate the resilience of a community thrust into adversity, spotlighting how it emerged as essential in rebuilding social bonds. Exchanges of culture, intertribal marriages, and communal gathering spots have become essential tools in fostering cohesion and understanding amidst diversity. However, this resilience has been tested by the intrusion of politics, leading to shifts in governance structures and community dynamics. As we conclude, it is evident that while the scars of displacement and political disruptions are present, the community's enduring spirit and adaptability shine through. Empowering the community to rebuild their social tapestry, bridging the gaps, and restoring unity amid evolving political realities remain the beacon guiding their journey toward a shared, purposeful future.

Keywords: darfur, internally displaced person, social fabric, conflict

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Authors: May Al Sahib

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This paper draws together an analysis of two autobiographical writings; Ahdaf Soueif’s Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012), Radwa Ashour’s Heavier than Radwa (2013), and Revolution is My Name: An Egyptian Woman’s Diary from Eighteen Days in Tahrir (2015). Soueif, Ashour, and Prince are Egyptian authors, activists, and cultural commentators who are fully aware that being a ‘third world’ citizen constrains the writer into taking a specific pattern in writing. However, this paper will analyze the choice of literary form in writing the 2011 January revolution. All texts give factual accounts of the revolution with all its contesting powers lingering with mixed references of anxiety and merriment that accentuates their sense of communal solidarity against social corruption and political positioning. Through shifting between the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘we’, these narratives do not solely engage with the personal life of the memorialist; but rather give an account of the collective. Both writers take us to the heart of high-spirited Tahrir Square in 2011 while millions are ranting to oust Hosni Mubarak, the 30 years ruling dictator. By utilizing the instrumentality of collective memory for expressing textual collectivity in their non-fictional writings, these writers are depicting the people power of Egyptians and the historical civil-resistance against governmental unfairness and establishing a certain type of patriotism that elevates and priorities itself from minor conflicts. Their de-individualizing type of life narrative represents the Arabic nation through vital socio-political situations that perpetuate the politics of resistance and collectivity with a constant fear of betraying it and erupts historical moments aiming for an improved future. The texts incorporate an explicit set of reported political series of thought that shape an overall public argument and representational ideas.

Keywords: resistance narrative, life-writing, Tahrir memoir, Middle Eastern literature

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Authors: Yan Ziwei

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This article attempts to restore the subjectivity of Indian-educated middle-class women during the partition period through three partition novels: Anita Desai’s Clear Light of Day (1980), Amitav Ghosh’s The Shadow Lines (1988), and Vikram Seth’s A Suitable Boy (1993). Despite extensive research on women in partition, there is little focus on the group of educated middle-class women. In mainstream historical and political discourse, these women have consistently been constructed within the official discourse dominated by males. They are either ‘Mother India’, or the ‘new woman’ to meet the requirements of India’s changing political atmosphere. However, by delving into the particular historical context and personal experience of the educated middle-class women in the three novels, the article argues that they continuously subvert the essentialized identities imposed upon them by different versions of official discourse. As the embodiment of Shakti, they are distinct from the archetypes of ‘Mother India’ and the ‘new woman’. Instead, they create their ideal family spaces based on their personal cognition and transcend the homogeneous gender discourse to reflect the fluid and complex nature of female identity.

Keywords: Indian educated middle-class women, subjectivity, partition novels, Mother India, new woman, Shakti

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Authors: Giselda Cristina Ferreira, Carlos Alberto Kamienski, Ana Lígia Scott

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The COVID-19 pandemic has enhanced the anti-vaccination movement in Brazil, supported by unscientific theories and false news and the possibility of wide communication through social networks such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube. The World Health Organization (WHO) classified the large volume of information on the subject against COVID-19 as an Infodemic. In this paper, we present a protocol to identify polarizing users (called polarizers) and study the profiles of Brazilian polarizers on Twitter (renamed to X some weeks ago). We analyzed polarizing interactions on Twitter (in Portuguese) to identify the main polarizers and how the conflicts they caused influenced the COVID-19 vaccination rate throughout the pandemic. This protocol uses data from this social network, graph theory, Java, and R-studio scripts to model and analyze the data. The information about the vaccination rate was obtained in a public database for the government called OpenDataSus. The results present the profiles of Twitter’s Polarizer (political position, gender, professional activity, immunization opinions). We observed that social and political events influenced the participation of these different profiles in conflicts and the vaccination rate.

