Search results for: political context

Authors: Kefayatullah Wahidi

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This article examines the challenges and opportunities of intercultural communication in Afghanistan. Afghanistan, with its ancient history and location on the Silk Road, connects the great civilizations of the world. This country holds a sensitive strategic and geopolitical position in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, various ethnic groups live, each with distinct linguistic, religious, and racial cultures. In today's world, elements such as identity, religion, and culture form the main components of international political relations. In some cases, these factors can even overshadow the materialistic and self-interest-driven aspects of international relations. Therefore, we used a qualitative case study method (using interviews) for this research. In this context, we attempted to discuss the issues and problems related to the challenges and opportunities of intercultural communication, with the participation of a sample of 12 Afghan people. The findings of this research show that Afghanistan is facing many challenges in the field of intercultural communication. Cultural dissatisfaction, linguistic and religious differences, and cultural sanctions are among the major challenges that can cause tensions and a lack of mutual understanding. At the same time, intercultural communication is an opportunity to increase mutual understanding, cultural exchange, and constructive interactions. Please note that I have made some minor edits for clarity and grammar, but the overall content remains the same.

Keywords: cultural dissatisfactions, language differences, intercultural communication, Afghanistan

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Using the case of Israeli Atomic Spy Mordechai Vanunu as an example, this study sought to examine social response to political deviance whereby social response can be mobilized in order to achieve social control. Mordechai Vanunu, a junior technician in the Dimona Atomic Research Center, played a normative role in the militaristic discourse while working in the “holy shrine” of the Israeli defense system for many years. At a certain stage, however, Vanunu decided to detach himself from this collective and launched an assault on this top-secret circle. Israeli society in general and the security establishment in particular found this attack intolerable and unforgivable. They presented Vanunu as a ticking time bomb, delegitimized him and portrayed him as “other”. In addition, Israeli enforcement authorities imposed myriad prohibitions and sanctions on Vanunu even after his release from prison – “as will be done to he who desecrates holiness.” Social response to Vanunu at the time of his capture and trial was studied by conducting a content analysis of six contemporary daily newspapers. The analysis focused on use of language and forms of expression. In contrast with traditional content analysis methodology, this study did not just look at frequency of expressions of ideas and terms in the text and covert content; rather, the text was analyzed as a structural whole, and included examination of style, tone and unusual use of imagery, and more, in order to uncover hidden messages within the text. The social response to this case was extraordinarily intense, not only because in this case of political deviance, involving espionage and treason, Vanunu’s actions comprised a real potential threat to the country, but also because of the threat his behavior posed to the symbolic universe of society. Therefore, the response to this instance of political deviance can be seen as being part of a mechanism of social control aiming to protect world view of society as a whole, as well as to punish the criminal.

Keywords: militarism, political deviance, social construction, social control

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Authors: Mushtaq H. Khan, Antonio Andreoni, Pallavi Roy

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Developing countries are characterized by political settlements where formal rules are generally weakly enforced and widely violated. Conventional anti-corruption strategies that focus on improving the general enforcement of a rule of law and raising the costs of corruption facing individual public officials have typically delivered poor results in these contexts. Our alternative approach is to identify anti-corruption strategies that have a high impact and that are feasible to implement in these contexts. Our alternative approach identifies anti-corruption strategies from the bottom up. This involves identifying the characteristics of the corruption constraining particular development outcomes. By drawing on theories of rents and rent seeking, and theories of political settlements, we can assess the developmental impact of particular anti-corruption strategies and the feasibility of implementing these strategies. We argue that feasible anti-corruption in these contexts cannot be solely based on conventional anti-corruption strategies. In societies that have widespread rule violations, high-impact anti-corruption is only likely to be feasible if the overall strategy succeeds in aligning the interests and capabilities of powerful organizations at the sectoral level to support the enforcement of particular sets of rules. We examine four related strategies for changing these incentives and capabilities of critical stakeholders at the local or sectoral level, and we argue that this can provide a framework for organizing research on the impact and feasibility of anti-corruption activities in different priority areas in particular countries.

