Search results for: Colombian political discourse

Authors: Leoni Van Der Merwe

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Historically, in South Africa, disability has been viewed as a dilemma of the individual. The discourse surrounding the definition of disability and applicable theories are as fluid as the differing needs of persons with disabilities within society. In 1997, the Office of the Deputy President published the White Paper on the Integrated National Disability Strategy (WPINDS) which sought to integrate disability issues in all governmental development strategies, planning and programs as well as to solidify the South African government’s stance that disability was to be considered according to the social model and not the, previously utilized, medical model of disability. The models of disability are conceptual frameworks for understanding disability and can provide some insight into why certain attitudes exist and how they are reinforced in society. Although the WPINDS was regarded as a critical milestone in the history of the disability rights struggle in South Africa; it has taken approximately twenty years for the publication of a similar document taking into account South Africa’s changing social, economic, political and technological dispensation. December 2015 marked the approval of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (WPRPD) which seeks to update the WPINDS, integrate principles contained in international law instruments and endorse a mainstreaming trajectory for realizing the rights of persons with disabilities. While the WPINDS and the WPRPD were published two decades apart, both documents contain an emphasis on a transition from the medical model to the social model. Whereas, the medical model presupposes that disability is mainly a health and welfare matter and is focused on an individualistic and dependency-based approach; the social model requires a paradigm shift in the manner in which disability is constructed so as to highlight the shortcomings of society in respect of disability and to bring to the fore the capabilities of persons with disabilities. The social model has led to unmatched success in changing the perceptions surrounding disability. This article seeks to investigate the progress made in the implementation of the social model in South Africa by taking into account the effect of the diverse political and cultural landscape in promoting the historically entrenched medical model and the rise of disability activism prior to the new democratic dispensation as well as legislation, case law, policy documents and barriers in respect of persons with disabilities that are pervasive in South African society. The research paper will conclude that although numerous interventions have been identified and implemented to promote the consideration of disability within a social construct in South Africa, such interventions require increased national and international collaboration, resources and pace to ensure that the efforts made lead to sustainable results. For persons with disabilities, what remains to be seen is whether the proliferation of activism by interest groups, social awareness as well as the development of policy documents, legislation and case law will serve as the impetus to dissipate the view that disability is burden to be carried solely on the shoulders of the person with the disability.

Keywords: disability, medical model, social model, societal barriers, South Africa

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Authors: Adrián P. Gómez Mañas

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Autonomous vehicles have already transformed urban policies and cities. This is the main assumption of our research, which aims to understand how the representations of the possible arrival of autonomous vehicles already transform priorities or actions in transport and more largely, urban policies. This research is done within the framework of a Ph.D. doctorate directed by Professor Xavier Desjardins at the Sorbonne University of Paris. Our hypotheses are: (i) the perspectives, representations, and imaginaries on autonomous vehicles already affect the stakeholders of urban policies; (ii) the discourses on the opportunities or threats of autonomous vehicles reflect the current strategies of the stakeholders. Each stakeholder tries to integrate a discourse on autonomous vehicles that allows them to change as little as possible their current tactics and strategies. The objective is to eventually make a comparison between three different cases: Paris, United Arab Emirates, and Bogota. We chose those territories because their contexts are very different, but they all have important interests in mobility and innovation, and they all have started to reflect on the subject of self-driving mobility. The main methodology used is to interview actors of the metropolitan area (local officials, leading urban and transport planners, influent experts, and private companies). This work is supplemented with conferences, official documents, press articles, and websites. The objective is to understand: 1) What they know about autonomous vehicles and where does their knowledge come from; 2) What they expect from autonomous vehicles; 3) How their ideas about autonomous vehicles are transforming their action and strategy in managing daily mobility, investing in transport, designing public spaces and urban planning. We are going to present the research and some preliminary results; we will show that autonomous vehicles are often viewed by public authorities as a lever to reach something else. We will also present that speeches are very influenced by local context (political, geographical, economic, etc.), creating an interesting balance between global and local influences. We will analyze the differences and similarities between the three cases and will try to understand which are the causes.

Keywords: autonomous vehicles, self-driving mobility, urban planning, urban mobility, transport, public policies

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Authors: Xuanyu Bai

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“The Communist Manifesto”, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is one of the most significant documents throughout the whole history which covers across different fields including Economic, Politic, Sociology and Philosophy. Instead of discussing the Communist ideas presented in the Communist Manifesto, the essay focuses on exploring the reasons that contributed to the popularization of the document and its influence on political revolutions in 19^th century Europe by concentrating on the document itself along with other primary and secondary sources and temporal artwork. Combining the details from the Communist Manifesto and other documents, Marx’s writing style and word choice, his convincible notions about a new society dominated by proletariats, and the revolutionary idea of class destruction has led to the popularization of the Communist Manifesto and influenced the latter political revolutions.

