Search results for: rights

Authors: Anna Juliet Stephens

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This research emphasises the importance of incorporating traditional ecological knowledge into Peru’s development plans, as a way to manage some of the more adverse impacts of globalisation which continue to impinge on one of the world’s most biodiverse regions. In doing so, it argues for a development strategy to be implemented in the Peruvian Amazon which prioritises local and indigenous rights, needs and perspectives.

Keywords: traditional ecological knowledge, peruvian amazon, globalisation, indigenous, development

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Authors: Arlinda Memetaj

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A sound system of administrative justice represents a vital element of democratic governance. The proper control of public administration consists not only of a sound civil service framework and legislative oversight, but empowerment of the public and courts to hold public officials accountable for their decision-making through the application of fair administrative procedural rules and the use of appropriate administrative appeals processes and judicial review. The establishment of both effective public administration and administrative justice system has been for a long period of time among the most ‘important and urgent’ final strategic objectives of almost any country in the Balkans region, including Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. Closely related to this is their common strategic goal to enter the membership in the European Union, which requires fulfilling of many criteria and standards as incorporated in EU acquis communautaire. The latter is presently done with the framework of the Stabilization and Association Agreement which each of these countries has concluded with the EU accordingly. To above aims, each of the three countries has so far adopted a huge series of legislative and strategic documents related to any aspects of their individual administrative justice system. ‘Changes and reforms’ in this field have been thus the most frequent terms being used in any of these countries. The three countries have already established their own national administrative judiciary, while permanently amending their laws on the general administrative procedure introducing thereby considerable innovations concerned. National administrative courts are expected to have crucial important role within the broader judiciary systems-related reforms of these countries; they are designed to check the legality of decisions of the state administration with the aim to guarantee an effective protection of human rights and legitimate interests of private persons through a regular, conform, fast and reasonable judicial administrative process. Further improvements in this field are presently an integral crucial part of all the relevant national strategic documents including the ones on judiciary reform and public administration reform, as adopted by each of the three countries; those strategic documents are designed among others to provide effective protection of their citizens` rights` of administrative justice. On the basis of the later, the paper finally is aimed at highlighting selective common challenges and problems of the three countries on their European road, while claiming (among others) that the current status quo situation in each of them may be overcome only if there is a proper implementation of the administrative courts decisions and a far stricter international monitoring process thereof. A new approach and strong political commitment from the highest political leadership is thus absolutely needed to ensure the principles of transparency, accountability and merit in public administration. The main methods used in this paper include the analytical and comparative ones due to the very character of the paper itself.

Keywords: administrative courts , administrative justice, administrative procedure, benefit, effective administrative justice, human rights, implementation, monitoring, reform

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Authors: Mulindwa Gerald

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Forced Migration is believed to be the most pressing issue in migration studies today, it therefore makes it of paramount importance that we examine the efficacy of the prevailing laws, treaties, conventions and global policies of refugee management. It suffices to note that the existing policies are vague and ambiguous encouraging the hospitality but not assessing the social economic impact to not only the refugees but also their host communities. The commentary around the Off-shore arrangements like one of UK-Rwanda and the legal implications of the same, make it even more fascinating. These are issues that need to be amplified and captured in the Migration Policies. In Uganda, a small landlocked country in East Africa, there always appeared new faces who were refugees from the Congo and Rwanda the neighboring countries to the West and South West respectively. The refugees would migrate to Uganda with absolutely no idea whatsoever how they were going to meet the daily needs of life, no food, no shelter, no clothing. It interest’s one’s mind to conscientiously interrogate the policy issues surrounding refugee management. The 1951 convention sets a number of obligations to states and the conundrum, faced by citizens of the universe interested in Migration studies is ensuring maximum compliance to these obligations considering the resource challenges. States have a duty to protect refugees in accordance with Article 14 of the Universal Declaration for Human Rights which was adopted by the 1951 convention, these speak to rights like the most important right of refugees known as the Principle of Non-Refoulement, which prohibits expulsion or return of refugees or asylum seekers The International Organization for Migrations projection of the number of migrants globally by 2050 was overwhelmingly surpassed by 2019 due to wars, conflicts that have been experienced in different parts of the globe. This is also due natural calamities and tough economic conditions. It is a descriptive analysis that encompasses a qualitative design research based on a case study involving both desk research and field study. The use of qualitative research approaches like interview guides, document review and direct observation methods helped to bring in the experience, social, behavioral and cultural aspects of the respondents into the study, and since qualitative research uses subjective information and not limited to the rigidly definable variables, thus it helped to explore the research area of the study. it therefore verily believe that this paper is going to trigger perspectives and spark a conversation on this really pressing global issue of refugees and asylum seekers, it is suggesting viable solutions to the management challenges while making recommendations like the ensuring that no refugees or asylum seekers are closed at any borders on the globe for instance a concerted effort of all global players to ensure that refugees are protected efficiently.

Keywords: management, migration, refugees, rights

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Authors: Dusanee Suwankhong, Pranee Liamputtong

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Mothers living with HIV tend to experience stigma and discrimination which has an impact on their psychological and social well-being and their human rights. This paper explores the lived experience of Thai mothers with HIV in their family. In-depth interviewing and drawing methods were employed to gain a deep understanding on the experience of 30 HIV-positive mothers in the southern community of Thailand. The data was analyzed using thematic analysis method. We found that the majority of HIV-positive mothers learned about their HIV status through blood test services during their antenatal care, but some decided to visit a doctor when their partner became chronically frail and showed some signs indicating HIV/AIDS. Learning about their HIV gave them a great shock, and they could not believe that they were infected with HIV/AIDS. They feared that their illness would be disclosed and hence attempted to keep their HIV secret. This was due to the fact that people in their community would blame and labeled them as a ‘disgusting person’. Besides, they would be separated from social contacts and networks, their individual rights would be disregarded, and their potential roles would be restricted. Although participants suggested that people had more positive view on HIV-infected person nowadays, all still wanted to keep it secret because of fear of stigma and discrimination. Thai health care has provided various kinds of support programs, but many mothers chose not to participate due to the fear of disclosure. However, the women attempted to seek some strategies to live a life which would be more acceptable by the community. We conclude that HIV is still seen as a stigmatised disease in rural community of southern Thailand. Local health care providers and relevant sectors in the locality should create suitable programs to enhance self-worth among those HIV-positive mothers because this could increase a quality of life of this vulnerable mothers. Providing sufficient and appropriate supports for better emotional wellbeing is an essential role of health professionals so that the feeling of isolation among these women could be eliminated and positive social justice can be achieved.