Keywords: anti-corruption, development, political settlements analysis, rule of law

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Authors: Emilie Fort

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Two major pitfalls emerge at the intersection of gender and peacebuilding literature: the comprehension of women as a homogeneous category and a focus on women's participation in formal peace processes and state structures. However, women belong (and identify) to distinct ethnic, religious, or social groups, and the variety of their social location impacts their ability to mobilize, to participate in peace processes as well as the way they envision peace. This study is based on interviews conducted (remotely) with women activists from the post-Yugoslav area. It shows that women's economic empowerment and education are central issues that must be addressed for women political participation being effective. This has implications for peace projects –their priorities, scales of implementation, etc.– and the allocation of civil society’s funds.

Keywords: ex-Yugoslavia, gender-based issues, peacebuilding, women activism

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Authors: Wajiha Fatima

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Various approaches and methods for second language classroom teaching have been proposed since the nineteenth century. Task Based Language Teaching has been prevailing approach in a second language classroom context. It is an approach which immerses students in a naturalistic setting. Tasks are the core unit of planning and instruction. This paper aims at expounding the concept of Task Based Language Teaching and how it has been evolved. In this study, researcher will highlight the usefulness of TBLT and the role it played as a powerful tool for learning and teaching in a second language setting. The article will reflect the implementation of various tasks based activities as well as the roles played by learners and teachers and the problems faced by them. In the end, researcher will discuss how TBLT can be implemented in second language classroom pedagogy.

Keywords: implementation, second language classroom, tasks, task based language teaching

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Authors: Muzaffer Topgul, Hasan Atac

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In case of explaining the migration concept, although it is not a new phenomenon, it is easy to understand that communities have migrated for variety of reasons such as natural disasters, famine, wars, economic problems, and several theories have been put forth to define and find solution for migration within its changing nature. Examining of migration theories denotes that the circumstances under which they appear reflect political, social, and economic conditions of the age they appear. In this day and time, security is considered not only from military perspective but also from economic, political, sociological dimensions. Based on the changing security environment new impacts of migration has occurred; the migration is proceed to be conferred as a type of war, qualified as a transnational crime because of its outcomes and interpreted in a different dimension owing to its effects on the health and education areas. Social security dimension in the context of expanding concept of security; when dealing with the safety of people and social groups with the assumption that national unity and identity are threatened, it sees immigrants as a source of threat. The human security assesses the safety of individuals in terms of survival and quality of life. Changes in the standard of living under the influence of immigrants and possible terrorist acts can be seen as a threat source in this type of security. Economic security of the individuals and the regional changes at the micro level created by the immigrants are covered issues of economic security. Due to the factors such as terrorism and civil war, the increasing numbers of displaced people who have taken refugee status affect the countries, whether it is near or far to the crisis areas, in the new and different dimensions of security day by day. In this study, the term of immigration through the eyes of national and international law will be evaluated, the place of the irregular and illegal immigration in the changing security sphere will be revealed and the effects of the irregular migration to short-term, mid-term and long-term security issues will be assessed through human and social security aspects. In order to analyze the threats for the human security; the parameters such as living conditions of the immigrants, the ratio of the genders, birth rate occasions, the education circumstances of the immigrant children and the effects of the illegal passing on the public order will be evaluated. The outcomes of the problem areas for the human security and the demographic alteration resulting from the human flow of displaced people will be discussed thorough social security extent. The fizzling economic diversity, which has shown up by irregular migration, will be presented within the scope of economic dimension of security.

Keywords: irregular migration, the changing dimensions of security, human security, social security

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

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Authors: Hawre Hasan Hama, Choman Mahmood H. Rashid

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The four-year armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ended in September 1998 under the terms of the Washington Agreement. Since then, there has been a quarter-century of durable peace between the two combatant parties, though they have often been at odds politically. Based on interviews with Kurdish political leaders from both parties, this paper argues that sharing or dividing power across all four dimensions of state power — political, military, territorial, and economic — has played a vital role ensuring the durability of the peace settlement. The paper traces the KDP-PUK power sharing system through three stages: the transition stage (1998-2006), the “golden” period (2006-2013), the “weakening” period (2013 to present).