Keywords: communist manifesto, Marx, Engels, capitalism

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Authors: Anupama A. P.

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The Malayalam film industry, known as Mollywood, has a rich tradition of storytelling and cultural significance within Indian cinema. Middlebrow films have emerged as a distinct influential category, particularly in the 1980s, with directors like K.G. George, who engaged with female subjectivity and drew inspiration from the ‘women’s cinema’ of the 1950s and 1960s. In recent decades, particularly post-2010, the industry has transformed significantly with a new generation of filmmakers diverging from melodrama and new wave of the past, incorporating advanced technology and modern content. This study examines the evolution and impact of Malayalam middlebrow cinema in the 21st century, focusing on post-2000 films and their influence on contemporary spectator experiences. These films appeal to a wide range of audiences without compromising on their artistic integrity, tackling social issues and personal dramas with thematic and narrative complexity. Historically, middlebrow films in Malayalam cinema have portrayed realism and addressed the socio-political climate of Kerala, blending realism with reflexivity and moving away from traditional sentimentality. This shift is evident in the new generation of Malayalam films, which present a global representation of characters and a modern treatment of individuals. To provide a comprehensive understanding of this evolution, the study analyzes a diverse selection of films such as Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja (2009), Drishyam (2013), Maheshinte Prathikaaram (2016), Take Off (2017), and Thondimuthalum Driksakshiyum (2017) and Virus (2019) illustrating the broad thematic range and innovative narrative techniques characteristic of this genre. These films exemplify how middlebrow cinema continues to evolve, adapting to changing societal contexts and audience expectations. This research employs a theoretical methodology, drawing on cultural studies and audience reception theory, utilizing frameworks such as Bordwell’s narrative theory, Deleuze’s concept of deterritorialization, and Hall’s encoding/decoding model to analyze the changes in Malayalam middlebrow cinema and interpret the storytelling methods, spectator experience, and audience reception of these films. The findings indicate that Malayalam middlebrow cinema post-2010 offers a spectator experience that is both intellectually stimulating and broadly appealing. This study highlights the critical role of middlebrow cinema in reflecting and shaping societal values, making it a significant cultural artefact within the broader context of Indian and global cinema. By bridging entertainment with thought-provoking narratives, these films engage audiences and contribute to wider cultural discourse, making them pivotal in contemporary cinematic landscapes. To conclude, this study highlights the importance of Malayalam middle-brow cinema in influencing contemporary cinematic tastes. The nuanced and approachable narratives of post-2010 films are posited to assume an increasingly pivotal role in the future of Malayalam cinema. By providing a deeper understanding of Malayalam middlebrow cinema and its societal implications, this study enriches theoretical discourse, promotes regional cinema, and offers valuable insights into contemporary spectator experiences and the future trajectory of Malayalam cinema.

Keywords: Malayalam cinema, middlebrow cinema, spectator experience, audience reception, deterritorialization

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Authors: Ximena Rincon Castellanos

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The research target was analyzed the education public policy of Colombia according to the content of the right to education. One problematic element of that content is the principle of progressive implementation of economic, social and cultural rights. The research included a complete study of public documents and other papers; as well as, one focus group with former combatants in a city where is located one of some 'hogares de paz', which hosts these people after leaving the illegal group. This paper presents a critical approach to the public policy strategies to guarantee education to former combatants and its tension with the right to a progressive implementation. Firstly, education is understood as a technology level without considering higher education. Former combatant attends to SENA and private institutions, which offer technology education and it is counted by the Colombian Government as higher education. Therefore, statistics report a high level of attendance of excombatant to that education level, but actually, they do not expect to study a university carrier. Secondly, the budget approved has been invested in private institutions, despite public institutions are able to include this population and they need more money to strengthen the public offer, which has been considered as a better strategy to ensure education as a human right but not a good, by the special rapporteur on the right to education. As a consequence, the progressive implementation should be a guide to change and improve current strategies, invest the budget available into the public system of education in order to give former combatants the chance to access to universities.

Keywords: higher education, progressive implementation, public service, private offering and technology education

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Authors: Des Lambley

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The scope and scale of crime in the AIF is a subject largely overlooked by historians preferring to narrate the macro-scale topics. This examination exposes some 17,000 military criminals, 414 of them officers and illustrates how military law imposed itself. This subjective sociological perspective humanises the impacts of war upon soldiers. Examples of the crimes, their seriousness, punishments and military justice tell of cause and effect linkages between crime, stress and illness. The discourse is derived from original official military sources in the Australian Archives.