Keywords: HIV-positive mothers, lived experience, southern Thailand, stigma and discrimination

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Authors: Mauro Cristeche

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This paper approaches the intervention of the American State in the social arena and the modeling of the rights system from the Argentinian experience, by observing the characteristics of its federal budgetary system, the evolution of social public spending and welfare programs in recent years, labor and poverty statistics, and the changes on the labor market structure. The analysis seeks to combine different methodologies and sources: in-depth interviews with specialists, analysis of theoretical and mass-media material, and statistical sources. Among the results, it could be mentioned that the tendency to state interventionism (what has been called ‘nationalization of social life’) is quite evident in the United States, and manifests itself in multiple forms. The bibliography consulted, and the experts interviewed pointed out this increase of the state presence in historical terms (beyond short-term setbacks) in terms of increase of public spending, fiscal pressure, public employment, protective and control mechanisms, the extension of welfare policies to the poor sectors, etc. In fact, despite the significant differences between both countries, the United States and Argentina have common patterns of behavior in terms of the aforementioned phenomena. On the other hand, dissimilarities are also important. Some of them are determined by each country's own political history. The influence of political parties on the economic model seems more decisive in the United States than in Argentina, where the tendency to state interventionism is more stable. The centrality of health spending is evident in America, while in Argentina that discussion is more concentrated in the social security system and public education. The biggest problem of the labor market in the United States is the disqualification as a consequence of the technological development while in Argentina it is a result of its weakness. Another big difference is the huge American public spending on Defense. Then, the more federal character of the American State is also a factor of differential analysis against a centralized Argentine state. American public employment (around 10%) is comparatively quite lower than the Argentinian (around 18%). The social statistics show differences, but inequality and poverty have been growing as a trend in the last decades in both countries. According to public rates, poverty represents 14% in The United States and 33% in Argentina. American public spending is important (welfare spending and total public spending represent around 12% and 34% of GDP, respectively), but a bit lower than Latin-American or European average). In both cases, the tendency to underemployment and disqualification unemployment does not assume a serious gravity. Probably one of the most important aspects of the analysis is that private initiative and public intervention are much more intertwined in the United States, which makes state intervention more ‘fuzzy’, while in Argentina the difference is clearer. Finally, the power of its accumulation of capital and, more specifically, of the industrial and services sectors in the United States, which continues to be the engine of the economy, express great differences with Argentina, supported by its agro-industrial power and its public sector.

Keywords: state intervention, welfare policies, labor market, system of rights, United States of America

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Authors: Michael Rahme

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Over the past decade, there is an overwhelming consensus spanning across academia, government commissions, and civil societies that concede that individuals with disabilities (IWDs), particularly those with intellectual differences, are a demographic most ‘vulnerable’ to experiences of sexual violence. From this global accord, numerous policies have sprouted in the protection of this ‘pregnable’ sector of society, primarily framed around liberal obligations of stewardship over the ‘defenceless.’ As such, these initiatives mainly target post-incident or victim-based factors of sexual violence, which is apparent in proposals for more inclusive sexual education and accessible contact lines for IWDs. Yet despite the necessity of these initiatives, sexual incidents among this demographic persist and, in nations such as Australia, continue to rise. Culture of Violence theory reveals that such discrepancies in theory and practice stem from societal structures that frame individuals as ‘vulnerable’, ‘impregnable’, or ‘defenceless’ because of their disability, thus propagating their own likelihood of abuse. These structures, as embodied by the Australian experience, allow these sexual violences to endure through cultural ideologies that place the IWDs ‘failures’ at fault while sidelining the institutions that permit this abuse. Such is representative of the initiatives of preventative organizations like People with Disabilities Australia, which have singularly strengthened victim protection networks, despite abuse continuing to rise dramatically among individuals with intellectual disabilities alone. Yet regardless of this rise, screenings of families and workers remain inadequate and practically untouched, a reflection of a tremendous societal warp in understanding surrounding the lived experiences of IWDs. This theory is also representative of broader literature, where the study of the perpetrators of disability rights, particularly sexual rights, is almost unapparent in a field that is already seldom studied. Therefore, placing power on the abuser via stripping that of the victims. As such, the Culture of Violence theory (CVT) sheds light on the institutions that allow these perpetrators to prosper. This paper, taking a CVT approach, aims to dissipate this discrepancy in the Australian experience by way of a qualitative analysis of all available court proceedings and tribunals between 2020-2022. Through an analysis of the perpetrator, their relation to the IWD, and the motives for their actions granted by court and tribunal transcripts and the psychological, and behavioural reports, among other material, that have been presented and consulted during these proceedings. All of which would be made available under the 1982 Freedom of Information Act. The findings from this study, through the incorporation of CVT, determine the institutions in which these abusers function and the ideologies which motivate such behaviour; while being conscious of the issue of re-traumatization and language barriers of the abusees. Henceforth, this study aims to be a potential policy guide on strengthening support institutions that provide IWDs with their basic rights. In turn, undermining sexual violence among individuals with intellectual disabilities at its roots.

Keywords: criminal profiling, intellectual disabilities, prevention, sexual violence

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Authors: Chris Preston

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As we devise ever more sophisticated methods of on-line marketing, devising systems that are able to reach into the everyday lives of consumers, we are confronted by a generation of children who face unprecedented intervention by commercial organisations into young minds, via electronic devices, and whether by computer, tablet or phone, such children have been somehow reduced to the status of their devices, with little regard for their well being as individuals. This discussion paper seeks to draw attention to such practice and questions the ethics of digital marketing methods.