Keywords: Twitter, polarization, vaccine, Brazil

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Authors: Harald Haas, Andrea Plaschke

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Many of the contemporary major conflicts on this earth could not be solved so far, they either are perpetuated, or they are reflated again and again. Efforts of purely political conflict management or -resolution aim merely at the symptoms of conflict, not its roots. These roots are, in almost every case, also psychological ones. Thus, this contribution aims to shed light on the roots of one of the best known and longest-lasting conflicts: the Palestinian-Israeli one. Methodologies used were the compilation of existing scientific resources, field research in Palestine and Israel, as well as tests conducted with the Adult Attachment Projective in Palestine and Israel. Findings show that the majority of Palestinian, as well as Israeli test participants, show a disorganised attachment pattern which, in connection with the assumption of collective traumatization, seem to be a major obstacle to a lasting and peaceful conflict-resolution between these two peoples. There appears to be no short-term solution for this conflict, especially not within the range of usual Western legislative periods. Both sides ought to be provided with a kind of 'safe haven' over a long period of time, accompanied by a framework of various arrangements of coping with trauma, building lasting and secure relationships, as well as raising and educating present and future generations of Palestinians and Israelis for peace and co-operation with each other.

Keywords: conflict-management, trauma, political psychology, attachment theory

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Eliza F. Dunn

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Scripts are a hypothetical outline or roadmap to life as defined by culture. Sexual scripts are similarly a roadmap for what to expect in dating and sexual experiences. The articles for this review were found by searching three databases and refining 621 articles to 13 that are used in the results section. Some ways deaf sexual scripts vary from Traditional Sexual Scripts (TSS) are in the areas of gendered roles and sexual themes, which were both absent in deaf sexual scripts. Theories for why these differences exist are explored: the presence or absence of sexual education or the effects of intimate partner violence due to being a part of a disabled community. Finally, unique sexual flourishing for people who are d/Deaf found in studies was discussed, suggesting the needed perspective of resilience to be a focus of future research to fully understand deaf sexual scripts. Future research is discussed, noting the need for defining aspects of deaf sexual scripts in detail and studying the differences between these scripts and the TSS.

Keywords: deaf, deafness, sexual scripts, lift scripts, sexual flourishing

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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Authors: Laerte Pereira da Silva Júnior, Maria Manuel Borges

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Institutional Repositories (IR) are complex constructs that depend on political, cultural and technological aspects. Because IRs are a mirror of the organization's intellectual production, their main function is to make that production available worldwide, and also to consider its long term preservation. To this end, there is a need to define clearly the digital preservation policies supported by political decisions. There are several guidelines about the definition of digital preservation policies focusing in different themes from preservation planning to rights and restriction management, sustainability planning, etc., but this work aims to verify the implementation of digital preservation policies on the Institutional Repositories of the Federal Universities of Brazil. The methodology used was to check the information available on the websites of the IRs selected against two fields of the OpenDOAR, policies and OpenDOAR ID, to verify the existence of digital preservation policies. For this purpose a sample of the 21 of the 25 IRs registered at the Directory of Open Access Repositories (DOAR) was used, which is about 1/3 rd of the total of the brazilian universities. The 4 IRs that presented no information by the OpenDOAR team were desconsidered. The main conclusion is that most of the IRs of these universities have no polices clearly stated or no policies at all, and that there is a need to include these concerns at the top level management of IRs. The number of initiatives in digital preservation policies around the world stress the need of awareness of its importance in Brazil and requires measures to raise this awareness.

