Search results for: democratic elections

Authors: Shih-Tsung Chen, Yenchin Hsiao

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Evergreen Lily is a newly-built school after Morakot Typhoon took place. The school is located on Majia farm, which is surrounded by mountains. The fund in the construction of the school is solely sponsored by Chang Yung-Fa Foundation. There are 483 permanent houses near the school belonging to three tribes, Dashe, Majia, and Haocha. Due to the most ancient heritages of Paiwan and Rukai in these three tribes, the school is full of cultural atmosphere. From modern and traditional perspectives, Evergreen Lily strives to establish and develop a long-lasting educational model to meet the expectation of the tribes, parents, and the public. This study is a case study of how to develop indigenous education in newly established schools after the Morakot Hurricane disaster to meet the concept of environmental education. The systematic curriculum construction of education and cultural integration and the systematic practice of curriculum practice will be discussed, and the concept and practice of tribal education curriculum and sustainable environmental education will be understood. This study found that this school integrates the spirit of natural philosophy, democratic education, ethnic and experimental education, and constructs a knowledge system that includes three levels of spiritual culture, institutional culture, and material culture, as well as six dimensions of life philosophy, natural ecology, organizational system, tribal literature and history, song and dance, and technical and artistic methods. Adhering to the concept of harmonious education and the sustainable common good, the development of school-based tribal academic courses accounts for about one-third of the total number of teaching sessions, and there are different cultural themes in grades one to six, and there are clear teaching modules to effectively enhance students' potential inspiration. The complete curriculum implementation model can be described as a model for the development of indigenous schools to sustainable environmental education.

Keywords: environmental education, indigenous education, sustainable development, school-based curriculum

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Authors: Mateusz Jeżowski, Jadwiga Fila, Paweł Poszytek

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This abstract summarizes the combined findings of several analyses carried out by the authors on the barriers to accessing international education mobility programs by people with fewer opportunities, especially those with a low level of cultural and social capital. Two flagship educational mobility initiatives of the European Union – the Erasmus+ Program and the European Solidarity Corps are aimed at equipping young people and participants of all ages with the qualifications and skills needed for their meaningful participation in a democratic society intercultural understanding and successful transition in the labour market. The heart of these programs is to come closer to people with fewer opportunities, including people with disabilities, migrants, as well as those facing socio-economic difficulties and displaying a low level of social and cultural capital. Still, people who participate in such initiatives usually demonstrate higher than average cultural and social capital, as understood by Pierre Bourdieu. First of all, the educational attainment of their parents is higher than the average. Secondly, they mostly live in large agglomerations, with good access to education and culture, which affects their foreign language skills as well as social and cultural competencies. Finally, participation in Erasmus+ Program or European Solidarity Corps is not their first educational mobility experience. It is therefore justified to state that their social and cultural capital, already high before taking part in Erasmus+ and European Solidarity Corps, becomes even higher once their international mobility activities have been over, at the expense of those people with fewer opportunities, who, in theory, could participate in those initiatives, nonetheless did not, for the following reasons: lack of sufficient information on such programs, financial obstacles or unappreciation of the value of international mobility. In their work, the authors will discuss what are, in the light of Bourdieu’s perception of social and cultural capital, the main obstacles for young people to participate in international mobility programs of the European Union and will offer comprehensive solutions rooted in their vast experience in management and implementation of Erasmus+ Program and European Solidarity Corps.

Keywords: cultural capital, educational mobility, Erasmus+, European solidarity corps, inclusion, social capital

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Authors: Tugce Duygu Koksal

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In recent years, given the fact that the acts of terrorism and the threat of the latter are taking place without any border and distinction, it has led the states to deal with the terrorism as a priority issue. More recently, as seen in different countries during state of emergency, the adoption of anti-terrorism measures motivated by the sole need of the prevention of terrorism targets directly the fundamental rights of individuals. Therefore, a contribution to the understanding of the value of the principle of legality is becoming more and more important nowadays. This paper aims to reflect the probable effects of the adoption of anti-terrorism measures regardless of the principle of legality, on the fundamental rights. In this respect, this paper will first discuss the margin of appreciation of the national authorities by countering terrorism, and then, the importance of the respect of the legality of the anti-terrorism measures will be examined in the light of actual examples. Indeed, one of the major findings of this study is the fact that the anti-terrorism laws and measures were taken in this framework must be subject to close scrutiny in democracies, which adopted the principle of the rule of law and respect human rights. Although the state's margin of appreciation in the field of counter-terrorism is broad, these measures which are based on the legitimate aim of a democracies’ legitimate right to protect itself against the activities of terrorist organizations should have the legal basis and be strictly required by the exigencies of the fight against terrorism. While combating terrorism, the legal basis shall only be achieved if the legal consequences of an individuals’ actions related to terrorism shall be clear and foreseeable by the individuals of a society. On the other hand, particularly during the state of emergency, the ambiguity of the law might be used to include a wide range of actions under acts of terrorism. This is becoming more dangerous where freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of association and the right to information is in the substance of these actions. Disregarding the principle of legality is susceptible to create a chilling effect on the exercise of human rights, and therefore, the fight against terrorism can be transformed into a repressive regime on opponents. As a result, the efforts to counter terrorism of the national authorities irrespective of the principle of legality are susceptible to cause a transformation of the rule of law to a state of law which cannot be appreciated in a democratic society.