Keywords: peace settlement, enduring peace, power-sharing and power dividing, Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Authors: Aboekwe, Mary Emilia

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Jesus’ mission was not only a religious one but had social and political implications. From the birth to the death of Jesus, God’s message of liberation is proclaimed in and through Jesus. This work studied Jesus’ inaugural mission in Luke 4: 18 -19 in the context of Nigerian leaders. A theological interpretation was adopted and it was discovered that Luke 4: 18-19 unfolded Jesus’ mission statement. This mission statement centered in preaching the good news to the poor, the release of the captives, healing the sick, liberation to the oppressed, and favour and abundance in the land. Related to the Jewish-Roman world of Jesus and the Nigerian nation, it was discovered that most of the maladies enumerated in Jesus’ inaugural mission statement were prevalent in Nigerian society. Maladies like poverty, oppression, violence, sickness and diseases are widespread in Nigeria. Poverty affects all, irrespective of gender, religion, or ethnicity. There is insecurity everywhere. Unemployment bites harder on Nigeria’s youthful population, and they are unable to find a job at the prevailing wage rate. To this effect, therefore, this study proposes Jesus’ liberative technique as a solution to these maladies prevalent in the country. The work equally challenged the Nigerian leaders to emulate Jesus’ mission statement and take proactive measures in fighting against these social challenges resident in Nigeria today.

Keywords: liberation, leadership, maladies, poverty

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Authors: Majeed Mohammed Midhin, Clare Finburgh

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To maintain a healthy balanced loyalty between art and politics posits a debatable issue. The artist is always on the look out for the potential tension between those two realms. Therefore, one of the most painful dilemmas the artist finds is how to function in a society without sacrificing the aesthetic values of his/her work. In other words, the life-long awareness of failure which derives from the concept of the artist as caught between unflattering social realities and the need to invent genuine art forms becomes a fertilizing soil for the artists to dig deep into its origin. Thus, within the framework of this dilemma, the question of the responsibility of the artist and the relationship of the art to politics will be illuminating. The present paper tackles the idea of the amorality of the artist in selected plays by Tom Stoppard. However, Stoppard’s awareness of his situation as a refugee has led him to keep at a distance from politics. He tried hard to avoid any intervention into the realms of political debate, especially in his earliest work. On the one hand, it is not meant that he did not interest in politics as such, but rather he preferred to question it than to create a fixed ideological position. On the other hand, Stoppard’s refusal to intervene in politics is ascribed to his feeling of gratitude to Britain where he settled. As a result, Stoppard has frequently been criticized for a lack of political engagement and also for not leaning too much for the left when he does engage. His reaction to these public criticisms finds expression in his self-conscious statements which defensively stressed the artifice of his work. He, like Oscar Wilde thinks that the responsibility of the artist is devoted to the realm of his/her art. Consequently, his consciousness for the role of the artist is truly reflected in his two plays, Artist Descending a Staircase(1972) and Travesties(1974).

Keywords: amorality, dilemma, aesthetic, responsibility of the artist, political theatre

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Authors: Nur Azha Putra Abdul Azim, Denise Cheong, S. Nivedita

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Currently, there are no nuclear power reactors among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states (AMS) but there are seven operational nuclear research reactors, and Indonesia is about to construct the region’s first experimental power reactor by the end of the decade. If successful, the experimental power reactor will lay the foundation for the country’s and region’s first nuclear power plant. Despite projecting confidence during the period of nuclear power renaissance in the region in the last decade, none of the AMS has committed to a political decision on the use of nuclear energy and this is largely due to the Fukushima nuclear power accident in 2011. Of the ten AMS, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia have demonstrated the most progress in developing nuclear energy based on the nuclear power infrastructure development assessments made by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Of these three states, Vietnam came closest to building its first nuclear power plant but decided to delay construction further due to safety and security concerns. Meanwhile, Vietnam along with Indonesia and Malaysia continue with their nuclear power infrastructure development and the remaining SEA states, with the exception of Brunei and Singapore, continue to build their expertise and capacity for nuclear power energy. At the current rate of progress, Indonesia is expected to make a national decision on the use of nuclear power by 2023 while Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand have included the use of nuclear power in their mid to long-term power development plans. Vietnam remains open to nuclear power but has not placed a timeline. The medium to short-term power development projection in the region suggests that the use of nuclear energy in the region is a matter of 'when' rather than 'if'. In lieu of the prospects for nuclear energy in Southeast Asia (SEA), this presentation will review the literature on ASEAN radiological emergency and preparedness response (EPR) plans and examine ASEAN’s disaster management and emergency framework. Through a combination of institutional mapping and stakeholder analysis methods, which we examine in the context of the international EPR, and nuclear safety and security regimes, we will identify the issues and challenges in developing a regional radiological EPR framework in the SEA. We will conclude with the observation that ASEAN faces serious structural, institutional and governance challenges due to the AMS inherent political structures and history of interstate conflicts, and propose that ASEAN should either enlarge the existing scope of its disaster management and response framework or that its radiological EPR framework should exist as a separate entity.