Keywords: Australia, AIF, Military Crime, WW1, Officers

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Authors: Ana M. Guzman, Claudia M. Rodriguez, Pedro F. B. Brandao, Elianna Castillo

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Cadmium (Cd) is a carcinogenic metal to which humans are exposed mainly due to its presence in the food chain. Lactic acid bacteria have the capability to bind cadmium and thus the potential to be used as probiotics to treat this metal toxicity in the human body. The main objective of this study is to evaluate the potential of native lactic acid bacteria, isolated from Colombian fermented cocoa, to remove cadmium from aqueous solutions. An initial screening was made with the Lactobacillus plantarum JCM 1055 type strain, and Cd was quantified by atomic absorption spectroscopy (AAS). Lb. plantarum JCM 1055 was grown in ½ MRS medium to follow growth kinetics during 32 h at 37 °C, by measuring optical density at 600 nm. Washed cells, grown for 18 h, were adjusted to obtain dry biomass concentrations of 1.5 g/L and 0.5 g/L for removal assays in 10 mL of Cd(NO₃)₂ solution with final concentrations of 10 mg/Kg or 1.0 mg/Kg. The assays were performed at two different pH values (2.0 and 5.0), and results showed better adsorption abilities at higher pH. After incubation for 1 h at 37 °C and 150 rpm, the removal percentages for 10 mg/Kg Cd with 1.5 g/L and 0.5 g/L biomass concentration at pH 5.0 were, respectively, 71% and 50%, while the efficiency was 9.15 and 4.52 mg Cd/g dry biomass, respectively. For the assay with 1.0 mg/Kg Cd at pH 5.0, the removal was 100% and 98%, respectively for the same biomass concentrations, and the efficiency was 1.63 and 0.56 mg Cd/g dry biomass, respectively. These results suggest the efficiency of Lactobacillus strains to remove cadmium and their potential to be used as probiotics to treat cadmium toxicity and reduce its accumulation in the human body.

Keywords: cadmium removal, fermented cocoa, lactic acid bacteria, probiotics

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Authors: Vithul Kalki

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The mainstream political economy failed to explain the nature and causes of systemic failures and thus to compare and comprehend how contemporary capitalist systems work. An alternative research framework of Critical Macro-Finance (CMF) is an attempt to collaborate political theory with post-Keynesian economics with an objective to find answers to unresolved questions that emerged since the international financial crisis and repeated failures of capital systems. This unorthodox approach brings out four main propositions, namely : (a) that the adoption of American financial practices has anchored financial globalization in market-based finance; (b) that global finance is a set of interconnected, hierarchical balance sheets, increasingly subject to time-critical liquidity; (c) that credit creation in market-based finance involves new forms of money; and (d) that market-based finance structurally requires a de-risking state capable both of protecting systemic liabilities and creating new investment opportunities. The ongoing discussion of CMF literature is yet to be tested or even fully framed. This qualitative paper will critically examine the CMF framework and will engage in discussions aiming to connect the CMF with theories of capitalism in a wider context to bring a holistic approach for analyzing contemporary financial capitalism.

Keywords: critical macro-finance, capitalism, financial system, comparative political economy

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Simon Oga Egboja, Agi Sunday

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The government of Nigeria have invested so much in our tertiary education but the desire qualitative goals and objectives are yet to be achieved because management at all level are not efficient and effective in implementing the desired educational policies and programmes due to some management challenges. This paper investigates some of the major challenges to effective management of tertiary institution in Nigeria some variable that are important to effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers and condition of service.

Keywords: effective management includes political stability, adequate funding, establishment of information system, recruitment and appointment of qualified teachers

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Maria Barriga

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The article focuses on the analysis of three images of the last five years that represent different visions of social groups in the context of the so call “Conflicto Mapuche” in la Araucanía, Chile. Using a multimodal social semiotic approach, we analyze the meaning making of these images and the social groups strategies to achieve visibility and recognition in political contexts. We explore the making and appropriation of symbols and concepts and analyze the different strategies that groups use to built hegemonic views. Among these strategies, we compare the use of digital technologies in design these images and the influence of Chilean Estate's vision on the Mapuche political conflict. Finally, we propose visual strategies to improve basic conditions for dialogue and recognition among these groups.