Keywords: anti-terrorism measures, chilling effect, predictability, the principle of legality, state of emergency

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Authors: R. M. W. Rajapakshe

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Sri Lanka, which is officially called the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka is an island nation situated near India. It is a multi-lingual, multi- religious and multi – ethnic country, where Sinhalese form the majority and the Tamils form the largest ethnic minority. The composition of the population (ethnic basis) in Sri Lanka is as follows: Sinhalese: 74.5%, Tamil (Sri Lankan): 12.6%, Muslim: 7.5 %, Tamil (Indian): 5.5%, Malay: 0.3%, Burgher: 0.3 %, other: 0.2 %. The Tamil people use the Tamil language as their mother tongue and the Sinhala people use the Sinhala language as their mother tongue. A very few people in both communities use English as their mother tongue and however, a large number of people use English as a second language. The Sinhala Language was declared the only official language in Sri Lanka in 1959. However, it was not acceptable to Tamil politicians as well as to the common Tamil people and it was the beginning of long standing ethnic crisis which later became a military war where a lot of blood was shed. As a solution to the above ethnic crisis the thirteenth amendment to the constitution of Sri Lanka was introduced in 1987 and according to it both Sinhala and Tamil were declared official languages and English as the link language in Sri Lanka. Thus, a new programme namely, second language teaching programme under which Sinhala was taught to Tamil students and Tamil was taught to Sinhala students, was introduced at government schools. Language teaching includes knowledge of the culture of the target language. As all cultures are mixed and have common features students have reduced their enmity about the other community and learned to respect the other culture. On the other hand as all languages are mixed, students came to the understanding that there are no pure languages. Thus, they learned to respect the other language. In the case of Sri Lanka the Sinhala language is mixed with the Tamil language and vice versa. Thus, the development of second language teaching is the prominent way to solve the above ethnic problem and this study clearly shows it. However, the above programme suffers with lack of trained second language teachers, infrastructure facilities and insufficient funds and, they can be considered as the main obstacles to develop the second language teaching programme. Yet, there are no satisfactory answers to those problems. The data were collected from relevant books, articles and other documents based on research and forty five recordings, each with one hour duration, of natural conversations covering all factions of the Sinhala community.

Keywords: ethnic crisis, official language, second language teaching, Sinhala, Tami

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Authors: C. Greenstone, R. Hansmann, L. Mbandla, J. Houghton, G. Lincoln

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All beach areas in South Africa are constituted as public land, open to all to walk on or swim in these spaces. With the completed development of the Durban promenade in 2023 from the Umgeni estuary to the harbour entrance, Durban’s beachfront promenade is a notable example of innovative urban design that has transformed formerly segregated spaces into a paved public walkway linking over 15 beaches. Public spaces, however, are not all created equally, with ideas on how individuals and groups become the producers of space can be a useful tool for designing future public spaces. It is the role of planners, architects, and other built environment specialists to ensure inclusivity and symbiosis between how spaces are separated and then created. Lefebvre’s ideas about space and social practice provide a foundation for this research, specifically on how spaces like the Durban promenade function as democratic spaces, highlighting questions of what draws individuals and groups to certain areas on the promenade are important. Some public spaces are well designed, accessible, and inclusive, while others create more contestation amongst users. In this research article, Durban’s beachfront promenade is used as a case study to better understand the creation of public spaces, more specifically regarding who uses the beachfront promenade and for what reasons. This research adopts a phenomenological and descriptive approach to understanding place by exploring human experiences, emotions and meanings individuals attach to the beachfront promenade and how social processes and interactions shape our understanding, experience, and meaning of places. This research will collect both qualitative and quantitative data along specific nodes located on the beachfront promenade to determine the number of visitors based on demographics such as age, race and gender and the perceptions of visitors to these nodes. The aim is to coordinate and give meaning through surveys and visitor observations to better understand the type of perceptions people have of these spaces, for example, the rationale for utilising space, which already encompasses several activities ranging from cultural, social, economic, environmental, spiritual, physical as well as numerous others.

Keywords: perceptions of space, social practice, identity, urban planning, public space

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Authors: Giorgi Katamadze

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Open public service and accountability towards citizens is an important feature of democratic state based on rule of law. Effective use of electronic resources simplifies bureaucratic procedures, makes direct communications, helps exchange information, ensures government’s openness and in general helps develop electronic/digital democracy. Development of electronic democracy should be a strategic dimension of Georgian governance. Formation of electronic democracy, its functional improvement should become an important dimension of the state’s information policy. Electronic democracy is based on electronic governance and implies modern information and communication systems, their adaptation to universal standards. E-democracy needs involvement of governments, voters, political parties and social groups in an electronic form. In the last years the process of interaction between the citizen and the state becomes simpler. This process is achieved by the use of modern technological systems which gives to a citizen a possibility to use different public services online. For example, the website my.gov.ge makes interaction between the citizen, business and the state more simple, comfortable and secure. A higher standard of accountability and interaction is being established. Electronic democracy brings new forms of interactions between the state and the citizen: e-engagement – participation of society in state politics via electronic systems; e-consultation – electronic interaction among public officials, citizens and interested groups; e-controllership – electronic rule and control of public expenses and service. Public transparency is one of the milestones of electronic democracy as well as representative democracy as only on mutual trust and accountability can democracy be established. In Georgia, institutional changes concerning establishment and development of electronic democracy are not enough. Effective planning and implementation of a comprehensive and multi component e-democracy program (central, regional, local levels) requires telecommunication systems, institutional (public service, competencies, logical system) and informational (relevant conditions for public involvement) support. Therefore, a systematic project of formation of electronic governance should be developed which will include central, regional, municipal levels and certain aspects of development of instrumental basis for electronic governance.