Keywords: nuclear power, nuclear accident, ASEAN, Southeast Asia

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Yen-Fen Tseng

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Studying migration regimes enables one to identify clusters of countries with policy features in common. A few researchers have pointed out the origin of hardship experienced by foreign workers in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, stems from their exclusionary migration regime. This paper aims to understand the causes and consequences of the East Asia migration regime, exploring the common exclusionary policies features of Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, focusing on the foreign labor policy. It will then present explanations as to factors shaping migration regime; the perspective of factors within political system is adopted, as opposed to political economy and pluralist society approach. In the minds of political elites across East Asia, there exists a powerful belief in mono-ethnicity, namely, the benefits of mono-ethnicity and the social ill of “minority problems”. Guest workers policies of various alterations become the compromise between the want for foreign labor and the desire to maintain mono-ethnicity. The paper discusses the absence of immigrant settlement and formation of ethnic communities as a result of the reluctant hosts. Migrant workers in these societies commonly suffer from irregular working conditions as well as unprotected rights out of their denied legality. The case of Taiwan will be presented with greater details, drawing on data from both first-hand and secondary sources.

Keywords: migration regime, guest worker policies, East Asia, society

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Authors: Sapfo A. Mortaki

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This article examines the presence of Greek immigrant artists (painters and sculptors) in Paris during 1970-2010. The aim is to highlight their presence in the French capital through archival research in the daily and periodical press as well as present the impact of their artistic activity on the French intellectual life and society. At the same time, their contribution to the development of cultural life in Greece becomes apparent. The integration of those migrant artists into an environment of cultural coexistence and the understanding of the social phenomenon of their migration, in the context of postmodernity, are being investigated. The cultural relations between the two countries are studied in the context of support mechanisms, such as the Greek community, cultural institutions, museums and galleries. The recognition of the Greek artists by the French society and the social dimension in the context of their activity in Paris, are discussed in terms of the assimilation theory. Since the 1970s, and especially since the fall of the dictatorship in Greece, in opposition to the prior situation, artists' contacts with their homeland have been significantly enhanced, with most of them now travelling to Paris, while others work in parallel in both countries. As a result, not only do the stages of the development of their work through their pursuits become visible, but, most importantly, the artistic world becomes informed about the multifaceted expression of art through the succession of various contemporary currents. Thus, the participation of Greek artists in the international cultural landscape is demonstrated.

Keywords: artistic migration, cultural impact, Greek artists, postmodernity, theory of assimilation

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Authors: Giovanna X. De Moura, Fernando A. Starepravo