Keywords: online marketing to children, online research of children, online targeting of children, consumer rights, ethics

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Authors: Leoni Van Der Merwe

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Historically, in South Africa, disability has been viewed as a dilemma of the individual. The discourse surrounding the definition of disability and applicable theories are as fluid as the differing needs of persons with disabilities within society. In 1997, the Office of the Deputy President published the White Paper on the Integrated National Disability Strategy (WPINDS) which sought to integrate disability issues in all governmental development strategies, planning and programs as well as to solidify the South African government’s stance that disability was to be considered according to the social model and not the, previously utilized, medical model of disability. The models of disability are conceptual frameworks for understanding disability and can provide some insight into why certain attitudes exist and how they are reinforced in society. Although the WPINDS was regarded as a critical milestone in the history of the disability rights struggle in South Africa; it has taken approximately twenty years for the publication of a similar document taking into account South Africa’s changing social, economic, political and technological dispensation. December 2015 marked the approval of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (WPRPD) which seeks to update the WPINDS, integrate principles contained in international law instruments and endorse a mainstreaming trajectory for realizing the rights of persons with disabilities. While the WPINDS and the WPRPD were published two decades apart, both documents contain an emphasis on a transition from the medical model to the social model. Whereas, the medical model presupposes that disability is mainly a health and welfare matter and is focused on an individualistic and dependency-based approach; the social model requires a paradigm shift in the manner in which disability is constructed so as to highlight the shortcomings of society in respect of disability and to bring to the fore the capabilities of persons with disabilities. The social model has led to unmatched success in changing the perceptions surrounding disability. This article seeks to investigate the progress made in the implementation of the social model in South Africa by taking into account the effect of the diverse political and cultural landscape in promoting the historically entrenched medical model and the rise of disability activism prior to the new democratic dispensation as well as legislation, case law, policy documents and barriers in respect of persons with disabilities that are pervasive in South African society. The research paper will conclude that although numerous interventions have been identified and implemented to promote the consideration of disability within a social construct in South Africa, such interventions require increased national and international collaboration, resources and pace to ensure that the efforts made lead to sustainable results. For persons with disabilities, what remains to be seen is whether the proliferation of activism by interest groups, social awareness as well as the development of policy documents, legislation and case law will serve as the impetus to dissipate the view that disability is burden to be carried solely on the shoulders of the person with the disability.

Keywords: disability, medical model, social model, societal barriers, South Africa

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Authors: Vaibhav Singh Parihar

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Incidents of serious offenses being committed by children are increasing day by day thereby becoming a matter of great concern. The involvement of a 17-year-old boy in the incident that took place on 16th December 2012 (most commonly known as ‘Nirbhaya Case’)wherein a 23-year-old girl was brutally gang-raped and thrown out of the moving bus, took the entire nation by shock. Previously, the legislation dealing with juvenile delinquency in India considered a child to be juvenile if he/she was below the age of 18 years. As a consequence, the accused who was just six months short of attaining the age of 18 years was convicted for only three years. The primary objective of the study is to understand the gravity as to why the need for distinguishing a child and juvenile arose in this time and to what extent legislations are successful in this regard. It initially explains the history and evolution of juvenile legislation in India and the provisions contained in the Indian Constitution. It then goes on to explain the causes of juvenile delinquency in India. Further, the study focuses on the latest trends that have developed in juvenile delinquency, explaining how the Nirbhaya Case led to the amendments made to the Juvenile Justice Act, 2010. Also, it focuses on the Child Rights and Child Protection and the stand taken by the National Human Rights Commission and the international community. An attempt has been made to settle the debate as to whether the juvenile justice system in India is reformative or punitive. The need for amendment in the Juvenile Justice Act is also highlighted. The outcome of the study suggests that the legislation relating to juvenile delinquency have not been able to achieve the desired results. The age determination method in our system has been given paramount importance. The maximum punishment prescribed, even for heinous crimes, is only three years. Also, the reformative style of punishment is not adequate and more emphasis should be laid on penalization. Finally, the author concludes that the legislation has failed at creating a deterrent effect. It is suggested to strengthen the role of government authorities and to sensitize people in this regard to increase community participation. A non-doctrinal and analytical approach has been adopted and secondary sources of data have been relied upon by the author for conducting the research for the study.

Keywords: child, delinquency, juvenile, Nirbhaya case

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Authors: Lina Fernanda González

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Through this essay, an attempt will be made to make visible the work of the international network of the Women in Black (henceforth WB), on the one hand. On the other hand, the work of Women International Courts as a political practice will be showed as well, focusing their work into generating a collective identity - becoming thusly a peace building space, rescuing in this way the symbolic value of their practices consisting in peaceful resistance as political scenarios, that serve, too, a pedagogical and healing purposes.

Keywords: collective actions, women, peace, human rights and humanitarian international law

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Authors: Abdulmajeed Abdullah Alqarni

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This paper is devoted a study of the current frameworks applicable to foreign investments at the levels of domestic and international law, with a particular focus on the legitimate balance to be achieved between the rights of the host state and the legal protections owed to foreign investors. At the wider level of analysis, the paper attempts to map and critically examine the relationship between foreign investment and economic development. In doing so, the paper offers a study in how current discourses and practices on investment law can reconcile the competing interests of developing and developed countries. The study draws on the growing economic imperative for developing nations to create a favorable investment climate capable of attracting private foreign investment. It notes that that over the past decades, an abundance of legal standards that establish substantive and procedural protections for legal forms of foreign investments in the host countries have evolved and crystalized. The study then goes on to offer a substantive analysis of legal reforms at the domestic level in countries such as Saudi Arabia before going on to provide an in- depth and substantive examination of the most important instruments developed at the levels of international law: bilateral investment agreements and double taxation agreements. As to its methods, the study draws on case studies and from data assessing the link between double taxation and economic development. Drawing from the extant literature and doctrinal research, and international and comparative jurisprudence, the paper excavates and critically examines contemporary definitions and norms of international investment law, many of which have been given concrete form and specificity in an ever-expanding number of bilateral and multilateral investment treaties. By reconsidering the wider challenges of conflicts of law and jurisdiction, and the competing aims of the modern investment law regime, the study reflects on how bilateral investment treaties might succeed in achieving the dual aims of rights protection and economic sovereignty. Through its examination of the double taxation phenomena, the study goes on to identify key practical challenges raised by the implementation of bilateral treaties whilst also assessing the sufficiency of the domestic and international legal solutions that are proposed in response. In its final analysis, the study aims to contribute to existing scholarship by assessing contemporary legal and economic barriers to the free flow of investment with due regard for the legitimate concerns and diversity of developing nations. It does by situating its analysis of the domestic enforcement of international investment instrument in its wider historical and normative context. By focusing on the economic and legal dimensions of foreign investment, the paper also aims to offer an interdisciplinary and holistic perspective on contemporary issues and developments in investment law while offering practical reform proposals that can be used to be achieve a more equitable balance between the rights and interests of states and private entities in an increasingly trans nationalized sphere of investment regulation and treaty arbitration.

