Search results for: grievance

Authors: Sima Majnooni

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This paper discusses the Green Climate Fund's environmental and social management framework (GCF). The environmental and social management framework ensures the accredited entity considers the GCF's accreditation standards and effectively implements each of the GCF-funded projects. The GCF requires all accredited entities to meet basic transparency and accountability standards as well as environmental and social safeguards (ESMS). In doing so, the accredited entity sets up different independent units. One of these units is called the Grievance Mechanism. When allegations of environmental and social harms are raised in association with GCF-funded activities, affected parties can contact the entity’s grievance unit. One of the most challenging things about the accredited entity's grievance unit is the lack of available information and resources on the entities' websites. Many AEs have anti-corruption or anti-money laundering unit, but they do not have the environmental and social unit for affected people. This paper will argue the effectiveness of environmental and social grievance mechanisms of AEs by using a qualitative approach to indicate how many of AEs have a poor or an effective GRM. Some ESMSs seem highly effective. On the other hand, other mechanisms lack basic requirements such as a clear, transparent, uniform procedure and a definitive timetable. We have looked at each AE mechanism not only in light of how the website goes into detail regarding the process of grievance mechanism but also in light of their risk category. Many mechanisms appear inadequate for the lower level risk category entities (C) and, even surprisingly, for many higher-risk categories (A). We found; in most cases, the grievance mechanism of AEs seems vague.

Keywords: grievance mechanism, vague environmental and social policies, green climate fund, international climate finance, lower and higher risk category

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Authors: Amjed Rasheed

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Rebellions are driven by several incentives. They do not often occur because of historical grievances or political exclusion. They can be driven by the desire to control over natural resources, or by both. In the case of the Islamic State (ISIL), greed and grievance are both drive this radical group to operate in Iraq and Syria. This article aims to show that grievance was the trigger to the emergence of ISIL. It also aims to demonstrate that ISIL is using oil as a tool, to implements its political ends, than a purpose per se. In other words, the emergence of ISIL is based on socio-political conditions, which are domestically driven, and oil is not ISIL’s aim but a source of revenue to finance its activities. This paper applies conflict analysis methodology to analyse the conflict in Iraq and Syria, with a specific highlight to ISIL. By doing so, it gives ahistorical background on emergence of ISIL. It also provides an insightful explanation on the main dynamics and the tactics this organisation applies. It also delivers a sufficient explanation on how it recruits its members, both local and international. It concludes that tackling ISIL needs a more sophisticated approach than the one Obama administration has adopted. It is more a political issue to be tackled by political means, than a military one to be tackled by military means. The current war is an Intra-Sunni war, and therefore, Sunni states have to be on board to crackdown ISIL. Besides, the article finishes with the argument that democratisation is not necessarily the key answer to bring stability to the region, but a sort of governance that provides security and material needs to individuals.

Keywords: ISIL, Iraq, domestic politics, Islamic radicalisation

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Authors: Nkatow Mafany Christian

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No other period in human history has offered such great opportunities for grievances not only to last long but also to be manifested across international boundaries. This state of affairs is likely a common feature of the advent of social media. The Anglophone Question in Cameroon has been a problem of poor constitutional arrangements that can be traced to 1961 when the former French Cameroon reunified with former British Southern Cameroons following a plebiscite in which the latter overwhelmingly voted to reunify with the former. Though Southern/Anglophone Cameroons complained of perceived marginalization and an attempt by the majority French section to assimilate them, the manifestation was subtle and took place only through protests, petitions, strikes movements and demonstrations. However, with the advent of social media, a new cream of leaders emerged in the diaspora, including the US, Canada, Europe, Asia and the Middle East, to champion the manifestations leading to violence and conflicts that have bedeviled the region since 2017. The feeling of political subjugation, economic exploitation, social suppression and cultural assimilation among Anglophone Cameroonians united them under diaspora leaders against the government of Cameroon, calling for the creation of a separate state for Anglophones. This paper draws from this lead-up to analyze the current Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon in the light of the Grievance Theory and Transnationalism. The paper makes an appeal to field experience, interviews, official sources, documentation, and the internet to succor its central thesis. From the fertility of its sources, the paper submits that social media is a potent source of conflicts and makes nonsense of the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity by its capacity to promote the transnational manifestation of grievances.