Keywords: Brazil, digital preservation policies, institutional repositories, openDOAR

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Authors: Ashir Ahmed

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Generally, radicalization happens when a person's thinking and behaviour become significantly different from how most of the members of their society and community view social issues and participate politically. Radicalization often leads to violent extremism that refers to the beliefs and actions of people who support or use violence to achieve ideological, religious or political goals. Studies on radicalization negate the common myths that someone must be in a group to be radicalised or anyone who experiences radical thoughts is a violent extremist. Moreover, it is erroneous to suggest that radicalisation is always linked to religion. Generally, the common motives of radicalization include ideological, issue-based, ethno-nationalist or separatist underpinning. Moreover, there are number of factors that further augments the chances of someone being radicalised and may choose the path of violent extremism and possibly terrorism. Since there are numbers of factors (and sometimes quite different) contributing in radicalization and violent extremism, it is highly unlikely to devise a single solution that could produce effective outcomes to deal with radicalization, violent extremism and terrorism. The pathway to deradicalization, like the pathway to radicalisation, is different for everyone. Considering the need of having customized deradicalization resolution, this study proposes a multi-tier framework, called ‘pyramid of deradicalization’ that first help identifying the stage at which an individual could be on the radicalization pathway and then propose a customize strategy to deal with the respective stage. The first tier (tier 1) addresses broader community and proposes a ‘universal approach’ aiming to offer community-based design and delivery of educational programs to raise awareness and provide general information on possible factors leading to radicalization and their remedies. The second tier focuses on the members of community who are more vulnerable and are disengaged from the rest of the community. This tier proposes a ‘targeted approach’ targeting the vulnerable members of the community through early intervention such as providing anonymous help lines where people feel confident and comfortable in seeking help without fearing the disclosure of their identity. The third tier aims to focus on people having clear evidence of moving toward extremism or getting radicalized. The people falls in this tier are believed to be supported through ‘interventionist approach’. The interventionist approach advocates the community engagement and community-policing, introducing deradicalization programmes to the targeted individuals and looking after their physical and mental health issues. The fourth and the last tier suggests the strategies to deal with people who are actively breaking the law. ‘Enforcement approach’ suggests various approaches such as strong law enforcement, fairness and accuracy in reporting radicalization events, unbiased treatment by law based on gender, race, nationality or religion and strengthen the family connections.It is anticipated that the operationalization of the proposed framework (‘pyramid of deradicalization’) would help in categorising people considering their tendency to become radicalized and then offer an appropriate strategy to make them valuable and peaceful members of the community.

Keywords: deradicalization, framework, terrorism, violent extremism

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Authors: Md. Kabir Azaharul Islam

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Background: The purpose of this interventions was to describe the source and extent to increase health seeking rights and uptake of quality integrated maternal health, family planning and HIV information, clinical-non clinical services, and commodities amongst young people age 10-24 among brothel based Female Sex Worker’s in Bangladesh. Such Knowledge will equip with information to develop more appropriate and effective interventions that address the problem of HIV/AIDS and SRHR within the brothel based female sex worker’s community. Methods: Before start the intervention we observed situation in brothel and identify lack of knowledge about health issues, modern health facility, sexual harassment and violence & health rights. To enable access to the intervention obtained permission from a series of stakeholders within the brothel system. This intervention to the most vulnerable young key people during January 2014 to December, 2015, it designed an intervention that focuses on using peer education and sensitization meeting with self help group leader’s, pimbs, swardarni, house owner, local leaders, law enforcement agencies and target young key people (YKPs) through peer educator’s distributed BCC materials and conducted one to one and group session issues of HIV/AIDS, life skill education, maternal health, sexual reproductive health & rights, gender based violence, STD/STI and drug users in the community. Set up community based satellite clinic to provided clinical-non clinical services and commodities for SRH, FP and HIV including general health among brothel based FSWs. Peer educator frequently move and informed target beneficiaries’ age 10-24 YKPs about satellite clinic as well as time & date in the community. Results: This intervention highly promotes of brothel based FSW utilization of local facility based health providers private and public health facilities.2400 FSWs age 10-24 received information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as existing health facilities, most of FSWs to received service from traditional healer before intervention. More than 1080 FSWs received clinical-non clinical services and commodities from satellite clinic including 12 ANC, 12 PNC and 25 MR. Most of young FSW age 10-24 are treated bonded girls under swardarni, house owner and pimbs, they have no rights to free movement as per need. As a result, they have no rights for free movement. However the brothel self help group (SHG) has become sensitized flowing this intervention. Conclusions: The majority of female sex workers well being regarding information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as local health facilities now they feel free to go outside facilities for better health service. not only increased FSWs’ vulnerability to HIV infection and sexual reproductive health rights but also had huge implications for their human rights. This means that even when some clients impinged FSW’s rights (for example avoiding payment for services under the pretext of dissatisfaction), they might not be able to seek redress for fear of being ejected from the brothel. They raise voice national & local level different forum.