Keywords: foreign investment, bilateral investment treaties, international tax law, double taxation treaties

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Authors: Chetna Khandelwal

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This research aims to study the contentions that Farm Animal Sanctuaries pose to human-animal relationships in modernity, which have developed as a result of globalisation of the meat industry and advancements in technology. The sociological history of human-animal relationships in farming is contextualised in order to set a foundation for the follow-up examination of challenges to existing human-(farm)animal relationships by Farm Animal Sanctuaries. The methodology was influenced by relativism, and the method involved three semi-structured small-group interviews, conducted at locations of sanctuaries. The sample was chosen through purposive sampling and varied by location and size of the sanctuary. Data collected were transcribed and qualitatively coded to generate themes. Findings revealed that sanctuary contentions to established human-animal relationships by factory farming could be divided into 4 broad categories – Revealing horrors of factory farming (involving uncovering power relations in agribusiness); transforming relationships with animals (including letting them emotionally heal in accordance with their individual personalities and treating them as partial-pets); educating the public regarding welfare conditions in factory farms as well as animal sentience through practical experience or positive imagery of farm animals, and addressing retaliation made by agribusiness in the form of technologies or discursive strategies. Hence, this research concludes that The human-animal relationship in current times has been characterised by – (ideological and physical) distance from farm animals, commodification due to increased chasing of profits over welfare and exploitation using technological advancements, creating unequal power dynamics that rid animals of any agency. Challenges to this relationship can be influenced by local populations around the sanctuary but not so dependent upon the size of it. This research can benefit from further academic exploration into farm animal sanctuaries and their role in feminist animal rights activism to enrich the ongoing fight against intensive farming.

Keywords: animal rights, factory farming, farm animal sanctuaries, human-animal relationships

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Authors: Aisling De Paor

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Scientific and technological developments are driving genetics and genetic technologies into the public sphere. Scientists are making genetic discoveries as to the make up of the human body and the cause and effect of disease, diversity and disability amongst individuals. Technological innovation in the field of genetics is also advancing, with the development of genetic testing, and other emerging genetic technologies, including gene editing (which offers the potential for genetic modification). In addition to the benefits for medicine, health care and humanity, these genetic advances raise a range of ethical, legal and societal concerns. From an ethical perspective, such advances may, for example, change the concept of humans and what it means to be human. Science may take over in conceptualising human beings, which may push the boundaries of existing human rights. New genetic technologies, particularly gene editing techniques create the potential to stigmatise disability, by highlighting disability or genetic difference as something that should be eliminated or anticipated. From a disability perspective, use (and misuse) of genetic technologies raise concerns about discrimination and violations to the dignity and integrity of the individual. With an acknowledgement of the likely future orientation of genetic science, and in consideration of the intersection of genetics and disability, this paper highlights the main concerns raised as genetic science and technology advances (particularly with gene editing developments), and the consequences for disability and human rights. Through the use of traditional doctrinal legal methodologies, it investigates the use (and potential misuse) of gene editing as creating the potential for a unique form of discrimination and stigmatization to develop, as well as a potential gateway to a form of new, subtle eugenics. This article highlights the need to maintain caution as to the use, application and the consequences of genetic technologies. With a focus on the law and policy position in Europe, it examines the need to control and regulate these new technologies, particularly gene editing. In addition to considering the need for regulation, this paper highlights non-normative approaches to address this area, including awareness raising and education, public discussion and engagement with key stakeholders in the field and the development of a multifaceted genetics advisory network.

Keywords: disability, gene-editing, genetics, law, regulation

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Authors: Nikolaos Koulouris, Anna Kasapoglou, Dimitris Koros

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The paper aims to present the course of ongoing research concerning the treatment of pretrial detainees, convicted or released prisoners for sexual offenses, an area that has not received much attention in Greece in terms of the prison experience and the reintegration potentials regarding this specific category of prisoners. The study plan provides for the use of a combination of research methods (focus groups with prisoners, structured individual interviews with prisoners and prison staff). Also, interviews with ex-prisoners detained regarding sexual offenses will take place. In Greece, there are no special provisions for the treatment of sexual offenders in prison, nor are there any special programs in place for their rehabilitation. Sexual offenders are usually separated from other prisoners, as the informal code of the social organization of the prison community dictates, despite no relevant legal framework. The study aims to explore the reasons for the separate detention of sexual offenders and discuss their special (non) treatment from different points of view, namely the legality and legitimacy of this discriminatory practice in terms of prisoners’ protection, safety, stigmatization, and possible social exclusion, as well as their post-release expectations and social reintegration potentials. The purpose of the research is the exploration of the prison experience of sexual offenders, the exercise of their legal rights, their adjustment to the demands of social life in prison, as well as the role of prison officers and various interventions aiming to their preparation for reentry to society. The study will take into consideration the European and international prison/penitentiary standards and best practices in order to examine the issue comparatively, while the contribution of the United Nations and the Council of Europe and its standards will be used to assess the treatment of sexual offenders in terms of its compatibility to international and European model-rules and trends. The outcome will be utilized to form main directions and propositions for a coherent and consistent human rights-based and social integration-oriented penal policy regarding the treatment of persons accused or convicted of sexual offenses in Greece.