Keywords: e-democracy, e-governance, e-services, information technology, public administration

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Michely Vargas Delpupo, José Geraldo Romanello Bueno

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The right to basic sanitation, was elevated to the category of fundamental right by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 to protect the ecologically balanced environment, ensuring social rights to health and adequate housing warranting dignity of the human person as a principle of the Brazilian Democratic State. Because of their essentiality to the Brazilian population, this article seeks to understand why universal access to basic sanitation is a goal so difficult to achieve in Brazil. Therefore, this research uses the deductive and analytical method. Given the nature of the research literature, research techniques were centered in specialized books on the subject, journals, theses and dissertations, laws, relevant law case and raising social indicators relating to the theme. The relevance of the topic stems, among other things, the fact that sanitation services are essential for a dignified life, i.e. everyone is entitled to the maintenance of the necessary existence conditions are satisfied. However, the effectiveness of this right is undermined in society, since Brazil has huge deficit in sanitation services, denying thus a worthy life to most of the population. Thus, it can be seen that the provision of water and sewage services in Brazil is still characterized by a large imbalance, since the municipalities with lower population index have greater disability in the sanitation service. The truth is that the precariousness of water and sewage services in Brazil is still very concentrated in the North and Northeast regions, limiting the effective implementation of the Law 11.445/2007 in the country. Therefore, there is urgent need for a positive service by the State in the provision of sanitation services in order to prevent and control disease, improve quality of life and productivity of individuals, besides preventing contamination of water resources. More than just social and economic necessity, there is even a an obligation of the government to implement such services. In this sense, given the current scenario, to achieve universal access to basic sanitation imposes many hurdles. These are mainly in the field of properly formulated and implemented public policies, i.e. it requires an excellent institutional organization, management services, strategic planning, social control, in order to provide answers to complex challenges.

Keywords: fundamental rights, health, sanitation, universal access

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper illustrates dynamics of nuclear resistance movements in India and how peoples’ power rises in response to subversion of justice and suppression of human rights. The need for democratizing nuclear policy runs implicit through the demands of the people protesting against nuclear programmes. The paper analyses the rationale behind developing nuclear energy according to the mainstream development model adopted by the state. Whether the prevalent nuclear discourse includes people’s ambitions and addresses local concerns or not is discussed. Primarily, the nuclear movements across India comprise of two types of actors i.e. the local population as well as the urban interlocutors. The first type of actor is the local population comprising of the people who are residing in the vicinity of the nuclear site and are affected by its construction, presence and operation. They have very immediate concerns against nuclear energy projects but also have an ideological stand against producing nuclear energy. The other types of actors are the urban interlocutors, who are the intellectuals and nuclear activists who have a principled stand against nuclear energy and help to aggregate the aims and goals of the movement on various platforms. The paper focuses on the nuclear resistance movements at five sites in India- Koodankulam (Tamil Nadu), Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Mithivirdi (Gujrat) and Gorakhpur (Haryana). The origin, development, role of major actors and mass media coverage of all these movements are discussed in depth. Major observations from the Indian case include: first, nuclear policy discussions in India are confined to elite circles; secondly, concepts like national security and national interest are used to suppress dissent against mainstream policies; and thirdly, India’s energy policies focus on economic concerns while ignoring the human implications of such policies. In conclusion, the paper observes that the anti-nuclear movements question not just the feasibility of nuclear power but also its exclusionary nature when it comes to people’s participation in policy making, endangering the ecology, violation of human rights, etc. The character of these protests is non-violent with an aim to produce more inclusive policy debates and democratic dialogues.

Keywords: anti-nuclear movements, Koodankulam nuclear power plant, non-violent resistance, nuclear resistance movements, social movements

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Authors: Olupemi E. Oludare

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This paper investigates the creative practice engaged in Juju music, a Nigerian Neo-traditional genre of the Yoruba, and its influence on the consciousness of societal praxis. It takes a musical and cultural perspective, as representational indices of how the people’s religious, social, educational, and political consciousness is expressed in their music. The study adopts the historical cum descriptive design in its methodology, tracing the historical development of Juju music, the appropriation of musical and cultural materials in its creative process, and a descriptive analysis of its musical practice, in order to substantiate the role and function of Juju music and its musicians in the political, philosophical, and social consciousness of Nigeria’s pre- and post-independence epoch. Data were collected through oral interviews of selected Juju practitioners, stakeholders, and enthusiasts. It also employed the use of discography of Juju musicians. This paper discusses musical factors such as form, melodic and rhythmic patterns, and thematic materials, while highlighting cultural factors such as linguistic elements, with textual analysis, as a conscious avenue of expression. The study revealed that Juju musicians composed their music by engaging both indigenous and foreign musical materials, as a means of creative practice for musical entertainment, while expressing the people’s consciousness of their beliefs, values, and socio-political issues, hence the music functioning as a vehicle for social commentaries. The popularization and commercialization of Juju music brought the musicians national and international accolades, subsequently attracting contributions from contemporary musicians, which led to innovations of new brands, such as ‘Afro-Juju’, ‘Gospel-Juju’, ‘Hip-Hop-Juju’, etc., albeit retaining the basic musical elements of its progenitor, as a conscious music for socio-cultural functions. This study concludes that Juju music and its musicians remain germane in the musical scene of the nation’s social, educational, and political terrain, especially in the current Nigerian democratic climate. This paper recommends the promotion and patronage of the Juju music in its original form, to prevent its decline in current times, since it serves as an enrichment of national identity both in Nigeria, and Internationally.

Keywords: appropriation, consciousness, creative practice, national identity, neo-traditional