Keywords: grievance, transnationalism, anglophone crisis, Cameroon, crisis and social media

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Authors: Kerry Mackereth

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Kimberle Crenshaw’s theory of intersectionality has become immensely influential in the fields of women’s and gender studies. However, intersectionality’s widespread use among feminist scholars and activists has been accompanied by critiques of its reliance upon subject categorization. These critiques are of particular import when connected to Wendy Brown’s characterization of identity politics as static 'wounded attachments'. Together, these critiques show how the gridlock model proposed by intersectionality’s primary metaphor, the traffic accident at the intersection, is useful for identifying discrimination but not for remembering historical injustices or imagining feminist and anti-racist resistance. Through the lens of New Zealand Maori film, focusing upon Once Were Warriors (1994) and Whale Rider (2002), this article examines how wounded histories need not be passively reproduced by contemporaneously oppressed groups. Instead, the metaphor of the traffic intersection should be complemented by the metaphor of the wound. Against Brown’s characterization of wounded attachments as negative, static identities, Gloria Anzaldua’s account of the borderland between the United States and Mexico as “una herida abierta”, an open wound, offers an alternative reading of the wound. Through Anzaldua’s and Hortense Spillers’ political thought, the wound is reconceptualized as not only a site of suffering but also as a regenerative space. The coexistence of deterioration and regeneration at the site of the wound underpins the narrative arc of both Once Were Warriors and Whale Rider. In both films, the respective child protagonists attempt to reconcile the pain of wounded histories with the imagination of cultural regeneration. The metaphor of the wound thus serves as an alternative theoretical resource for mapping experiences of oppression, one that enriches feminist theory by balancing the remembrance of historical grievance with the forging of hopeful political projects.

Keywords: gender theory, historical grievance, intersectionality, New Zealand film, postcolonialism

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Authors: Cita Ayeni

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Amidst numerous arguments on reasons for low Human Development (low HDI) in Nigeria ranging from corruption, incompetence of the government and its agencies, mismanagement of funds, terrorism, violence, and crime in the country, just to mention a few. There have been several actions by agencies of the government that for years has threatened the security and development of the citizens, and the country in a broader sense. This paper analyses the activities of SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) as a government agency with a mandate to tackling the high rate of crime in the country but instead have been marred with allegations of violence, killings, extortion, harsh treatment, and terror of the Nigerian citizenry, predominantly the youths. This paper establishes the effect of these actions of the agency on human development in Nigeria, hindering the capacity of the Nigerian youths to earn a decent living due to constant terrorism, extortion, and extrajudicial activities, which in numerous cases resulted in maiming and death, thus instigating fear in the vast majority. This research further analyses the executive order by the then Acting President of Nigeria (Vice-President) that overhauled the agency following many years of continuous public outcry, complaint, grievance, and protest. This work establishes that this order carried out in the absence of the President was to a large extent enough to stop these violations, thereby resulting in little or no recorded complaint or grievance by the public, as many of the officials involved in the gruesome activities were said to have been put away. This would pave way and give freedom to the youths to realize their potentials free from intimidation, violence, and fear from the agencies created to protect them, and on the other hand refocus the new agency FSARS (Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad) on its real mandate in collaboration with independent organizations acting as a check to its actions. This work thus depicts how direct executive orders on policies pertaining to individual insecurities, on youths in this case, in a country can be a potential drive to increased human development.

Keywords: special anti-robbery squad, Nigerian youths, overhaul, insecurities, human development

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Authors: Ashish Kumar Dwivedi