Keywords: visual culture, power, conflict, indigenous people

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Authors: Sofia Sutera

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Despite the introduction of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda in 2000, thanks to the UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions, and the clear stance of the UN towards the support of increased participation of women in peace and security processes, women’s leadership in this context remains very low. Considering specifically the framework of peacekeeping operations, the aim of this paper is to analyze the way women’s leadership is constructed in the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF). In the context of the WPS Agenda, Sweden has been chosen as a case study because of the relevance of its singular feminist policies (the statement in 2014 from Wallström, previous and current Minister for Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister, that Sweden is pursuing a feminist foreign policy is a clear example). Moreover, the SAF adopted in 2016 the Handbok Gender. This policy addresses explicitly the gender perspective embraced by the Swedish military institution, a sui-generis organization even in the Scandinavian reality. Indeed, the SAF has assumed a clear commitment to represent its institution as gender aware and gender equal. The theoretical perspective utilized in this research, which focuses specifically on women, is feminism and particularly a feminist constructivist approach, with an institutional focus on the military institution, has been chosen. Taking into account the specificity of the feminist research, the above-mentioned gender policy has been examined by means of a critical discourse analysis (CDA) whose main aim is to investigate the social structures of discourse and the power relationships inherent to it. Thus, CDA appears to be quite relevant in order to understand the construction of women’s leadership in the Handbok Gender. Nevertheless, even in a country which officially identifies as feminist and which is characterized by a peculiar military institution, the conclusions of this analysis revealed that women’s leadership in peacekeeping operations remains very low.

Keywords: feminism, peacekeeping operations, swedish armed forces, UNSCR 1325, women's leadership, WPS agenda

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Authors: Zsuzsanna Fejes

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the legal history of constitutionalism in Hungary, in focus of the democratic transitions in 1989-1990, describing the historical and political background of the changes and presenting the main and most important features of the new democracy, and institutional and legal orders. In Hungary the evolved political, economic and moral crisis prior to the constitutional years 2010-11 had been such a constitutional moment, which led to an opportune and unavoidable change at the same time. The Hungarian constitutional power intended to adopt a new constitution, which was competent to create a common constitutional identity and to express a national unity. The Hungarian Parliament on 18th April 2011 passed the New Fundamental Law. The new Fundamental Law rich in national values meant a new challenge for the academics, lawyers, and political scientists. Not only the classical political science, but also the constitutional law and theory have to struggle with the interpretation of the new declarations about national constitutional values in the Fundamental Law. The main features and structure of the new Fundamental Law will be analysed, and given a detailed interpretation of the Preamble as a declaration of constitutional values. During the examination of the Preamble shall be cleared up the components of Hungarian statehood and national unity, individual and common human rights, the practical and theoretical demand on national sovereignty, and the content and possibilities for the interpretation of the achievements of the historical Constitution. These scopes of problems will be presented during the examination of the text of National Avowal, as a preamble of the Fundamental Law. It is examined whether the Fundamental Law itself could be suitable and sufficient means to citizens of Hungary to express the ideas therein as their own, it will be analysed how could the national and European common traditions, values and principles stated in the Fundamental Law mean maintenance in Hungary’s participation in the European integration.

Keywords: common constitutional values, constitutionalism, national identity, national sovereignty, national unity, statehood

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

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The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Aditaya Narayan Mishra

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Unequal distribution of environmental resources as a possible cause of conflict has been the topic of substantial research, and these connections have ruled the post-Cold War attention in the discourse of environmental security. In this category, considerable concentration has been given to water resources, on account of their important standing for human existence. Thus, water is considered to be one of the most important non-conventional security issues. As per this consideration, the case of India-Bangladesh is one of the most critical examples of disputes over transboundary water sharing. The concern regarding sharing of trans-boundary rivers has been the main focus of Bangladesh and India‘s relationship for the last forty-five years. Both countries share fifty-four rivers, most of which have originated in the Himalayan range. The main causes for problems in the sharing of the waters of trans-boundary rivers between India and Bangladesh include the: Farakka Barrage, Teesta river sharing issue, River linking project and Tipaimukh Dam. The construction of Farakka barrage across the Ganga River was the beginning of water dispute. Attempts at unilateral exploitation of the trans-boundary water resources led to inter-state conflicts that spilled over into other areas of bilateral disputes between India and Bangladesh. Apart from Farakka, Barrage, the disputes over Teesta River sharing, River linking project and Tipaimukh Dam are also vital contents for the both countries bilateral diplomacy. Till date, India and Bangladesh have signed five treaties regarding water sharing. However, all these treaties have been rendered worthless due to mistrust and political upheaval in both countries. The current paper would address all these water sharing disputes between India and Bangladesh with focus on the various policy responses (both bilateral and multilateral initiatives) to deal with these water sharing disputes. It will try to analyze the previous agreements and their drawbacks and loopholes. In addition, it will mention the reasons for water sharing cooperation between India and Bangladesh.