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In recent years, the discussion of women in sports has been part of the political agenda in several countries. However, in the Brazilian scope, it is possible to say that women's sport has not become a social problem recognized by political actors and, therefore, it has not entered the country's governmental agenda. Thus, this work aimed to analyze why sport for women is not on the Brazilian government's agenda. For this, it was interviewed six women considered to be stakeholders in sports, that is, women who influence or are influenced by sports. The interviews were based on a semi-structured script and carried out in the year 2022. Due to the difficulties of commuting and of the schedule of the interviewees, some interviews were carried out in person, others by video call or telephone and others by WhatsApp. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Bardin's Content Analysis. As a result, from the stakeholders' perception, it was ascertained that women's sport is not considered a political problem because both sport and politics are considered masculinized fields, making it difficult for women to be present in both spaces. Besides, not only the sport of women but sport in general, is seen as just a marketing tool and a way of getting financial return for companies, being neglected in government plans. Due to this fact, private institutions, corporative means, federations and confederations have been mobilized in the creation of policies that seek changes in the current scenario. Despite this, two PLs (PL 6263/2019 and PL 5297/2020) have been in the process since 2019 but have not been approved yet due to the failure to submit amendments within the established deadline. In order to change this reality, the ones surveyed suggested that there should be not only different types of women represented on the most varied fronts of sports but also more visibility of the issue of women in this field. Furthermore, they mentioned the importance of the creation of specific plans and policies that guarantee a safe place for women and that are consolidated as State policies. In addition, the need for more women in political decision-making positions was also mentioned. It was concluded that women's sport appears on the agenda at a secondary level since it is included on the legislative, and political agenda but not in the executive branch. In addition, there is not enough movement and mobilization in favor of women's sports for it to become a discussion in the field of politics. Regarding the Multiple Streams Model, women's sport is present only in the ideas stream, as there are solutions and ideas for improvements in this field. Finally, it was pointed that there is still a strong dependence on the State for the creation of policies that seek improvements in the participation of girls and women in sport, hence, being necessary the creation of multicentric policies, including non-governmental agents in the process of elaborating policies.

Keywords: agenda, politics, stakeholders, women’s sport

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Authors: T. Yamazaki, R. Onuma, H. Kaminaga, Y. Miyadera, S. Nakamura

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Web exploration has increasingly diversified in accordance with the development of browsing environments on the Internet. Moreover, advanced exploration often conducted in intellectual activities such as surveys in research activities. This kind of exploration is conducted for a long period with trials and errors. In such a case, it is extremely important for a user to accumulate the search contexts and understand them. However, existing support systems were not effective enough since most systems could not handle the various factors involved in the exploration. This research aims to develop a novel system to support web exploration focusing on the accumulation of the search contexts. This paper mainly describes the outline of the system. An experiment using the system is also described. Finally, features of the system are discussed based on the results.

Keywords: web exploration context, refinement of search intention, accumulation of context, exploration support, information visualization

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Authors: Chupicai Manuel

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The global efforts to end child labour have been increasingly challenged by adages of global capitalism, inequalities and poverty affecting the global south. In the face the of rising inequalities whose origin can be explained from historical and political economy analysis between the poor and the rich countries, child labour is also on the rise particularly on the global south. The socio-economic and political context of Zimbabwe has undergone serious transition from colonial times through the post-independence normally referred to as the transition period up to the present day. These transitions have aided companies and entities in the business and agriculture sector to exploit child labour while country provided conditions that enhance child labour due to vulnerability of children and anomic child welfare system that plagued the country. Children from marginalised communities dominated by plantations and farms are affected most. This paper explores the experiences and perceptions of children working in tea estates, plantations and farms, and the adults who formerly worked in these plantations during their childhood to share their experiences and perceptions on child labour in Zimbabwe. Childhood theories that view children as apprentices and a human rights perspectives were employed to interrogate the concept of childhood, child labour and poverty alleviation strategies. Phenomenological research design was adopted to describe the experiences of children working in plantations and interpret the meanings they have on their work and livelihoods. The paper drew form 30 children from two plantations through semi-structured interviews and 15 key informant interviews from civil society organisations, international labour organisation, adults who formerly worked in the plantations and the personnel of the plantations. The findings of the study revealed that children work on the farms as an alternative model for survival against economic challenges while the majority cited that poverty compel them to work and get their fees and food paid for. Civil society organisations were of the view that child rights are violated and the welfare system of the country is malfunctional. The perceptions of the majority of the children interviewed are that the system on the plantations is better and this confirmed the socio-constructivist theory that views children as apprentices. The study recommended child sensitive policies and welfare regime that protects children from exploitation together with policing and legal measures that secure child rights.