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Uttar Pradesh is largest part of Indian Federal system encapsulating twenty two million populations and has huge cultural, economic and religious diversity. The newly elected 18 months old state leadership of Uttar Pradesh has envisaged and initiated various proactive strides for the public grievance redressal and inclusive development schemes for all the sections of population from its very day of assumption of the office by Hon’ble Chief Minster Shri Yogi Adtiyanath. These initiatives also include Departmental responses via social media handles as Twitter, Facebook Page, and Web interaction. In the same course, every department of state government has been guided for the correct usage of verified social media handle separately and in co-ordination with other departments. These guidelines included making new WhatsApp groups to connect technocrats and politicians to communicate on common platform. Minister for Department of Infrastructure and Industrial Development, Shri Satish Mahana is a very popular leader and very intuitive statesman, has thousands of followers on social media and his accounts receive almost three hundred individually mentioned notifications from the various parts of Uttar Pradesh. These notifications primarily include problems related to livelihood and grievances concerned to department. To address these communications, a body of five experts has been set who are actively responding on various levels and increase bureaucratic engagements with marginalized sections of society. With reference to above background, this piece of research was conducted to analyze, categorize and derive effective implementation of public policies via social media platforms. This act of responsiveness has brought positive change in the mindset of population for the government, which was missed earlier. Department of Industrial Development in the Government is also inclined to attract investors aiming to become first trillion-dollar economy of India henceforth department also organized two major successful events in last one year. These events were also frame worked on social media platform to update 2.5 million population of state who is actively using social media in many ways. To analyze change scientifically, this study has been conducted and big data has been collected from October 2017 to September 2018 from the departmental social media handles as Twitter, Facebook, and emails. For this data, a statistical study has been conducted to analyze sentiments and expectations, specific and common requirement of communities, nature of grievances and their effective elucidation fitted into government policies. The control sample has also been taken from previous government activities to analyze the change. The statistical study used tools such as correlation study and principal component analysis. Also in this research communication, the modus operandi of grievance redressal, proliferation of government policies, connections to their beneficiaries and quick response procedure will be discussed.

Keywords: correlation study, principal component analysis, bureaucratic engagements, social media

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Authors: George Lin

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This study examines a practice in which Chinese municipal governments actively pursue momentary and spectacular urbanism through the hosting of mega-events as an instrument to reproduce urban space for the enhancement of place competitiveness and advancement of political career. Practicing event-driven spectacular urbanism is found to have a short-term impact upon the economy and an effect upon the career advancement of the party secretary more than the mayor. Hosting mega-events has been used as a means to create “a harmonious society” and unified social space whereby grievance and discontents are grossed over, ignored, excluded and marginalized. Geographically, a new urban space has been created for the central city to reassert/consolidate its leading competitive position in the regional and national economy at the expense of the disadvantaged and marginalized. Findings of this research call for a critical re-evaluation of the sophisticated state-space inter-relations in the ongoing processes of planetary urbanization and global urban revolution in which China has taken an important part.

Keywords: Chinese cities, mega events, urbanism, urbanization

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Authors: Jose Daniel Braga Alves, Joaquim Gois, Alexandre Leite

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This abstract presents the responsible and sustainable mining case study of a Portuguese mine operation, highlighting how mine exploitation can sustainably exist in balance with the environment, aligned with all stakeholders. The mining operation is remotely located in a United Nations (UN) biodiversity reserve, away from major industrial centers or logistical ports, and presents an interesting investigation to assess the balanced mine operation in alignment with all key stakeholders, which presents unique opportunities as well as challenges. Based on the sustainable mining framework, it is intended to detail examples of best practices from Sociedade Mineira de Neves-Corvo (SOMINCOR), demonstrating social acceptance by the local community, health, and safety at work, reduction of environmental impacts and management of mining waste, which directly influence the acceptance and recognition of a sustainable operation. The case study aims to present the SOMINCOR approach to sustainable mining, focusing on social responsibility, considering materials provided by Lundin Mining Corporation (LMC) and SOMINCOR and the socially responsible approach of the mining operations., referencing related international guidelines, UN Sustainable Development Goals. The researchers reviewed LMC's annual Sustainability Reports (2019, 2020 and 2021) and updated information regarding material topics of the most significant interest to internal and external stakeholders. These material topics formed the basis of the corporation-wide sustainability strategy. LMC's Responsible Mining Policy (RMP) was reviewed, focusing on the commitment that guides the approach to responsible operation and management of the Company's business. Social performance, compliance, environmental management, governance, human rights, and economic contribution are principles of the RMP. The Human Rights Risk Impact Assessment (HRRIA), based on frameworks including UN Guiding Principles (UNGP), Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, and a community engagement program implemented (SLO index), was part of this research. The program consists of ongoing surveys and perceptions studies using behavioural science insights, data from which was not available within the timeframe of completing this research. LMC stakeholder engagement standards and grievance mechanisms were also reviewed. Stakeholder engagement and the community's perception are key to this operation to ensure social license to operate (SLO). Preliminary surveys with local communities provided input data for the local development strategy. After the implementation of several initiatives, subsequent surveys were performed to assess acceptance and trust from the local communities and changes to the SLO index. SOMINCOR's operation contributes to 12 out of 17 sustainable development goals. From the assessed and available data, local communities and social engagement are priorities to SOMINCOR. Experience to date shows that the continual engagement with local communities and the grievance mechanisms in place are respected and followed for all concerns presented by any stakeholder. It can be concluded that this underground mine in Portugal complies with applicable regulations and goes beyond them with regard to sustainable development and engagement with key stakeholders.