Keywords: India and Bangladesh relations, water disputes, Teesta, river linking project, Tipaimukh Dam, Farakka, policy responses

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Authors: Reem Saad Alqahtani

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Drawing on minority literature, this research highlights the role of three contemporary Arab American writers, considering the significance of the historical and cultural contexts of the brutal attacks of 9/11. The focus of the research is to draw attention to the poetry of Samuel Hazo, Nathalie Handal, and Naomi Shihab Nye as representatives of the identity crisis, whose experiences left them feeling marginalized and alienated in both societies, and reflected as one of the ethnic American minority groups, as demonstrated in their poetry, with a special focus on hybridity, resistance, identity, and empowerment. The study explores the writers’ post-9/11 experience, affected by the United States’ long history of marginalization and discrimination against people of colour, placing Arab American literature with that of other ethnic American groups who share the same experience and contribute to composing literature characterized by the aesthetics of cultural hybridity, cultural complexity, and the politics of minorities to promote solidarity and coalition building. Indeed, the three selected Arab American writers have found a link between their narration and the identity of the exiled by establishing an identity that is a kind of synthesis of diverse identities of Western reality and Eastern nostalgia. The approaches applied in this study will include historical/biographical, postcolonial, and discourse analysis. The first will be used to emphasize the influence of the biographical aspects related to the community, identity, and resistance of the three poets on their poetry. The second is used to investigate the effects of postcolonialism on the poets and their responses to it, while the third understand the sociocultural, political, and historical dimensions of the texts, establishing these poets as representative of the Arab American experience. This study is significant because it will help shed light on the importance of the Arabic hybrid identity in creating resistance to minority communities within American society.

Keywords: Arab American, identity, hybridity, post-9/11

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Authors: Munqeth Othman Agha

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The historical formation of urban centres in the eastern Arab world was shaped by rapid urbanization and sudden transformation from the age of the pre-industrial to a post-industrial economy, coupled with uneven development, informal urban expansion, and constant surges in unemployment and poverty rates. The city was stratified accordingly as overlapping layers of division and inequality that have been built on top of each other, creating complex horizontal and vertical divisions based on economic, social, political, and ethno-sectarian basis. This has been further exacerbated during the neoliberal era, which transferred the city into a sort of dual city that is inhabited by heterogeneous and often antagonistic social groups. Economic deprivation combined with a growing sense of marginalization and inequality across the city planted the seeds of political instability, outbreaking in 2011. Unlike other popular uprisings that occupy central squares, as in Egypt and Tunisia, the Syrian uprising in 2011 took place mainly within inner streets and neighborhood squares, mobilizing primarily on more or less upon the lines of stratification. This has emphasized the role of micro-urban and social settings in shaping mobilization and resistance tactics, which necessitates us to understand the way the city was stratified and place it at the center of the city-conflict nexus analysis. This research aims to understand to what extent pre-conflict urban stratification lines played a role in determining the different trajectories of three cities’ neighborhoods (Homs, Dara’a and Deir-ez-Zor). The main argument of the paper is that the way the Syrian city has been stratified creates various social groups within the city who have enjoyed different levels of accessibility to life chances, material resources and social statuses. This determines their relationship with other social groups in the city and, more importantly, their relationship with the state. The advent of a political opportunity will be depicted differently across the city’s different social groups according to their perceived interests and threats, which consequently leads to either political mobilization or demobilization. Several factors, including the type of social structures, built environment, and state response, determine the ability of social actors to transfer the repertoire of contention to collective action or transfer from social actors to political actors. The research uses urban stratification lines as the basis for understanding the different patterns of political upheavals in urban areas while explaining why neighborhoods with different social and urban environment settings had different abilities and capacities to mobilize, resist state repression and then descend into a military conflict. It particularly traces the transformation from social groups to social actors and political actors by applying the Explaining-outcome Process-Tracing method to depict the causal mechanisms that led to including or excluding different neighborhoods from each stage of the uprising, namely mobilization (M1), response (M2), and control (M3).