Keywords: child labour, child rights, phenomenology, poverty reduction

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Authors: A. G. Back

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In the context of global climate change, extreme weather events are increasingly intense and frequent, challenging the adaptability of urban space. In this sense, urban planning is a relevant instrument for addressing, in a systemic manner, various sectoral policies capable of linking the urban agenda to the reduction of social and environmental risks. The Master Plan of the Municipality of Sao Paulo, 2014, presents innovations capable of promoting the transition to sustainability in the urban space. Among such innovations, the following stand out: i) promotion of density in the axes of mass transport involving mixture of commercial, residential, services, and leisure uses (principles related to the compact city); ii) vulnerabilities reduction based on housing policies, including regular sources of funds for social housing and land reservation in urbanized areas; iii) reserve of green areas in the city to create parks and environmental regulations for new buildings focused on reducing the effects of heat island and improving urban drainage. However, long-term implementation involves distributive conflicts and may change in different political, economic, and social contexts over time. Thus, the central objective of this paper is to identify which factors limit or support the implementation of these policies. That is, to map the challenges and interests of converging and/or divergent urban actors in the sustainable urban development agenda and what resources they mobilize to support or limit these actions in the city of Sao Paulo. Recent proposals to amend the urban zoning law undermine the implementation of the Master Plan guidelines. In this context, three interest groups with different views of the city come into dispute: the real estate market, upper middle class neighborhood associations ('not in my backyard' movements), and social housing rights movements. This paper surveys the different interests and visions of these groups taking into account their convergences, or not, with the principles of sustainable urban development. This approach seeks to fill a gap in the international literature on the causes that underpin or hinder the continued implementation of policies aimed at the transition to urban sustainability in the medium and long term.

Keywords: adaptation, ecosystem-based adaptation, interest groups, urban planning, urban transition to sustainability

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Authors: Eduardo Jorge Cabral dos Santos Fernandes

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The expression ‘Porto School’, usually associated with an educational institution, the School of Fine Arts of Porto, is applied for the first time with the sense of an architectural trend by Nuno Portas in a text published in 1983. The expression is used to characterize a set of works by Porto architects, in which common elements are found, namely the desire to reuse languages and forms of the German and Dutch rationalism of the twenties, using the work of Alvar Aalto as a mediation for the reinterpretation of these models. In the same year, Álvaro Siza classifies the Finnish architect as a miscegenation agent who transforms experienced models and introduces them to different realities in a text published in Jornal de Letras, Artes e Ideias. The influence of foreign models and their adaptation to the context has been a recurrent theme in Portuguese architecture, which finds important contributions in the writings of Alexandre Alves Costa, at this time. However, the identification of these characteristics in Siza’s work is not limited to the Portuguese theoretical production: it is the recognition of this attitude towards the context that leads Kenneth Frampton to include Siza in the restricted group of architects who embody Critical Regionalism (in his book Modern architecture: a critical history). For Frampton, his work focuses on the territory and on the consequences of the intervention in the context, viewing architecture as a tectonic fact rather than a series of scenographic episodes and emphasizing site-specific aspects (topography, light, climate). Therefore, the motto of this paper is the dichotomous opposition between foreign influences and adaptation to the context in the early work of Álvaro Siza (designed in the sixties) in which the influence (theoretical, methodological, and formal) of Alvar Aalto manifests itself in the form and the language: the pool at Quinta da Conceição, the Seaside Pools and the Tea House (three works in Leça da Palmeira) and the Lordelo Cooperative (in Porto). This work is part of a more comprehensive project, which considers several case studies throughout the Portuguese architect's vast career, built in Portugal and abroad, in order to obtain a holistic view.