Keywords: prisoners’ treatment, sex offenders, social exclusion, social reintegration

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Authors: Susana Sousa Machado

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The debate on the use of religious symbols has been highlighted in modern societies, especially in the field of labour relationships. As litigiousness appears to be growing, the matter requires a careful study from a legal perspective. In this context, a description and critical analysis of the most recent case law is conducted regarding the use of symbols by the employee in the workplace, delivered both by the European Court of Human Rights and by the Court of Justice of the European Union. From this comparative analysis we highlight the most relevant aspects in order to seek a common core regarding the juridical-argumentative approach of case law.

Keywords: religion, religious symbols, workplace, discrimination

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Authors: Valentina Dotto

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Climate change cases used to take the form of statutory disputes rather than constitutional or common law disputes. This changed in 2015, with the Urgenda Climate case in the Netherlands (Urgenda Foundation v. The State of the Netherlands, C/09/456689/HAZA 13-1396) and, the Juliana case in the U.S. (United States v. U.S. District Court for District of Oregon, 17-71692, 9th Cir.). The two cases represent a new type of climate litigation, the claims brought against the federal government were in fact grounded in constitutional rights. The complaints used the Doctrine of Public Trust as a cornerstone for the lawsuits asserting that government's actions against climate change failed to protect essential public trust resources; thus, violating a generation's constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property. The Public Trust Doctrine –a quintessentially American legal concept-, reserved to the States by virtue of the 9th and 10th amendment of the federal Constitution, gives them considerable jurisdiction over natural resources and has been refined by a number of Supreme Court rulings. The Juliana case exemplifies the Doctrine’s evolutionary nature because it attempts to apply it to the federal government, and establish a right to a climate system capable of sustaining human life as a fundamental right protected by a substantive due process. Furthermore, the flexibility of the Doctrine makes it permissible to be applied to a variety of different legal systems as in the Urgenda case. At the very heart of the lawsuits stands the question of who owns the Earth resources and, to what extent the general public can claim the services that the Earth provides as common property. By employing the widest possible definition of the Doctrine of Public Trust these lawsuits tried to redefine environmental resources as a collective right of all people. By doing case analysis, the paper explores how these cases can contribute to widening the public access to information and broadening the public voice in decision making as well as providing a precedent to equal access in seeking justice and redress from environmental failures.

Keywords: climate change, doctrine of public trust, environmental democracy, Juliana case, Urgenda climate case

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Authors: Joanne Robertson, Awneet Sivia

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Preparing aspiring teachers to become advocates for social justice reflects a fundamental commitment for teacher education programs in Canada to create systemic educational change. The goal is ultimately to address inequities in K-12 education for students from multiple identity groups that have historically been marginalized and oppressed in schools. Social justice is described as an often undertheorized and vague concept in the literature, which increases the risk that teaching for social justice remains a lofty goal. Another concern is that the social justice agenda in teacher education in North America ignores pedagogies related to subject-matter knowledge and discipline-based teaching methods. The question surrounding how teacher education programs can address these issues forms the basis for the research undertaken in this study. The paper focuses on a qualitative research project that examines how an Equity Literature Circles (ELC) framework within a language arts methods course in a Bachelor of Education program may help pre-service teachers better understand the inherent relationship between literacy instructional practices and teaching about and for social justice. Grounded in the Freireian (2018) principle of praxis, this study specifically seeks to understand the impact of Equity Literature Circles on pre-service teachers’ understanding of current social justice issues (reflection), their development of professional competencies in literacy instruction (practice), and their identity as advocates of social justice (action) who address issues related to student diversity, equity, and human rights within the English Language Arts program. In this paper presentation, participants will be provided with an overview of the Equity Literature Circle framework, a summary of key findings and recommendations from the qualitative study, an annotated bibliography of suggested Young Adult novels, and opportunities for questions and dialogue.

Keywords: literacy, language, equity, social justice, diversity, human rights

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Authors: Evangelia-Matroni Tomara

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This thesis answers the question whether the media representations and reporting in 2015-2016 - especially, after the image of the drowned three-year-old Syrian boy in the Mediterranean Sea which made global headlines in the beginning of September 2015 -, the European Commission regulatory sources material and related reporting, have the power to challenge the conceptualization of humanitarianism or even redefine it. The theoretical foundations of the thesis are based on humanitarianism and its core definitions, the power of media representations and the relative portrayal of migrants, refugees and/or asylum seekers, as well as the dominant migration discourse and EU migration governance. Using content analysis for the media portrayal of migrants (436 newspaper articles) and qualitative content analysis for the European Commission Communication documents from May 2015 until June 2016 that required various depths of interpretation, this thesis allowed us to revise the concept of humanitarianism, realizing that the current crisis may seem to be a turning point for Europe but is not enough to overcome the past hostile media discourses and suppress the historical perspective of security and control-oriented EU migration policies. In particular, the crisis helped to shift the intensity of hostility and the persistence in the state-centric, border-oriented securitization in Europe into a narration of victimization rather than threat where mercy and charity dynamics are dominated and into operational mechanisms, noting the emergency of immediate management of the massive migrations flows, respectively. Although, the understanding of a rights-based response to the ongoing migration crisis, is being followed discursively in both political and media stage, the nexus described, points out that the binary between ‘us’ and ‘them’ still exists, with only difference that the ‘invaders’ are now ‘pathetic’ but still ‘invaders’. In this context, the migration crisis challenges the concept of humanitarianism because rights dignify migrants as individuals only in a discursive or secondary level while the humanitarian work is mostly related with the geopolitical and economic interests of the ‘savior’ states.