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Authors: Ani Eda Njwe

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Cameroon is a bilingual and bijural country in West and Central Africa. The current president has been in power since 1982, which makes him the longest-serving president in the world. The length of his presidency is one of the major causes of the ongoing political instability in the country. The preamble of the Cameroonian constitution commits Cameroon to respect international law and human rights. It provides that these laws should be translated into national laws, and respected by all spheres of government and public service. Cameroon is a signatory of several international human rights laws and conventions. In theory, the citizens of Cameroon have adequate legal protection against the violation of their human rights for political reasons. The ongoing political crisis in Cameroon erupted after the Anglophone lawyers and teachers launched a protest against the hiring of Francophone judges in Anglophone courts; and the hiring of Francophone teachers in Anglophone schools. In retaliation, the government launched a military crackdown on protesters and civilians, conducted arbitrary arrests on Anglophones, raped and maimed civilians, and declared a state of emergency in the Anglophone provinces. This infuriated the Anglophone public, causing them to create a secessionist movement, requesting the Independence of Anglophone Cameroon and demanding a separate country called Ambazonia. The Ambazonian armed rebel forces have ever since launched guerrilla attacks on government troops. This fighting has deteriorated into a war between the Ambazonians and the Cameroon government. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonments have continued, causing the closure of Anglophone schools since November 2016. In October 2018, Cameroon held presidential elections. Before the electoral commission announced the results, the opposition leader, a Francophone, declared himself winner, following a leak of the polling information. This led to his imprisonment. This research has the objective of finding out whether the government’s reactions to protesters and opposition is lawful, under national and international laws. This research will also verify if the prison conditions of political prisoners meet human rights standards. Furthermore, this research seeks detailed information obtained from current political prisoners and detainees on their experiences. This research also aims to highlight the effort being made internationally, towards bringing awareness and finding a resolution to the war in Cameroon. Finally, this research seeks to elucidate on the efforts which human rights organisations have made, towards overseeing the respect of human rights in Cameroon. This research adopts qualitative methods, whereby data were collected using semi-structured interviews of political detainees, and questionnaires. Also, data was collected from secondary sources such as; scholarly articles, newspaper articles, web sources, and human rights reports. From the data collected, the findings were analysed using the content analysis research technique. From the deductions, recommendations have been made, which human rights organisations, activists, and international bodies can implement, to cause the Cameroonian government to stop unlawful arrests and reinstate the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Cameroon.

Keywords: arbitrary arrests, Cameroon, human rights, political

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Authors: Po-Ching Wang

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Public art may be regarded as a social agenda. It is assumed that public art acts as an intermediate form that contributes significantly to community resurgence. That is, public art may be regarded as a verb/process or social intervention. It functions as a vanguard form, attacking boundaries and providing a sensibility for social strategy. Public art in tradition is generally expected to bring aesthetic pleasure to public. Contemporary public art, however, not only focuses on art installation, but it also often offers a process that aims to comment on, question, and challenge the socio-cultural status quo. During the last few decades, accelerated changes in the values and expectations brought to bear on varied urban issues, together with the destruction of the hegemony of traditional art and of museum authorities, has begun to contribute to freer and more democratic representations of public art. It is said that part of a public artwork’s role is to ruffle sacred feathers. In many cases, public art is created to address the dynamic social contradictions and mutability of public life; and artists and community participants approach public art from a variety of social critical perspectives and methodologies. Urban issues, such as social and environmental justice, health problems, violence, and political statements, provide plentiful source materials that fuel the performance of public art in many different settings. Further, public artworks have been extensively adopted to express social identity, make political statements, and/or to remedy social and environmental crises. Many murals on urban walls, for instance, reflect social conflicts and address civic rights, and these projects are usually the work of artists who though denied access to traditional gallery and museum channels are supported by community engagement and involvement. Public art as a social practice challenges the traditional western view of artistic practice. Art in the public realm creates a new media that provides a platform for a dialogical exchange between diverse social groups. It seems that public art has evolved as an arena for activism that addresses wide-ranging and highly controversial social issues and civilian concerns. The findings of this study indicate that public artworks are capable of playing a role of activist in facilitating community evolution via social progress.

Keywords: aesthetics, community regeneration, city development, publicness, public participation, social progress

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Authors: Sahar Navabakhsh, Rokia Raslan, Yair Schwartz

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Decision-making on regeneration of housing estates, whether to refurbish or re-build, has been mostly triggered by economic factors. To enable sustainable growth, it is vital that environmental and social impacts of different scenarios are also taken into account. The methodology used to include all the three sustainable development pillars is called Life Cycle Sustainability Assessment (LCSA), which comprises of Life Cycle Assessment (LCA) for the assessment of environmental impacts of buildings. Current practice of LCA is regularly conducted post design stage and by sustainability experts. Not only is undertaking an LCA at this stage less effective, but issues such as the limited scope for the definition and assessment of environmental impacts, the implication of changes in the system boundary and the alteration of each of the variable metrics, employment of different Life Cycle Impact Assessment Methods and use of various inventory data for Life Cycle Inventory Analysis can result in considerably contrasting results. Given the niche nature and scarce specialist domain of LCA of buildings, the majority of the stakeholders do not contribute to the generation or interpretation of the impact assessment, and the results can be generated and interpreted subjectively due to the mentioned uncertainties. For an effective and democratic assessment of environmental impacts, different stakeholders, and in particular the community and design team should collaborate in the process of data collection, assessment and analysis. This paper examines and evaluates a participatory approach to LCSA through the analysis of a case study of a housing estate in South West London. The study has been conducted throughout tier-based collaborative methods to collect and share data through surveys and co-design workshops with the community members and the design team as the main stakeholders. The assessment of lifecycle impacts is conducted throughout the process and has influenced the decision-making on the design of the Community Plan. The evaluation concludes better assessment transparency and outcome, alongside other socio-economic benefits of identifying and engaging the most contributive stakeholders in the process of conducting LCSA.

Keywords: life cycle assessment, participatory LCA, life cycle sustainability assessment, participatory processes, decision-making, housing estate regeneration