Keywords: Alvar Aalto, Álvaro Siza, foreign influences, adaptation to the context

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

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Authors: Agustin Maciel-Padilla

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This paper explores the most significant change to Japan’s security strategy since the end of World War II, in particular Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s government publication, in late 2022, of 3 policy documents (the National Security Strategy [NSS], the National Defense Strategy and the Defense Buildup Program) that basically propose to expand the country’s military capabilities and to increase military spending over a 5-year period. These policies represent a remarkable transformation of Japan’s defense-oriented policy followed since 1946. These proposals have been under analysis and debate since they were announced, as it was also Japan’s historic ambition to strengthening its deterrence capabilities in the context of a more complex regional security environment. Even though this new defense posture has attracted significant international attention, it is far from representing a done deal because of the fact that there is still a long way to go to implement this vision because of a wide variety of political and economic issues. Japan is currently experiencing the most dangerous security environment since the end of World War II, and this situation led Japan to intensify its dialogue with the United States to reflect a re-evaluation of deterrence in the face of a rapidly worsening security environment, a changing balance of power in East Asia, and the arrival of a new era of “great power competition”. Japan’s new documents, for instance, identify China and North Korea’s as posing, respectively, a strategic challenge and an imminent threat. Japan has also noted that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has contributed to erode the foundation of the international order. It is considered that Russia’s aggression was possible because Ukraine’s defense capability was not enough for effective deterrence. Moreover, Japan’s call for “counterstrike capabilities” results from a recognition that China and North Korea’s ballistic and cruise missiles could overwhelm Japan’s air and missile defense systems, and therefore there is an urgent need to strengthen deterrence and resilience. In this context, this paper will focus on the impact of these changes on the US-Japan alliance. Adapting this alliance to Tokyo’s new ambitions and capabilities could be critical in terms of updating their traditional protection/access to bases arrangement, interoperability and joint command and control issues, as well as regarding the security–economy nexus. While China is Japan’s largest trading partner, and trade between the two has been growing, US-Japan economic relationship has been slower, notwithstanding the fact that US-Japan security cooperation has strengthened significantly in recent years.

Keywords: us-japan alliance, japan security, great power competition, interoperability

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Authors: Mete Ulaş Aksoy

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In contemporary politics, the state of emergency has become a permanent and salient feature of politics. This study aims to clarify the anthropological and ontological dimensions of the permanent state of emergency. It pays special attention to the structural relation between the exception and play. Focusing on the play in the context of emergency and exception enables the recognition of the difference and sometimes the discrepancy between the exception and emergency, which has passed into oblivion because of the frequency and normalization of emergency situations. This study coins the term “ludic exception” in order to highlight the difference between the exceptions in which exuberance and paroxysm rule over the socio-political life and the permanent emergency that protects the authority with a sort of extra-legality. The main thesis of the study is that the ludic elements such as risk, conspicuous consumption, sacrificial gestures, agonism, etc. circumscribe the exceptional moments temporarily, preventing them from being routine and normal. The study also emphasizes the decline of ludic elements in modernity as the main factor in the transformation of the exceptions into permanent emergency situations. In the introduction, the relationship between play and exception is taken into consideration. In the second part, the study elucidates the concept of ludic exceptions and dwells on the anthropological examples of the ludic exceptions. In the last part, the decline of ludic elements in modernity is addressed as the main factor for the permanent emergency.

Keywords: emergency, exception, ludic exception, play, sovereignty

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Authors: Keo Mbebe

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The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is widely regarded as a blueprint for countries seeking to transcend the atrocities of their past and create a new human rights-based administration. The aim of these societies is to establish historical truth. Within the TRC, the aspects of truth-finding and truth-telling were considered to be catalysts for national unity and reconciliation. Truth-seeking, in addition, was mandated in the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (TRC Act), which is the legislation behind the TRC. However, there is an incongruency between the conception of truth outlined in the Act, and the conception of truth explained in the Report of the TRC proceedings. The aim of this paper is to delineate these two kinds of “truth” and to critically analyze them. Doing so, it will then be evident in the discussion that there is a need for substantial clarity in the conception of truth used in transitional justice settings based on truth-finding and truth-seeking, and the paper will present ways in which such clarity may be achieved. The paper will begin with a philosophical engagement on the notion of historical truth used by the TRC legislation. Thereafter, the historical background to the political context in which the TRC Act was mandated will be provided. The next section would then be a sketch of the conceptions of historical truth and historical injustice in the Act, as well as its supporting documents. Lastly, it will be argued that the subversion of the TRC’s mandate to promote reconciliation and national unity by bringing to light past human rights violations during apartheid is betrayed by its amorphous conception of historical truth.