Keywords: European Union politics, humanitarianism, immigration, media representation, policy-making, refugees, security studies

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Authors: Ezana Haddis Weldeghebrael

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Addis Ababa City Administration is engaged in a massive facelift of the inner-city. The paper, therefore, aims to analyze the challenges of the current urban regeneration effort by paying special attention to Lideta and Basha Wolde Chilot projects. To this end, the paper has adopted a documentary research strategy to collect the data and Institutionalist perspective as well as the concept of urban regeneration to analyze the data. The sources were selected based on relevance and recency. Academic research outputs were used primarily. However, where much scholastic publications are not available institutional reports, newspaper articles, and expert presentations were used. The major findings of the research revealed that although the second generation of urban redevelopment projects have attempted to involve affected groups and succeeded in designing better neighborhoods, they are riddled with three major drawbacks. The first one is institutional constraints, i.e. absence of urban redevelopment strategy as well as housing policy, broad definition of ‘public purpose’, little regard for informal businesses, limitation on rights groups, negotiation power not devolved at sub-city level and no plan for groups that cannot afford to pay the down payment for low-cost apartments. The second one is planning limitation, i.e. absence of genuine affected group participation as well as consultative level of public engagement. The third one is implementation failure, i.e. no regard to maintaining social bond, non-participatory and ill-informed resettlement, interference from senior government officials, failure to protect the poor from speculators, corruption and disregard to heritage buildings. Based on the findings, the paper concluded that the current inner-city redevelopment has failed to be socially sustainable and calls for enactment of housing policy as well as redevelopment strategy, affected group participation, on-site resettlement, empowering the Sub-city to manage the project and allowing housing rights groups to advocate for the poor slum dwellers.

Keywords: participation, redevelopment, planning, implementation, consultation

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Authors: William Thomas Worster

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This paper will highlight the failure of international adjudication to prevent a state from evading an order of provisional measures by simply issuing a diplomatic assurance to the court. This practice changes the positions of the litigants as equals before a court, prevents the court from inquiring into the reliability of the political pledge as it would with assurances from a state to an individual, and diminishes the court’s ability to control its own proceedings in the face of concerns over sovereignty. Both the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and International Court of Justice (ICJ) will entertain these kinds of unilateral pledges, but they consider them differently when the declaration is made between states or between a state and an individual, and when made directly to the court. In short, diplomatic assurances issued between states or to individuals are usually considered not to be legally binding and are essentially questions of fact, but unilateral assurances issued directly to an international court are questions of law, and usually legally binding. At the same time, orders for provisional measures are now understood also to be legally binding, yet international courts will sometimes permit a state to substitute an assurance in place of an order for provisional measures. This emerging practice has brought the nature of a state as a sovereign capable of creating legal obligations into the forum of adjudication where the parties should have equality of arms and permitted states to create legal obligations that escape inquiry into the reliability of the outcome. While most recent practice has occurred at the ICJ in state-to-state litigation, there is some practice potentially extending the practice to human rights courts. Especially where the litigants are factually unequal – a state and an individual – this practice is problematic since states could more easily overcome factual failings in their pledges and evade the control of the court. Consider, for example, the potential for evading non-refoulement obligations by extending the current diplomatic assurances practice from the state-to-state context to the state-to-court context. The dual nature of assurances, as both legal and factual instruments, should be considered as addressed to distinct questions, each with its own considerations, and that we need to be more demanding about their precise legal and factual effects.

Keywords: unilateral, diplomacy, assurances, undertakings, provisional measures, interim measures

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Authors: Sanaa Riaz

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The free people, Amazigh (plural Imazighen), often known by the more popular exonym, Berber, are spread across several North African countries with the highest population in Morocco have been substantially misunderstood and differentially showcased by entities from western-school educated scholars to human, health and women’s rights organizations, to the State to the international community. This paper is an examination of the various conceptualization of the Imazighen. With the popularity of the Arab Spring movement to oust monarchical and dictatorial rulers across the Middle East and North Africa in Morocco, the Moroccan monarchy introduced various reform programs to win public favor. These included social, economic and educational reforms to incorporate marginalized groups such as the Imazighen. The monarchy has ushered Amazigh representation in public offices and landscape through Amazigh script, even though theirs has been an oral culture. After the Arab Spring, the Justice and Development party, an Islamist party took over in Morocco due to its accessibility to the masses, In Sept. 2021, unlike the case of Egypt and Tunisia where military and constitutional means were sought, Morocco successfully removed it from power through the ballot, resulting in a real victory for the neutral monarchy and its representation as a moderate, secular and liberal force for the nation. As a result, supporting the perpetuation of Amazigh linguistic identity also became synonymous to making a secular statement as a Muslim. It has led to the telling of Amazigh identity at state museums as one representing the indigenous, pure, diverse, culturally-rich and united Morocco. Reform efforts have also prioritized an amiable look towards the economic and familial links of Moroccan Jews with the few thousand families still left in the country and a showcasing through museums and cultural centers of the Jewish identity as Moroccan first. In that endeavor, it is interesting to note the coverage of Jews as the indigenous of Morocco through the embracing of their “folk” cultural and religious practices, those that are not continued outside Morocco. In this epistemology, the concept of the Moroccan Jew becomes similar to the indigenous Amazigh, both cherished as the oldest peoples of Morocco and symbols of its unity and resilience. In the urban discourse, Amazigh identity is a concept that continues to be part of the deliberations of elites and scholars graduating from French schools on the incorporation of rural and illiterate Morocco in economic and educational advancement. Yet, with the constant influx of migrants from Western Sahara into cities like Fez and Marrakesh, Amazigh has often been described as the umbrella term of those of “mixed” ethnic ancestry who constitute the country’s free population. In sum, Amazigh identity highlights the changing discourse on marginalized communities, human rights, representation, Moroccan nationhood, and regional and transnational politics. The aim of this paper is to analyze perceptions of Amazigh identity in Morocco post-2021 ousting of the Islamist party using data from state-sponsored museum displays and cultural centers collected in Summer 2022 and scholarly analyses of Amazigh identity, representation and rights in Morocco.