Keywords: ANC, HIV, PNC, SRHR

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Authors: Magdalena Jablonska, Andrzej Falkowski

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The negativity effect is one of the most intriguing and well-studied psychological phenomena that can be observed in many areas of human life. The aim of the following study is to investigate how valence framing and positive and negative information about political candidates affect judgments about similarity to an ideal and bad politician. Based on the theoretical framework of features of similarity, it is hypothesized that negative features have a stronger effect on similarity judgments than positive features of comparable value. Furthermore, the mediating role of affect is tested. Method: One hundred sixty-one people took part in an experimental study. Participants were divided into 6 research conditions that differed in the reference point (positive vs negative framing) and the number of favourable and unfavourable information items about political candidates (a positive, neutral and negative candidate profile). In positive framing condition, the concept of an ideal politician was primed; in the negative condition, participants were to think about a bad politician. The effect of independent variables on similarity judgments, affective evaluation, and voting intention was tested. Results: In the positive condition, the analysis showed that the negative effect of additional unfavourable features was greater than the positive effect of additional favourable features in judgements about similarity to the ideal candidate. In negative framing condition, ANOVA was insignificant, showing that neither the addition of positive features nor additional negative information had a significant impact on the similarity to a bad political candidate. To explain this asymmetry, two mediational analyses were conducted that tested the mediating role of affect in the relationship between similarity judgments and voting intention. In both situations the mediating effect was significant, but the comparison of two models showed that the mediation was stronger for a negative framing. Discussion: The research supports the negativity effect and attempts to explain the psychological mechanism behind the positive-negative asymmetry. The results of mediation analyses point to a stronger mediating role of affect in the relationship between cognitive evaluation and voting intention. Such a result suggests that negative comparisons, leading to the activation of negative features, give rise to stronger emotions than positive features of comparable strength. The findings are in line with positive-negative asymmetry, however, by adopting Tversky’s framework of features of similarity, the study integrates the cognitive mechanism of the negativity effect delineated in the contrast model of similarity with its emotional component resulting from the asymmetrical effect of positive and negative emotions on decision-making.

Keywords: affect, framing, negativity effect, positive-negative asymmetry, similarity judgements

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Authors: Yusuf Abubakar Mamud

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Highlighting the imperatives of local conflicts considering the dangerous dimensions of terrorism they are assuming in Africa has not attracted serious academic and political attention. The discourse about conflict in Africa was discussed within five identified conflict zones in the continent. The threats from these local conflicts are diverse and complex and the acts of terrorism in these local conflicts are driven by certain attitudes and behaviours linked to the African leadership. The paper examined and noted that the current conflict resolution model of the African Union (AU) was robust with requisite institutions to address the trends in local conflicts. However, it was observed that the AU peace and security framework lacked the requisite structural and technical capabilities to proactively address the drivers of local conflicts in Africa. It was found that the persistence of local conflicts in the African region may deny her the opportunities of achievement of the targets envisioned in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Consequently, the paper called on the international community to support Africa through provision of capacity. It urged the African leaders themselves to develop the political will to ensure that all issues concerning peace and security in the continent were guided by the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act. The need to strengthen the APRM in the light of the current trends in local conflicts was also highlighted.