Keywords: urban stratification, syrian conflict, social movement, process tracing, divided city

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Authors: Tammy Shel (Aboody)

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The integration of philosophy with ethnography, i.e., ethno-philosophy, or any qualitative method, is multi-dimensional. It is, thus, vital to the discourse on caring in the philosophy of education, and in therapy. These two significant dimensions are focal in this proposal’s discussion. The integration of grounded data with philosophy can shed light on cultural, gender, socio-economic and political diversities in the relationships and interactions between and among individuals and societies. This approach can explain miscommunication and, eventually, violent conflicts. The ethno-philosophy study in this proposal focuses on the term caring, through case studies of 5 non-white male and female elementary school teachers in Los Angeles County. The study examined the teachers’ views on caring and, consequently, the implications on their pedagogy. Subsequently, this method turned out to also be a caring approach in therapy. Ethnographic data was juxtaposed with western philosophy. Research discussion unraveled transformable gaps between western patriarchal and feminist philosophy on caring, and that of the teachers. Multiple interpretations and practices of caring were found due to cultural, gender, and socio-economic-political differences. Likewise, two dominant categories emerged. The first is inclusive caring, which is perceived as an ideal, as the compass of humanity that aims towards emancipation from the shackles of inner and external violence. The second is tribal caring, which illuminates the inherently dialectical substantial diversity in the interpretations and praxes of caring. Such angles are absent or minor in traditional western literature. Both categories teach of the incessant dynamic definition of caring, and its subliminal and repressed mechanisms. The multi-cultural aspects can teach us, however, that despite the inclusive common ground we share on caring, and despite personal and social awareness of cultural and gender differences, the hegemonic ruling-class governs the standardized conventional interpretation of caring. Second is the dimension of therapy in ethno-philosophy. Each patient is like a case study per se, and is a self-ethnographer. Thus, the patient is the self-observer and data collector, and the therapist is the philosopher who helps deconstruct into fragments the consciousness that comprises our well-being and self-esteem and acceptance. Together, they both identify and confront hurdles that hinder the pursuit of a more composed attitude towards ourselves and others. Together, they study and re-organize these fragments into a more comprehensible and composed self-acceptance. Therefore, the ethno-philosophy method, which stems from a caring approach, confronts the internal and external conflicts that govern our relationships with others. It sheds light on the dark and subliminal spots in our minds and hearts that operate us. Unveiling the hidden spots helps identify a shared ground that can supersede miscommunication and conflicts among and between people. The juxtaposition of ethnography with philosophy, as a caring approach in education and therapy, emphasizes that planet earth is like a web. Hence, despite the common mechanism that stimulates a caring approach towards the other, ethno-philosophy can help undermine the ruling patriarchal oppressive forces that define and standardize caring relationships, and to subsequently bridge gaps between people.

Keywords: caring, philosophy of education, ethnography, therapy, research

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Authors: Dana Hisham Mohamed Abdrabo

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The paper examines the effect of Drama works on the Egyptian public opinion regarding the religion of Judaism, Israel as a state and the Jew's image to Egyptian Muslims. The paper examines the role of Media and in particular, Dramas on achieving interreligious dialogue between Judaism and Islam and its role in making peace between the Egyptian Muslims -and Arabs in general- on the one hand, and the Jew on the other hand, and the implications of this on the relationship between Arab countries and Israel as a state. The research uses the Survey method with Egyptian Muslims as a main sample for the research to examine such effect. Dramas have a role in presenting the Jew, Judaism, and Israel as a state and as a political system in various ways. The paper is related to multidisciplinary fields; it is related to political sciences, political sociology, communication, social change, and cognitive sociology fields. The research adds a new analytical study for a new tool for the peacemaking process in the Middle East region through adopting an interdisciplinary approach which is needed in the studies aim to achieve stability and peace in the Middle East region and its neighboring countries.

Keywords: dramas tool, Egyptian public opinion, interreligious dialogue, Israel & Egyptian relations , Judaism

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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Authors: Yu Yaochuan

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This paper explores the pivotal role of public opinion during the Xinhai Revolution. Examining the dynamics of public sentiment in Chinese society in 1911 shows how information dissemination, ideological propaganda, and public mobilization worked together to drive the revolution to success. The study highlights the indispensable role of revolutionary newspapers, assemblies, and speeches in spreading revolutionary ideas, mobilizing the public, and shaping policy perceptions. By analyzing these historical events, the paper provides a deeper insight into the Xinhai Revolution and offers theoretical and empirical support for understanding the application of public opinion in modern social and political transformations.

Keywords: Xinhai Revolution, public opinion, social mobilization, information dissemination, ideology, political transformation

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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The origins of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) are not widely understood, leading to misconceptions that need to be examined. Recent research disputes the idea that the UDHR was exclusively backed and endorsed by Western countries and even raised doubts about powerful nations backing the creation of global human rights norms. This article examines four political misconceptions regarding the Universal Declaration, with each one having some truth to it but also being misleading. The significance of small states in promoting human rights norms has been underestimated, just as the importance of large states has been exaggerated in history. The Universal Declaration was created through negotiations with the involvement of numerous states. All states have a stake in small states reclaiming their portion of history due to the legitimacy it gained from the political process that formed it.