Keywords: Amazigh identity, Morocco, representation, state politics

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Authors: Tety Widyaningrum, Sapnah Rahmawati, Abdulmuluk Attim

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Space was a container that includes land space, sea space and air space, including space in the earth as a whole region, where humans and other living creatures, operate and maintain its survival. Whereas spatial planning was a form of the structure of space and spatial pattern. At this time, the arrangement of space became a matter of considerable concern because through spatial planning was what will determine how the future city hall, how the welfare of the population that is in it, and how space can be a comfortable space to live. This spatial arrangement became a subject that must be considered not only by the Government as policy makers but also of concern to the entire community in it. As a place to stay, this space should be able to ensure the safety and comfort of the whole community, even people with disabilities, though. For development and spatial planning in Indonesia. It was still very low which was still concerned about the disabled. The spatial arrangement made generalizations. This caused the right for disabled people was less fulfilled. In accordance with the Declaration on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities who explains that people with disabilities had the right to be able to facilitate their efforts to become self-sufficient or not depends on the other party. It was also strengthened by According to the Law of the Republic of Indonesia No. 4 of 1997 on Persons with Disabilities; disabilities were part of the Indonesian people who had the status, rights, obligations and the same role with other Indonesian community in all aspects of life and livelihood. As observed, during the disabled were still used as objects that hadn’t been involved in the formulation of development planning of space in Indonesia, so the infrastructure space was still very far from the concept of friendly to the disabled. As an example of a sidewalk in Indonesia were still in bad condition, potholes, and uneven and don’t meet the eligibility standards. In addition, there were sidewalks that abused become a trade causing run down and chaotic atmosphere. In addition, pedestrians are also disturbed because the sidewalks were often still used as a parking lot or flowers to decorate the layout of the city, so the legroom was becoming increasingly limited. The development of infrastructure for pedestrians was also still concerned with aspects of aesthetic than functional. Therefore, the participation of disabled people must be involved in spatial planning exist. It aims to achieve spatial and environmentally friendly to the disabled. These dream space activities carried out by giving questionnaires and the dream images to the disabled about how the layout of the space they want what they want and what development was also in line with the principle of their convenience. This then will be taken into consideration for government in planning layout that was friendly to the whole community.

Keywords: diffable, aspiration, spatial, planning

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Authors: Hanaa Sameen Ameen Bajilan

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Human rights should be protected and promoted without regard to race, ethnicity, religion, political philosophy, or sexual orientation, following our firm convictions. Thus, any infringement of these rights or disdain for; any use of violence against women undermines the principles and human values of equality and endangers the entire society, including its potential to live in peace and to make growth and development. This paper represents the condition of the new Iraqi women regarding issues such as the gender wage gap, education, health, and violence against women. The study aims to determine the impact of traditions and customs on the legal position of Iraqi women. First, it seeks to assess the effects of culture as a historical agency on the legal status of Iraqi women. Second, the influence of cultural developments in the later part of the twentieth century on Iraqi women's legal standing, and third, the importance of cultural variety as a progressive cultural component in women's legal position. Finally, the study highlights the representation of women in Iraq: Gender wage Gap, Women's liberation between culture and law, and the role of women within Iraqi society based on an Iraqi novel named (Orange Light) in Arabic: برتقالو ضو. in her book, the Iraqi writer Nadia Al-Abru succeeds in portraying the post-war society's devotion to the sexual, emotional and mental marginalization of women in terms of the value of attendance. Since the study of Iraqi women's literature in Arabic-English translation is a new avenue of research that contributes to all three areas, this investigation aims to establish critical lines of engagement between contemporary Iraqi women's literature in English translation and feminist translation conceptual frameworks, and this is accomplished by first focusing on why analyzing Iraqi women writers' novels in Arabic-English translation is a timeline of inquiry that contributes to existing and emerging knowledge fields concerning Iraqi women writers' contemporary critical contexts and scholarship on Arab women's literature in Arabic-English translation.

Keywords: women in İraq, equality, violence, gender wage gap, Nadia Al-Abru, (orange light), women's liberation, İraqi women's literature,

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

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Authors: Adline Nkwam-Uwaoma, Mishack Ndukwu

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Traditionally, child rearing in Nigeria closely reflects the ‘spare the rod and spoil the child’ maxim and as such spanking, flogging, slapping, beating and even starving a child as a form of punishment for wrongdoing and as a method of behaviour modification are common. These are not necessarily considered as maltreatment or abuse of the child. Despite the adoption and implementation of the child rights act in Nigeria, violence against children seems to be on a steady increase. Stories of sexual molestation, rape, child labour, infliction of physical injuries and use of children for rituals by parents, guardians or other members of the society abound. Violence against children is considered as those acts by other persons especially adults that undermine and threaten the healthy life and existence of children or those that violet their rights as humans. In Nigeria newspapers are a major source of News, second only to radio and television in coverage, currency and content. National dailies are newspapers with daily publications and national spread or coverage. This study analysed the frequency, length, prominence level, direction and sources of information reported on violence against children in the selected national daily newspapers. It then provided information on the role of the newspapers in Nigeria in the fight against child violence and public awareness of the impact of violence against children on the development of the nation and the attempts to curtail such violence. The composite week sampling technique in which the four weeks of the month are reduced to one and a sample is randomly selected from each day of the week was used. As such 168 editions of Daily Sun and Punch newspapers published from January to December of 2016 were selected. Data were collected using code sheet and analyzed via content analysis. The result showed that the frequency of the newspapers’ reportage of violence against children in Nigeria was low. Again, it was found that the length or space given to reports on violence against children was inadequate, the direction of the few reports on violence against children was in favour of the course or fight against child violence, and these newspapers gave no prominence to reports on violence against children. Finally, it was found that a major source of News about violence against children was through journalism; government and individual sources provided only minimal information.