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Authors: He Li

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Around the mid-1980s, Confucianism was reintroduced into China from Taiwan and Hong Kong as a result of China’s policies of reform and openness. Since then, the revival of neo-Confucianism in mainland China has accelerated and become a crucial component of the public intellectual sphere. The term xinrujia or xinruxue, loosely translated as “neo-Confucianism,” is increasingly understood as an intellectual and cultural phenomenon of the last four decades. The Confucian scholarship is in the process of restoration. This paper examines the Chinese intellectual discourse on Confucianism and democracy and places it in comparative and theoretical perspectives. With China’s rise and surge of populism in the West, particularly in the US, the leading political values of Confucianism could increasingly shape both China and the world at large. This state of affairs points to the need for more systematic efforts to assess the discourse on neo-Confucianism and its implications for China’s transformation. A number of scholars in the camp of neo-Confucianism maintain that some elements of Confucianism are not only compatible with democratic values and institutions but actually promote liberal democracy. They refer to it as Confucian democracy. By contrast, others either view Confucianism as a roadblock to democracy or envision that a convergence of democracy with Confucian values could result in a new hybrid system. The paper traces the complex interplay between Confucianism and democracy. It explores ideological differences between neo-Confucianism and liberal democracy and ascertains whether certain features of neo-Confucianism possess an affinity for the authoritarian political system. In addition to printed materials such as books and journal articles, a selection of articles from the website entitled Confucianism in China will be analyzed. The selection of this website is due to the fact that it is the leading website run by Chinese scholars focusing on neo-Confucianism. Another reason for selecting this website is its accessibility and availability. In the past few years, quite a few websites, left or right, were shut down by the authorities, but this website remains open. This paper explores the core components, dynamics, and implications of neo-Confucianism. My paper is divided into three parts. The first one discusses the origins of neo-Confucianism. The second section reviews the intellectual discourse among Chinese scholars on Confucian democracy. The third one explores the implications of the Chinese intellectual discourse on neo-Confucianism. Recently, liberal democracy has entered more conflict with official ideology. This paper, which is based on my extensive interviews in China prior to the pandemic and analysis of the primary sources in Chinese, will lay the foundation for a chapter on neo-Confucianism and democracy in my next book-length manuscript, tentatively entitled Chinese Intellectual Discourse on Democracy.

Keywords: China, confucius, confucianism, neo-confucianism, democracy

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Maressa Aires de Proenca

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The inclusion of a gender perspective in peace operations is based on a series of conventions, treaties, and resolutions designed to protect and include women addressing gender mainstreaming. The UN Security Council recognizes that women's participation and gender equality within peace operations are indispensable for achieving sustainable development and peace. However, the participation of women in the field of peace and security is still embryonic. There are gaps when we think about female participation in conflict resolution and peace promotion spaces, and it does not seem clear how women are present in these spaces. This absence may correspond to silence about representation and the guarantee of the female perspective within the context of peace promotion. Thus, the present research aimed to describe the panorama of the participation of women who are currently active in the 14 active UN peace operations, which are: 1) MINUJUSTH, Haiti, 2) MINURSO, Western Sahara, 3) MINUSCA, Central African Republic, 4) MINUSMA, Mali, 5) MONUSCO, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 6) UNAMID, Darfur, 7) UNDOF, Golan, 8) UNFICYP, Cyprus, 9) UNIFIL, Lebanon, 10) UNISFA, Abyei, 11) UNMIK, Kosovo, 12) UNMISS, South Sudan, 13) UNMOGIP, India, and Pakistan, and 14) UNTSO, Middle East. A database was constructed that reported: (1) position held by the woman in the peace operation, (2) her profession, (3) educational level, (4) marital status, (5) religion, (6) nationality, (8) number of years working with peace operations, (9) whether the operation in which it operates has provided training on gender issues. For the construction of this database, official reports and statistics accessed through the UN Peacekeeping Resource Hub were used; The United Nations Statistical Commission, Peacekeeping Master Open Datasets, The Armed Conflict Database (ACD), The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) database; Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) database; from the Evidence and Data for Gender Equality (EDGE) database. In addition to access to databases, peacekeeping operations will be contacted directly, and data requested individually. The database showed that the presence of women in these peace operations is still incipient, but growing. There are few women in command positions, and most of them occupy administrative or human-care positions.

Keywords: women, peace and security, peacekeeping operations, peace studies

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Authors: Lee Bih Ni, Zulfhikar Rabe, Nurul Asyikin Hassan

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The Ministry of Education Malaysia dynamically and drastically made the subject of History mandatory to be in force in 2013. This is in recognition of the nation's heritage and treasures in maintaining true facts and information for future generations of the State. History reveals the civilization of a nation and the fact of national cultural heritage. Civilization needs to be preserved as a legacy of sovereign heritage. Today's generation is the catalyst for future heirs who will support the principle and direction of the country. In line with the National Education Philosophy that aims to shape the potential development of individuals holistically and uniquely in order to produce a balanced and harmonious student in terms of intellectual, spiritual, emotional and physical. Hence, understanding the importance of studying the history subject as a pillar of identity and the history of nationhood is to be a priority in the pursuit of knowledge and empowering the spirit of statehood that is nurtured through continuous learning at school. Judging from the aspect of teacher leadership role in integrating history in a combined way based on Teacher Education Philosophy. It empowers the teaching profession towards the teacher to support noble character. It also supports progressive and scientific views. Teachers are willing to uphold the State's aspirations and celebrate the country's cultural heritage. They guarantee individual development and maintain a united, democratic, progressive and disciplined society. Teacher's role as a change and leadership agent in education begins in the classroom through formal or informal educational processes. This situation is expanded in schools, communities and countries. The focus of this paper is on the role of teacher leadership influencing the effectiveness of teaching and learning history in the classroom environment. Leadership guides to teachers' perceptions on the role of teacher leadership, teaching leadership, and the teacher leadership role and effective teacher leadership role. Discussions give emphasis on aspects of factors affecting the classroom environment, forming the classroom agenda, effective classroom implementation methods, suitable climate for historical learning and teacher challenges in implicating the effectiveness of teaching and learning processes.