Keywords: conflicts, local conflicts, terrorism, sustainable development

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Authors: Pooja Bakshi

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In the following paper, an attempt would be made to engage with the relationship between the state and the imperatives of security from a gendered lens. This will be juxtaposed with the feminist engagement with International Law. Theorizations from the literature on South Asian politics and Global politics would be applied to the manner in which the Indian state has defined and proposed to deal with concerns of internal security pertaining to the ‘Left Wing Extremism’ in 2010-2011. It would be argued that the state needs to be disaggregated into the legislature, executive and the judiciary; since there are times when some institutional parts of the state provide space for progressive democratic engagement whilst other institutions don’t. The specific contours of violence faced by women and children at the hands of the state, in the above-mentioned discourse would also be examined. In the end, implications of the security state discourse on debates in International Law would be elaborated.

Keywords: feminist engagement, human rights, state response to left extremism, security studies in South Asia

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Authors: Grace Onubedo

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The primary objective of this research study is to contribute to and deepen the understanding of the realities and conditions for which children recruited by violent extremist organisations in Nigeria live, as well as ascertain the state of their mental health following their reunification with either family or protection workers. The research is intended to contribute to a more focused child protection programming agenda for children associated with armed forces and groups in Nigeria and the wider conflict setting. The extent to which violence has affected the psychological well-being and mental health of children abducted and exposed to activities of Violent Extremist groups remains a largely empirical question. This research attempts to answer the following research questions with the aim of providing further evidences for informed programming: I. What are the demographic characteristics of children associated with armed groups? II. What is the state of their mental health? III. What is the relationship between their background and their mental health?

Keywords: counterterrorism, psychosocial support, psychological distress, children, armed groups

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Authors: Corinne Kowalski, Lea de Jong, Rainer Sauerborn, Niamh Herlihy, Anneliese Depoux, Jale Tosun

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Climate change is considered one of the biggest threats to human health of the 21st century. The link between climate change and health has received relatively little attention in the media, in research and in policy-making. A long term and broad overview of how health is represented in the legislation on climate change is missing in the legislative literature. It is unknown if or how the argument for health is referred in legal clauses addressing climate change, in national and European legislation. Integrating scientific based evidence into policies regarding the impacts of climate change on health could be a key step to inciting the political and societal changes necessary to decelerate global warming. This may also drive the implementation of new strategies to mitigate the consequences on health systems. To provide an overview of this issue, we are analyzing the Global Climate Legislation Database provided by the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment. This institution was established in 2008 at the London School of Economics and Political Science. The database consists of (updated as of 1st January 2015) legislations on climate change in 99 countries around the world. This tool offers relevant information about the state of climate related policies. We will use the database to systematically analyze the 829 identified legislations to identify how health is represented as a relevant aspect of climate change legislation. We are conducting explorative research of national and supranational legislations and anticipate health to be addressed in various forms. The goal is to highlight how often, in what specific terms, which aspects of health or health risks of climate change are mentioned in various legislations. The position and recurrence of the mention of health is also of importance. Data will be extracted with complete quotation of the sentence which mentions health, which will allow for second qualitative stage to analyze which aspects of health are represented and in what context. This study is part of an interdisciplinary project called 4CHealth that confronts results of the research done on scientific, political and press literature to better understand how the knowledge on climate change and health circulates within those different fields and whether and how it is translated to real world change.

Keywords: climate change, explorative research, health, policies

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Authors: F. Saptouw, L. Reddy

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Tertiary institutions are often faced with a challenge when incorporating social awareness into course content. The information campaigns in the media often alienate the viewers and the knowledge is not readily assimilated into the students’ consciousness. This paper will present a discussion of the results of collaborative teaching projects run by the Michaelis School of fine art and the HIV/AIDS, Inclusivity and Change Unit (HAICU) at the University of Cape Town. In these projects the artistic process is employed to generate ‘praxical knowledge’ in the student body about socially relevant issues like HIV-AIDS, Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and sexual identity, specifically LGBTQI. The combination of lectures, group discussions and the creative process has been a very successful way to disseminate information amongst the student population. Evidence of the project’s success will be provided by referencing interviews, focus groups as well as surveys done with the participants. This paper will conclude by arguing for the positive role of practice-led research in developing a socially conscious public.

Keywords: art, education, HIV-AIDS, practice-led research

Procedia PDF Downloads 317