Keywords: children, newspapers' reportage, Nigeria, violence

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Authors: Hezha Hewa, Taher Sur

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Nowadays, child affairs is a matter of both national and international interests. This issue is regarded a vital topic for various scientific fields across ages, and for all the communities without exception. However, the nature of child caring may vary due to the verities in science perspectives. So, considering child's affairs from different perspectives is helpful to have a complementary image about this matter. The purpose behind selecting this topic is to keep a balance between the victim on the one hand, and the guardian and the offender on the other hand, (i.e.) to avoid any kind of excessiveness either in the protection of the child and its rights not in the punishment of the offender. This is achieved through considering various legal materials in the Iraqi legislation and in the comparative legislations that are concerned with the child's issue and the extent to which the child makes use of these rights. The scope of this study involves the crimes that are considered as aggressions against the child's right to life, and the crimes that are dangerous to their physical and psychological safety. So, this study comprehensively considers the intentional murder of child, child murder to avoid disgrace, child kidnapping, child abandonment, physical abuse for the sake of punishment or not, child circumcision, verbal violence, and abstaining from leaving a child with a person who has the right of custody. This study ends with the most significant concluding points that have been derived throughout this study, which are: Unlike the Iraqi legislation, the Egyptian legislation defines the child in the Article 2 of the Child Law No. 12 of 1996 amended by the Law No. 126 of 2008 that the child is a person who does not exceed 18 years of age. Some legislation does not provide special criminal protection for child intentional murder, as in the Iraqi and the Egyptian legislation. However, some others have provided special criminal protection for a child, as in French and Syrian legislations. Child kidnapping is regarded as one of the most dangerous crimes that affects the child and the family as well, as it may expose the child's life to danger or to death. The most significant recommendations from the researcher are: The Iraqi legislation is recommended to take the necessary measures to establish a particular legislation for the child by including all the legal provisions that are associated with this weak creature, and make use of the Egyptian legislator’s experience as a pioneer in this respect. Both the Iraqi legislation and the Egyptian legislation are recommended to enact special laws to protect a child from the crimes of intentional murder, as the crime of child murder is currently subjected to the same provisions consider for adult murder.

Keywords: child, criminal, penal, law, safety

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Authors: Abderahman Efhialelbum

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The period since the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, and the collapse of the former Soviet Union in December 1985 has seen a major change in the economies and labour markets of Eastern Europe. The events also had reverberating effects across Asia and South America and parts of Africa, including Libya. This article examines the typologies and the models of transition economies. Also, it sheds light on the Libyan transition in particular and the impact of Qadhafi’s regime on the transition process. Finally, it illustrates how the Libyan transition process followed the trajectory of other countries using economic indicators such as free trade, property rights, and inflation.

Keywords: transition, economy, typology, model, Libya

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Authors: Michely Vargas Delpupo, José Geraldo Romanello Bueno

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The right to basic sanitation, was elevated to the category of fundamental right by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 to protect the ecologically balanced environment, ensuring social rights to health and adequate housing warranting dignity of the human person as a principle of the Brazilian Democratic State. Because of their essentiality to the Brazilian population, this article seeks to understand why universal access to basic sanitation is a goal so difficult to achieve in Brazil. Therefore, this research uses the deductive and analytical method. Given the nature of the research literature, research techniques were centered in specialized books on the subject, journals, theses and dissertations, laws, relevant law case and raising social indicators relating to the theme. The relevance of the topic stems, among other things, the fact that sanitation services are essential for a dignified life, i.e. everyone is entitled to the maintenance of the necessary existence conditions are satisfied. However, the effectiveness of this right is undermined in society, since Brazil has huge deficit in sanitation services, denying thus a worthy life to most of the population. Thus, it can be seen that the provision of water and sewage services in Brazil is still characterized by a large imbalance, since the municipalities with lower population index have greater disability in the sanitation service. The truth is that the precariousness of water and sewage services in Brazil is still very concentrated in the North and Northeast regions, limiting the effective implementation of the Law 11.445/2007 in the country. Therefore, there is urgent need for a positive service by the State in the provision of sanitation services in order to prevent and control disease, improve quality of life and productivity of individuals, besides preventing contamination of water resources. More than just social and economic necessity, there is even a an obligation of the government to implement such services. In this sense, given the current scenario, to achieve universal access to basic sanitation imposes many hurdles. These are mainly in the field of properly formulated and implemented public policies, i.e. it requires an excellent institutional organization, management services, strategic planning, social control, in order to provide answers to complex challenges.

Keywords: fundamental rights, health, sanitation, universal access

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper illustrates dynamics of nuclear resistance movements in India and how peoples’ power rises in response to subversion of justice and suppression of human rights. The need for democratizing nuclear policy runs implicit through the demands of the people protesting against nuclear programmes. The paper analyses the rationale behind developing nuclear energy according to the mainstream development model adopted by the state. Whether the prevalent nuclear discourse includes people’s ambitions and addresses local concerns or not is discussed. Primarily, the nuclear movements across India comprise of two types of actors i.e. the local population as well as the urban interlocutors. The first type of actor is the local population comprising of the people who are residing in the vicinity of the nuclear site and are affected by its construction, presence and operation. They have very immediate concerns against nuclear energy projects but also have an ideological stand against producing nuclear energy. The other types of actors are the urban interlocutors, who are the intellectuals and nuclear activists who have a principled stand against nuclear energy and help to aggregate the aims and goals of the movement on various platforms. The paper focuses on the nuclear resistance movements at five sites in India- Koodankulam (Tamil Nadu), Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Mithivirdi (Gujrat) and Gorakhpur (Haryana). The origin, development, role of major actors and mass media coverage of all these movements are discussed in depth. Major observations from the Indian case include: first, nuclear policy discussions in India are confined to elite circles; secondly, concepts like national security and national interest are used to suppress dissent against mainstream policies; and thirdly, India’s energy policies focus on economic concerns while ignoring the human implications of such policies. In conclusion, the paper observes that the anti-nuclear movements question not just the feasibility of nuclear power but also its exclusionary nature when it comes to people’s participation in policy making, endangering the ecology, violation of human rights, etc. The character of these protests is non-violent with an aim to produce more inclusive policy debates and democratic dialogues.

Keywords: anti-nuclear movements, Koodankulam nuclear power plant, non-violent resistance, nuclear resistance movements, social movements

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Authors: Intan Waheedah Othman, Maslinawati Mohamad, Azizah Abdullah

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Few discussions were made on cooperative governance reforms despite the fact that cooperative movements operate and compete in an identical business environment as the private as well as the public corporations. Due to the scarcity of research examining the issue of governance among cooperatives, this paper is motivated to examine the extent of governance compliance and disclosure among cooperatives, hence the relationship between cooperative governance and its firm performance. Results from the study provide empirical evidence that disclosure on ownership structure and exercise of control rights was found to have significant negative relationship with cooperative firm performance.

Keywords: cooperative, governance, firm performance, Malaysia

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