Keywords: teacher leadership, leadership lessons, effective classroom, effective teacher

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Authors: Bhawna Shivan

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Indian monuments have been spoken of as for variety, extent, completeness and beauty unsurpassed perhaps unequaled in world. India’s monumental heritage is a part and parcel of India today. The underlying issue with the monumental heritage in contemporary times is that these monuments suffered many times with various degrees of threats/ pressures which hampered their beauty. In the current situation, the urbanization policies for sustainable development and tourism management pay no attention to the basic point of conservation and protection of these cultural heritages rather they focus more on profit earned from these sites. Many times rich heritage is found balancing between conflicting pressures of conservation of heritage elements with sustainability and local economic development. There is a need of a new attitude to India’s independent and democratic ideology. The paper will enquire about the historical perspective by analyzing and understanding the importance of Mughal Architecture while focusing on Humayun Tomb while assessing the value and sentiment people attach to these monuments. It will also put the focus on the future of these monuments in the era of globalization and urbanization. The role of public and private authorities for conservation and sustainable development of these monuments. As well as assessing other facilities like toilets, parking, eatery joint, Museum with Display of structural representation and display of books, and a mobile shop. The research will be helpful in assessing the importance of heritage buildings whether they are a tool of enhancing ‘Tourism Industry’ for Central and State Government or really there is still some future of these monuments. Can we still consider these heritage sites as the integral part of our society in this urbanized world? The study will also analyze the attitude of the central and state government towards a building when it declared as a ‘World Heritage Site’. The study will also examine how the Youth and other aged generations append their sentimental values towards them, say (what is their purpose of coming to a heritage site, what makes them coming here, how they view this particular monument) Apart from this, probing the factors such as rapid growth of cities and its population, increasing value of urban land and effect of globalization on urban growth pattern that are capable of producing a variety of threats and pressures on any monument for instance Humayun Tomb.

Keywords: globalization, monuments, tourism, urban heritage

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Authors: Daria Lozovskaia

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This paper is focused on the news coverage of public opinion polls about Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in Russian state-controlled media. After the announcement of the start of the so-called “Special Military Operation” on February 24, 2022, the number of publications of the results of public opinion polls increased many times over, and the poll numbers began to be discussed on social media and in the Kremlin’s official informational agenda. Headlines like "72 Percent of Russian Citizens Support the Operation " or "Russians Believe in Victory in the Special Military Operation" have become prominent parts of Russian state propaganda news stories and newspapers. At the same time, public opinion in Russia, as a concept and model, differs from the generally accepted democratic concept and has its own specifics. As a result, public opinion polls and their results, especially after February 24, have a number of features in the form of the dominance of the discourse of political elites in the media, which leads to a decrease in public awareness, the prevalence of the effect of joining the majority and a high number of non-responses due to fear of reprisals. The aim of this study was to determine the role of public opinion polls in the system of Russian war propaganda in Ukraine. For this purpose, were selected publications of the Russian media, the agenda of which corresponds to the official information policy of the Russian authorities. First, using frame analysis for the categories "Explicit trust", "Implicit trust", "Implicit distrust" and "Explicit distrust", provided by Irina Dusakova, the broadcast level of trust in the data of public opinion polls was determined. The results of this phase of the study showed that the Russian media broadcast an absolute level of confidence in public opinion polls regarding support for the war in Ukraine. The second stage of the study was the content analysis of publications. The categories of this analysis were derived from Anna Morelli's 10 Principles of Military Propaganda and Haavard Koppang's Definition of Propaganda to determine the purposes of the use of public opinion polls by Russian propaganda. The results of the study not only confirmed the widespread hypothesis that public opinion polls in Russia are used as a tool of state propaganda, but also showed that their purpose is to demonstrate the consolidation of society in support of the war and President Vladimir Putin.

Keywords: propaganda, public opinion, public opinion polls, Russian studies

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Authors: Liaquat Ali, Khurshid Natasha

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Low resource countries are not usually equipped with the organizational tools to implement health care for chronic diseases, and thus, providing effective diabetes care in such countries is a challenging task. Diabetic Association of Bangladesh (BADAS in Bengali acronym) has created a stimulating example to meet this challenge. Starting its journey in 1956 with 39 patients in a small tin shed clinic BADAS, and its affiliated associations now operate 90 hospitals and health centres all over the country. Together, these facilities provide integrated health care to about 1.5 million registered diabetic patients which constitute about 20% of the estimated diabetic population in the country. BADAS has also become a pioneer in health manpower generation in Bangladesh. Along with its affiliates, it now runs 3 Medical Colleges (to generate graduate physicians), 2 Nursing Institutes, and 2 Postgraduate Institutes which conduct 25 postgraduate courses (under the University of Dhaka) in various basic, clinical and public health disciplines. BADAS gives great emphasis on research, which encompasses basic, clinical as well as public health areas. BADAS is an ideal example of public-private partnership in health as most of its infrastructure has been created through government support but it is almost self-reliant in managing its revenue budget which approached approximately 40 million US dollar during 2010. BADAS raises resources by providing high-quality services to the people, both diabetic and non-diabetic. At the same time, BADAS has developed a cross financing model, to support diabetic patients in general and poor diabetic patients (identified through a social welfare network) in particular, through redistribution of the resources. Along with financial sustainability BADAS ensure organizational sustainability through a process of decentralization, community ownership, and democratic management. Presently a large scale pilot project (named as a Health Care Development Project or HCDP) is under implementation under BADAS umbrella with an objective to transform the diabetes care model to a health care model in general. It is expected to create further evidence on providing sustainable (with social safety net) health care delivery for diabetes, and other chronic illnesses as an integral part of general health care delivery in a resource constrained setting.

Keywords: Bangladesh, self sustain, health care, constrain

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Authors: Suaka Yaro

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This article provides an alternative examination of the causes and the ramifications of the Ivorian political conflict from 2002 to 2009. The researcher employed a constructivist epistemology and qualitative study based upon fieldwork in different African cities interviewing Ivorians outside and within Ivory Coast. A purposive sampling of fourteen participants was selected. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. The respondents were selected based on their involvement in Ivorian conflict. Their experiences on the causes and effects of the conflict were tapped for analysis. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended semi-structured questionnaire, and documentary analysis. The perceptions of these participants on the causes, effects and the possible solution to the endemic conflict in their homeland hold key perspectives that have hitherto been ignored in the whole debate about the Ivorian political conflict and its legacies. Finally, from the synthesized findings of the investigation, the researcher concluded that the analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small firearms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were the human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurrence of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generating ventures for Ivorian should be created by the government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this.