Keywords: declaration. law, rights, humanity, UDHR

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: Medina Adulyarat

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Like many other countries, Thailand is experiencing an increase in its proportion of older adults. However, the political, social, and religious climates of the various regions of Thailand are very diverse and the life experiences of older Thai citizens can vary greatly by region. For more than a decade, the southernmost provinces, namely Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat, have experienced social and political unrest, often characterized by violence in the form of bombings and shootings, which has impacted the older adults residing in these regions. While, Muslims are considered a minority in Thailand, the majority of individuals in southernmost regions are Muslims, causing these regions to be different in terms of culture and beliefs. Using a phenomenological approach, this study examines older adults’ perceptions of successful aging within the context of violent social and political unrest. This research aims to 1) understand how older adults living in these areas perceive successful aging in relation to Rowe and Kahn’s successful ageing model, and 2) describe the experiences of older adults living in areas of violent social and political unrest. Data were collected using in-depth interviews with eight older adults living in the unrest area, composing of four males and four females aged between 55-75. Content analysis was used to investigate older adults’ perception of successful aging. Older adults living their life amidst the violence did not view the situation as a threat to their life for they viewed that they are not the targets of the unrest situation. Additionally, participants identified their religious beliefs and a strong sense of community belonging as coping strategies employed to deal with social and political unrest. Thus, according to them, the violence did not affect their perception of successful aging. While the participants’ perceptions of successful aging were generally consistent with aspects identified in the successful aging model proposed by Rowe and Kahn, a theme of “financial stability” emerged. The results can be divided into four interrelated themes, which are; 1) engaging with others; 2) religiosity; 3) financial stability; and 4) health. Understanding the older persons’ view of successful aging in vulnerable situations should add more depth and enhance the conceptualization of the successful aging concept.

Keywords: cultural gerontology, minority population, successful aging, unrest situation

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Authors: Abdsalam Alahwal, Suren Pillay

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Libya saw the occurrence of violations of human rights on a large scale as well as the deterioration of the rule of law in large parts of the country after the February 17 revolution that removed the Colonel Muammar Gaddafi from power in what is known upheaval of the Arab Spring. Although Libya, a country with a modern democracy, but he has declared unconstitutional temporarily allowed to exercise all the rights of political, civil and judicial, but the presence of weapons in the hands of militias list on the basis of regional, tribal and ideology was the main reason for the deterioration of the humanitarian situation as well as the foreign intervention in Libya. Where reports stressed that violations are serious committed by the conflicting parties from power after the fall of Gaddafi of assassinations and kidnapping of identity and practices related to human trafficking Some of these reports indicate that some ethnic ingredients such as Tawergha and Epiphyseal where was deliberately targeted by some militias were displacement around the city because of their allegiance to the former regime after the war ended in 2012. It is noteworthy that many of these violations and abuses committed by these militias that participated overthrow Gaddafi may rise to war crimes and crimes against humanity. That the intervention in Libya, although it had a human purpose and under the pretext of reducing the political system of human rights violations, but that the main objective, which was behind the international intervention was to overthrow the existing political system and the elimination of Muammar Gaddafi.

Keywords: Arab Spring, democracy, revolution , Libya

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Authors: Hanan Eltayeb, Reem Al Refaie

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To be able to connect and relate to shows spoken in a foreign language, advanced learners must understand not only linguistics inferences but also cultural, metacognitive, and pragmatic connotations in colloquial Egyptian TV series. These connotations are needed to both understand the different facets of the dramas put before them, and they’re also consistently grown and formulated through watching these shows. The inferences have become a staple in the Egyptian colloquial culture over the years, making their way into day-to-day conversations as Egyptians use them to speak, relate, joke, and connect with each other, without having known one another from previous times. As for advanced learners, they need to understand these inferences not only to watch these shows, but also to be able to converse with Egyptians on a level that surpasses the formal, or standard. When faced with some of the somewhat recent shows on the Egyptian screens, learners faced challenges in understanding pragmatics, cultural, and religious background of the target language and consequently not able to interact effectively with a native speaker in real-life situations. This study aims to enhance the linguistic and cultural proficiency of learners through studying two genres of TV Colloquial Egyptian series. Study samples derived from two recent comedian and social Egyptian series ('The Seventh Neighbor' سابع جار, and 'Nelly and Sherihan' نيللي و شريهان). When learners watch such series, they are usually faced with a problem understanding inferences that have to do with social, religious, and political events that are addressed in the series. Using discourse analysis of the sematic, semantic, pragmatic, cultural, and linguistic characteristics of the target language, some major deductions were highlighted and repeated, showing a pattern in both. The research paper concludes that there are many sets of lingual and para-lingual phrases, idioms, and proverbs to be acquired and used effectively by teaching these series. The strategies adopted in the study can be applied to different types of media, like movies, TV shows, and even cartoons, to enhance student proficiency.