Keywords: sustainable mining, development goals, portuguese mining, zinc copper

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Authors: Frew Yirgalem Mane

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This study has examined Africa’s experiment with authoritarian model of development drawing from the experience of Ethiopia. With the tectonic crisis of neoliberal ideology, the dominant policy agenda in Africa pertains to bringing the state back to development. More concretely, countries epitomized by Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda have been constructing a highly interventionist state with authoritarian character. The central motive appears to facilitate development and salvage people out of appalling and grinding poverty. Each country warrants closer inspection. However, this study focuses on Ethiopia- a country often applauded as ‘Africa’s Great Run’ for delivering socio-economic success over the past two decades. In fact, inspired by East Asia’s including Chinese model of authoritarian development, Ethiopia orchestrated a vanguard party, centralized rent control system with politicized bureaucracy and militaristic mobilization resources for development. This arrangement may explain Ethiopia economic success story as one the fastest growing countries in the world. However, this paper detected, Ethiopia’s attempt to bring the state back in development has precipitated institutionalization of a new breed of authoritarianism and informalization of public institutions. Ethiopia’s model of state-led development may constitute a noticeable shift away from the vengeful adherence to neoliberal policies. However, the manner the model has been practiced proved to be neither smooth nor appears to address Ethiopia’s aspiration for political and economic transformation. Partly, this can be illustrated by recent widespread grievances that fed into the popular uprising and animated opposition against the state. Sources of the grievance are complex, but they are highly ingrained with the way the authoritarian model of development is functioning and also the model’s dis-functioning in terms of benefiting people. In light of these findings, the study has arrived at the following conclusion. Africa’s attempt to emulate development models from other countries is not such a ‘bad’ thing. However, emulation makes sense if it is contextualized and sensitive to complex local socio-economic interests.

Keywords: Africa, authoritarianism, development, Ethiopia, neoliberalism

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Authors: Charita B. Lasala, Lakambini G. Reluya

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The human factor composing the organization is an asset that needs to be managed conscientiously and to be in tuned with the organization’s need. Thus, the human resources add value to the organization by using their talents, skills and knowledge in transforming the other resources of the organization to either produce or to deliver products and services that generate profits or other valued forms for return. Keeping these kinds of employees has always been the main goal of each Human Resources Department in every company worldwide; regardless of the work being done. They are the most important resource a company can have and treating them well will make them priceless assets that can help make a business a success. Larmen de Guia Memorial College (LGMC) and Royal Oaks International School (ROIS) is one of the many organizations that seek ways to keep the human factor and are in the process of formalization and that people management is on the top of the list thus, this study was made since there was a need for the creation of the Human Resources Department due to its absence in the organization and to help the organization in keeping these valued employees. The study was anchored on the concept that human resources consist of people who perform its activities and that all decisions that affect the workforce concern the organization’s human resources functions. In conducting this study, it made use of the mixed method using both the qualitative and quantitative approaches with focus group discussions. The design has three stages namely: problem conceptualization, case analysis, and output. The output from the survey and interviews tells the abstracted ideas on the proposed HR program for the said institution. Based on the findings of the study, it can be concluded that the personnel in the institution is not in the correct perspective, much more that the personnel has no specific job descriptions. The hiring procedure is not extensive, nor the personnel was given the chance to be exposed to training that would aid them in job development and enhancement of their skills and talents. The compensation package offered by the institution does not commensurate to their services rendered. Lastly, it is concluded that in the opinion/decision rendered by the grievance committee is not fair and that the institution failed to give good motivation/initiative for the employees to be more productive.