Keywords: displaced, federalism, pluralism, identity politics, grievance, eligibility, greed

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Authors: Fayomi Oluyemi, Ajayi Lady

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This article raises the question of political leadership in the context of womens' roles and responsibilities in Nigeria. The leadership question in Nigeria is disquieting to both academics and policy actors. In a democratic society like Nigeria, the parameters for a well-deserved leadership position is characterised by variables of equity, competence, transparency, accountability, selflessness, and commitment to the tenets of democracy, but the failure of leadership is pervasive in all spheres of socio-political sectors in Nigeria. The paper appraises the activities of Nigerian women in the socio-political arena in Nigeria. It traces their leadership roles from pre-colonial through post-colonial eras with emphasis on 1914 till date. It is argued in the paper that gender imbalance in leadership is a bane to peaceful co-existence and development in Nigeria. It is a truism that gender-blind and gender biased political agendas can distort leadership activities. The extent of their contributions of the few outstanding women’s relative tranquility is highlighted in the theoretical discourse. The methodology adopted for this study is an exploratory study employing the extended case method (ECM). The study was carried out among some selected Nigerian women politicians and academics. Because of ECM's robustness as a qualitative research design, it has helped this study in identifying the challenges of these women thematically and also in constructing valid and reliable measures of the constructs. The study made use of ethnography and triangulation, the latter of which is used by qualitative researchers to check and establish validity in their studies by analyzing a research question from multiple perspectives, specifically Investigator triangulation which involves using several different investigators in the analysis process. Typically, this manifests as the evaluation team consisting of colleagues within a field of study wherein each investigator examines the question of political leadership with the same qualitative method (interview, observation, case study, or focus groups). In addition, data was collated through documentary sources like journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and internet materials. The arguments of this paper center on gender equity of both sexes in socio-political representation and effective participation. The paper concludes with the need to effectively maintain gender balance in leadership in order to enhance lasting peace and unity in Nigeria.

Keywords: gender, politics, leadership, women

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

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This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Reka Zsuzsanna Mathe

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The globalization and the Europeanization have significantly contributed to a change in the role of the nation-states. The global economic crisis, the climate changes, and the recent refugee crisis, are just a few among many challenges that cannot be effectively addressed by the traditional role of the nation-states. One of the main roles of the states is to solve collective action problems, however due to their changing roles; apparently this is getting more and more difficult. Depending on political culture, collective action problems are solved either through cooperation or conflict. The political culture of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries is marked by low civic participation and by a weak civil society. In this type of culture collective action problems are likely to be induced through conflict, rather than the democratic process of dialogue and any type of social change is probably to be introduced by social movements. Several studies have been conducted on the social movements of the CEE countries, yet, it is still not clear if the most significant social movements of the region tend to choose rather the cooperative or the conflictual way as action strategy. This study differentiates between a national and a European action field, having different social orders. The actors of the two fields are the broadly understood civil society members, conceptualized as social movements. This research tries to answer the following questions: a) What are the norms that best characterize the CEE countries’ social order? b) What type of actors would prefer a change and in which areas? c) Is there a significant difference between the main actors active in the national versus the European field? The main hypotheses are that there are conflicting norms defining the national and the European action field, and there is a significant difference between the action strategies adopted by social movements acting in the two different fields. In mapping the social order, the study uses data provided by the European Social Survey. Big data of the Global Data on Events, Location and Tone (GDELT) database offers information regarding the main social movements and their preferred type of action. The unit of the analysis is the so called ‘Visegrad 4’ countries: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary and the research uses data starting from 2005 (after the European accession of these four countries) until May, 2017. According to the data, the main hypotheses were confirmed.

Keywords: big data, Central and Eastern Europe, civil society, GDELT, social movements

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Authors: Berfu Guley Goren, Ayse Lale Berkoz

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The aim of the study is to analyze the concept of universal design and accessibility to make the city which allows equality and independence for individuals. In the content of the study, literature researches and observations of samples in Istanbul, Turkey are analyzed. As a result proposals are going to be developed to create the cities which are designed for everyone. In globalization process, in cities, population have been increasing dramatically with social and economic activities. Medical developments have been effective in prolonging human life and the disability that comes with aging has also increased in parallel with the disabled population. Nowadays disability is an important phenomenon. Because approximately 1 billion people live with disabilities. The heterogeneous structure formed by the rapid gathering of individuals with different social, economic and physical characteristics in the cities creates great spatial diversity and richness in the cities with different needs brought together. Unlike the cultural and physical wealth in these places and the potential to integrate and diversify the urban people, unfortunately, the designs in practice cause the urban areas to break apart, the urbanities to tear themselves apart, to interfere with their communication and interactions. The social and physical structure of the city is important to feel belonging to the urban society. In most cities when an observation is made, obstructions for people with disabilities can be seen in urban physical structure and design. With these obstructions, people with disabilities cannot live in urban space, and they are desolated in urban life. The city, which offers equal opportunity, the relation between economic development, social justice and built environment must be planned synchronous. Isolation and stigmatization must be abolished by regulations, activities of awareness and universal urban design. Without regard to social, economical and physical features every individual has the same right, which is using the freedom of movement. Supporting freedom of movement of every individual may be ensured by universal design and its principles. So urban spaces are going to be for every individual. For equal opportunity in urban services, urban design must be the focus on every individual including people with disabilities. In built environment practices, democratic suitable spaces should be created. In this respect, urban planners, architects, political decision-makers and other relevant actors should work together and should think very versatile.