Keywords: historical truth, human rights, transitional justice, truth commission

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Authors: Sadife Güngör, Sevilay Konya, Zeynep Karaçor

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Inflation and foreign trade are the most important economic indicator of a country. In this study, Turkey's economy with the policies adopted after 2000, given how performs an economic transformation. This transformation of the economy is discussed with inflation and foreign trade. In this context, attention is drawn to 2001 Strong Economy and Transition Program and 2006 Inflation Targeting Regime. The evaluation was performed of after the year 2000 inflation and foreign trade figures in Turkey economy. When we looked the progress, after 2000 in Turkey economy, we can say a new process was built up.

Keywords: inflation, foreign trade, 2001 strong economy programme, 2006 inflation targeting regime

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Authors: H. Derya Arslan

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Shopping centers have become an important part of urban life. The numbers of shopping centers have rapidly increased for ten years, in Turkey. Malls that have been built with increasing speed in the last two decades meet most social and cultural needs of people. In this study, architectural characteristics of a recent mall built in the city of Konya in Turkey have been discussed. The assessment of the mall in question has been made in the context of a growing and changing city. The study opened up new horizons and discussion areas to entrepreneurs who make significant investments in shopping centers, architects who design shopping centers as efficient commercial and social environments, and social scientists that investigate the effects of increase in these closed urban spaces on urban life.

Keywords: shopping center, architecture, city, social

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Authors: Mukadder Baran, Mustafa Sözbilir

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the applicabillity of the Context- and Problem-Based Learning (CPBL) in general chemistry course to the subject of “Thermodynamics” but also the influence of CPBL on students’ achievement, retention of knowledge, their interest, attitudes, motivation and problem-solving skills. The study group included 13 freshman students who were selected with the sampling method appropriate to the purpose among those taking the course of General Chemistry within the Program of Medical Laboratory Techniques at Hakkari University. The application was carried out in the Spring Term of the academic year of 2012-2013. As the data collection tool, Lesson Observation form were used. In the light of the observations held, it was revealed that CPBL increased the students’ intragroup and intergroup communication skills as well as their self-confidence and developed their skills in time management, presentation, reporting, and technology use; and that they were able to relate chemistry to daily life. Depending on these findings, it could be suggested that the area of use of CPBL be widened; that seminars related to constructive methods be organized for teachers. In this way, it is believed that students will not be passive in the group any longer. In addition, it was concluded that in order to avoid the negative effects of the socio-cultural structure on the education system, research should be conducted in places where there is socio-cultural obstacles, and appropriate solutions should be suggested and put into practice.

Keywords: chemistry, education, science, context-based learning

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Authors: Akachi Odoemene

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Climate change and land grabbing are tightly interconnected in ways that are both diverse and complex. They have impacted each other in significant ways too. Both phenomena are not only a political reality, but have diverse dire implications, especially for food and livelihood security of vulnerable populations in developing economies. The critical nexus and interactions of climate change and land grabbing remain one of the challenges of sustainable development in modern times. The nuanced understanding of the nexus, importance and implications of climate change and land grabbing are the primary focus of this chapter. It begins with conceptual clarifications, particularly arguing that the absence of some important principles of engagement underline and define a land grab. It also analyses and notes a good number of contemporary land deals as 'one-sided', in which wealthy entities connive with local elites to exploit and disposes rural poor populations. The paper not only examines both global and local factors that drive land grabbing and, in some cases, their connections with the incidence of climate change, but also explores their crucial links with such sector as agriculture. It is argued and exhibited in the paper why certain societies are susceptible to the incidence of climate change and land grabbing, while the overall consequences of these phenomena on the affected societies are further interrogated. The paper concludes that the lack of political will by global political leaders to effectively combat and resolve critical issues associated with both climate change and land grabbing remains a daunting challenge. It notes that these phenomena – climate change and land grabbing – if not abated, will certainly become another set of global tragic episodes to be regretted in the future.

Keywords: climate change, land grabbing, global governance, developing economies

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