Keywords: employee benefits, employee relations, human resources and management, people management, recruitment, trainings

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Authors: Suaka Yaro

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This article provides an alternative examination of the causes and the ramifications of the Ivorian political conflict from 2002 to 2009. The researcher employed a constructivist epistemology and qualitative study based upon fieldwork in different African cities interviewing Ivorians outside and within Ivory Coast. A purposive sampling of fourteen participants was selected. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. The respondents were selected based on their involvement in Ivorian conflict. Their experiences on the causes and effects of the conflict were tapped for analysis. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended semi-structured questionnaire, and documentary analysis. The perceptions of these participants on the causes, effects and the possible solution to the endemic conflict in their homeland hold key perspectives that have hitherto been ignored in the whole debate about the Ivorian political conflict and its legacies. Finally, from the synthesized findings of the investigation, the researcher concluded that the analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small firearms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were the human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurrence of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generating ventures for Ivorian should be created by the government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this.

Keywords: displaced, federalism, pluralism, identity politics, grievance, eligibility, greed

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Authors: Nabila Farhin, Israt Jahan

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Despite the feminisation of the global health force, women mostly engage in nursing, midwifery and community health workers (HWs), and the posts like surgeons, doctors, and specialists are generally male-dominated. It is also prominent in Bangladesh, where female HWs witness systematic workplace inequalities, discrimination, and underpayment. The Covid-19 pandemic put unsurmountable pressure on HWs as they had to serve in high-risk workplaces as frontliners. The already disadvantaged female HWs shouldered the same burden, were overworked without adequate occupational health and safety measures (OSH) and risked their lives. Acknowledging their vulnerable workplace conditions, the World Health Organization (WHO) and International Labour Organization (ILO) circulated a few specialised guidelines amid the peril. Bangladesh tried to adhere to international guidelines while formulating pandemic management strategies. In reality, the already weak and understaffed health sector collapsed with the patient influx and many HWs got infected and died in the line of duty, exposing the high-risk nature of the work. Unfortunately, the gender-segregated data of infected HWs are absent. This qualitative research investigates whether the existing laws of Bangladesh are adequate in protecting female HWs as frontliners in high-risk workplaces during the Covid-19 pandemic. The paper first examines international labour laws safeguarding female frontline HWs. It also analyses the specialised Covid-19 pandemic guidelines protecting their interests. Finally, the research investigates the compliance of Bangladesh as per international legal guidance during the pandemic. In doing so, it explores the domestic laws, professional guidelines for HWs and pandemic response strategies. The paper critically examines the primary sources like international and national statutes, rules, regulations and guidelines. Secondary sources like authoritative journal articles, books and newspaper reports are contextually analysed in line with the objective of the paper. The definition of HW is ambiguous in the labour laws of Bangladesh. It leads to confusion regarding the extent of legal protection rendered to female HWs at private hospitals in high-risk situations. The labour laws are not applicable in Public hospitals, as the employees follow the public service rules. Unfortunately, the country has no specialised law to protect HWs in high-risk workplaces, and the professional guidelines for HWs also remain inadequate in this regard. Even though the pandemic management strategies highlight some protective measures in high-risk situations, they only deal with HWs who are pregnant or have underlying health issues. No specialised protective guidelines can be found for female HWs as frontliners. Therefore, the laws are insufficient and failed to render adequate legal protection to female frontline HWs during the pandemic. The country also lacks comprehensive health legislation and uniform institutional and professional guidelines, preventing them from accessing grievance mechanisms. Hence, the female HWs felt victimised while duty-bound to serve in high-risk workplaces without adequate safeguards. Bangladesh should clarify the definition of HWs and standardise the service rules for providing medical care in high-risk workplaces. The research also recommends adequate health legislation and specialised legal protection to safeguard female HWs in future emergencies.

Keywords: female health workers (HWs), high-risk workplaces, Covid-19 pandemic, Bangladesh

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