Keywords: disability, equality, universal design, urban design

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Sendy Ghirardi, Pau Rausell Köster

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The European Commission increasingly pushes cultural policies towards social outcomes and local and regional authorities also call for culture-driven strategies for local development and prosperity and therefore, the measurement of cultural participation becomes increasingly more significant for evidence-based policy-making processes. Cultural participation involves various kinds of social and economic spillovers that combine social and economic objectives of value creation, including social sustainability and respect for human values. Traditionally, from the economic perspective, cultural consumption is measured by the value of financial transactions in purchasing, subscribing to, or renting cultural equipment and content, addressing the market value of cultural products and services. The main sources of data are the household spending survey and merchandise trade survey, among others. However, what characterizes the cultural consumption is that it is linked with the hedonistic and affective dimension rather than the utilitarian one. In fact, nowadays, more and more attention is being paid to the social and psychological dimensions of culture. The aim of this work is to present a comprehensive approach to measure the impacts of cultural participation and cultural users’ behaviour, combining both socio-psychological and economic approaches. The model combines contingent evaluation techniques with the individual characteristic and perception analysis of the cultural experiences to evaluate the cognitive, aesthetic, emotive and social impacts of cultural participation. To investigate the comprehensive approach to measure the impact of the cultural events on individuals, the research has been designed on the basis of prior theoretical development. A deep literature methodology has been done to develop the theoretical model applied to the web platform to measure the impacts of cultural experience on individuals. The developed framework aims to become a democratic tool for evaluating the services that cultural or policy institutions can adopt through the use of an interacting platform that produces big data benefiting academia, cultural management and policies. The Au Culture is a prototype based on an application that can be used on mobile phones or any other digital platform. The development of the AU Culture Platform has been funded by the Valencian Innovation Agency (Government of the Region of Valencia) and it is part of the Horizon 2020 project MESOC.

Keywords: comprehensive approach, cultural participation, economic dimension, socio-psychological dimension

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Authors: Moses Mncwabe

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Both Public Representatives and Legislatures have an imperative role towards strengthening interventions to reduce and cease Sexual Transmitted Infections (STIs) specifically the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). Scaling-up constituency work in support of interventions earmarked for mitigating the compromising socio-economic impacts of advanced HIV is extremely essential. Though the antiretroviral treatment (ART) has saved million lives that would have perished without it, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (2012) states that more efforts should be redirected to prevention strategies to close the tap of new infections. It is against this backdrop that Legislatures as law making institutions have undisputed role to play in HIV alleviation because of the position they occupy in the society. Furthermore, Public Representatives are arguably idolised by young people for the role they play hence it is incumbent upon them to use their moral and political responsibility to aid the interventions for HIV prevention (Inter-Parliamentary Union, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS & United Nations Development Programme, 2007). Moreover, the continuous HIV infection and its devastating effects specifically in Southern African region has brought closer the disease to public representatives and demanded calculated interventions warranting both public representatives and legislatures to be more visible in various ways such as taking HIV counselling and testing publicly, oversight, reducing stigma and discrimination, partnering with civil society organisations (CSOs) and facilitating debates on HIV across parliamentary and social platforms. The effects of advanced HIV yearn for public representatives to be seen, accessed, felt, engaged, partnered and lobbied for pro-human rights legislations and ideal oversight to coerce the executive to deliver on their core responsibilities like providing basic services to the electorates (AIDS Law Project (2003). The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (2004) assert that the omission of Public Representatives and Legislatures in the HIV prevention agenda is a serious deficiency in the fight against HIV and AIDS. In light of this, this paper argues the innovative and legislative ways in which both the Public Representative and the Legislatures should play in HIV prevention.

Keywords: legislature, public representative, oversight, HIV and AIDS, constituency, service delivery

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Authors: Panagiota Katsikouli, William Hamilton Byrne, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, Tijs Slaats

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An individual who demonstrates a well-founded fear of persecution or faces real risk of being subjected to torture is eligible for asylum. In Danish law, the exact legal thresholds reflect those established by international conventions, notably the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1950 European Convention for Human Rights. These international treaties, however, remain largely silent when it comes to how states should assess asylum claims. As a result, national authorities are typically left to determine an individual’s legal eligibility on a narrow basis consisting of an oral testimony, which may itself be hampered by several factors, including imprecise language interpretation, insecurity or lacking trust towards the authorities among applicants. The leaky ground, on which authorities must assess their subjective perceptions of asylum applicants' credibility, questions whether, in all cases, adjudicators make the correct decision. Moreover, the subjective element in these assessments raises questions on whether individual asylum cases could be afflicted by implicit biases or stereotyping amongst adjudicators. In fact, recent studies have uncovered significant correlations between decision outcomes and the experience and gender of the assigned judge, as well as correlations between asylum outcomes and entirely external events such as weather and political elections. In this study, we analyze a publicly available dataset containing approximately 8,000 summaries of asylum cases, initially rejected, and re-tried by the Refugee Appeals Board (RAB) in Denmark. First, we look for variations in the recognition rates, with regards to a number of applicants’ features: their country of origin/nationality, their identified gender, their identified religion, their ethnicity, whether torture was mentioned in their case and if so, whether it was supported or not, and the year the applicant entered Denmark. In order to extract those features from the text summaries, as well as the final decision of the RAB, we applied natural language processing and regular expressions, adjusting for the Danish language. We observed interesting variations in recognition rates related to the applicants’ country of origin, ethnicity, year of entry and the support or not of torture claims, whenever those were made in the case. The appearance (or not) of significant variations in the recognition rates, does not necessarily imply (or not) bias in the decision-making progress. None of the considered features, with the exception maybe of the torture claims, should be decisive factors for an asylum seeker’s fate. We therefore investigate whether the decision can be predicted on the basis of these features, and consequently, whether biases are likely to exist in the decisionmaking progress. We employed a number of machine learning classifiers, and found that when using the applicant’s country of origin, religion, ethnicity and year of entry with a random forest classifier, or a decision tree, the prediction accuracy is as high as 82% and 85% respectively. tentially predictive properties with regards to the outcome of an asylum case. Our analysis and findings call for further investigation on the predictability of the outcome, on a larger dataset of 17,000 cases, which is undergoing.

Keywords: asylum adjudications, automated decision-making, machine learning, text mining

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