Keywords: Egyptian series, culture, linguistic competence, pragmatics, semantics, social

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Authors: Omnia F. Elkommos

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In the course of teaching stylistics to undergraduate students of the Department of English Language and Literature, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, the linguistic tool kit of theories comes in handy and useful for the better understanding of the different literary genres: Poetry, drama, and short stories. In the present paper, a model of teaching of stylistics is compiled and suggested. It is a collaborative group project technique for use in the undergraduate diverse specialisms (Literature, Linguistics and Translation tracks) class. Students initially are introduced to the different linguistic tools and theories suitable for each literary genre. The second step is to apply these linguistic tools to texts. Students are required to watch videos performing the poems or play, for example, and search the net for interpretations of the texts by other authorities. They should be using a template (prepared by the researcher) that has guided questions leading students along in their analysis. Finally, a practical analysis would be written up using the practical analysis essay template (also prepared by the researcher). As per collaborative learning, all the steps include activities that are student-centered addressing differentiation and considering their three different specialisms. In the process of selecting the proper tools, the actual application and analysis discussion, students are given tasks that request their collaboration. They also work in small groups and the groups collaborate in seminars and group discussions. At the end of the course/module, students present their work also collaboratively and reflect and comment on their learning experience. The module/course uses a drama play that lends itself to the task: ‘The Bond’ by Amy Lowell and Robert Frost. The project results in an interpretation of its theme, characterization and plot. The linguistic tools are drawn from pragmatics, and discourse analysis among others.

Keywords: applied linguistic theories, collaborative learning, cooperative principle, discourse analysis, drama analysis, group project, online acting performance, pragmatics, speech act theory, stylistics, technology enhanced learning

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Authors: Syed Toqueer, Omer Younus

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Terrorism, today, has emerged as a global menace with Pakistan being the most adversely affected state. Therefore, the motive behind this study is to empirically establish the linkage of terrorism with socio-economic (uneven income distribution, poverty and unemployment) and political nexuses so that a policy recommendation can be put forth to better approach this issue in Pakistan. For this purpose, the study employs two competing models, namely, the distributed lag model and OLS, so that findings of the model may be consolidated comprehensively, over the reference period of 1984-2012. The findings of both models are indicative of the fact that uneven income distribution of Pakistan is rather a contributing factor towards terrorism when measured through GDP per capita. This supports the hypothesis that immiserizing modernization theory is applicable for the state of Pakistan where the underprivileged are marginalized. Results also suggest that other socio-economic variables (poverty, unemployment and consumer confidence) can condense the brutality of terrorism once these conditions are catered to and improved. The rational of opportunity cost is at the base of this argument. Poor conditions of employment and poverty reduces the opportunity cost for individuals to be recruited by terrorist organizations as economic returns are considerably low and thus increasing the supply of volunteers and subsequently increasing the intensity of terrorism. The argument of political freedom as a means of lowering terrorism stands true. The more the people are politically repressed the more alternative and illegal means they will find to make their voice heard. Also, the argument that politically transitioning economy faces more terrorism is found applicable for Pakistan. Finally, the study contributes to an ongoing debate on which of the two set of factors are more significant with relation to terrorism by suggesting that socio-economic factors are found to be the primary causes of terrorism for Pakistan.

Keywords: terrorism, socioeconomic conditions, political freedom, distributed lag model, ordinary least square

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Authors: E. K. Linsenmayer

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Traditional international relations theorists define state security, the principal national interest, as a state’s military force. However, many political theorists argue the current definition of security is not comprehensive and therefore, problematic. This paper argues that women’s physical security is not only linked but also necessary to achieve state security. In today’s unipolar political international system, the United States continues to accredit national security to its military. However, in one of the most militarized countries, women remain insecure. Through a case study method of the United States, this paper illuminates a necessary political prescription: the empowerment of women through an inside-out, feminist theoretical approach that makes state security attainable. The research through empirical testing, drawing from several databases, shows the positive effects of women’s physical security on state security. Women’s physical security is defined in terms of equal legal practices, health, education, and female representation in the government. State security is measured by the relative peace of a state, its involvement in conflict and a state’s relations with neighboring states. This paper shows that empowering women, 50% of the world’s population, is necessary for ending the current vicious circle of militarization, war, and insecurity. Without undoing gender power dynamics at the individual and societal level, security at all levels remains unattainable.

Keywords: gender inequality, politics, state security, women's security

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