Search results for: political analysis

Authors: Halimah Abdul Manaf, Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, Zainal M. Zan, Nur Rusydina Khadzali

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Strengthening accountability among civil servants has been at the centre of government transformation ever since the country is striving to become a developed nation by the year 2020. One critical area that has become the loci of attention is increasing the accountability of local government by delivering services that are preferred by the communities. This article explores the practices of citizen participation and political accountability in local government in Malaysia. The existing literature has identified a mismatch between the demands of the community and the actual services delivered by the local government. Based upon this framework, this research attempts to examine the linkages between citizen participation and political accountability in selected local governments in Malaysia. This study employs quantitative method involving 1155 respondents who were randomly selected from local government personnel as well as local citizens. The instruments in the questionnaires were adopted from Wang and Wart (2007) who have also studied local government accountability. The findings reveal that respondents are satisfied with the services provided to the community. However, three areas of concerned are the inadequacy of citizens’ participation in programs, immediate actions on complaints as well as the slow response to repair dilapidated basic infrastructures such as roads, park, and recreations. It is recommended that local governments in Malaysia continue to engage the citizens in the decision making process so that the needs and demands of the citizens can be adequately fulfilled.

Keywords: citizen participation, political accountability, local government, Malaysia

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Authors: Hyeon Sop Baek

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This paper will briefly investigate Jeong Do-jeon’s political philosophy. Jeong Do-jeon was a Korean Confucian philosopher and politician during the turbulent 14th Century who revolted against the old order, founded Joseon Dynasty, and significantly impacted the development of Korean culture. Jeong’s vision of an ideal state involved a polity that has its roots in the people -that is, an ideal government prioritizes caring for the welfare of the people, respecting and attending to the diverse opinions and concerns of the people, and relies on the genuine, voluntary support of the people. With the neo-Confucian worldview in mind -that every human being has the equal potential to become a moral person- Jeong sought to create a world suitable for everybody to contribute to the decision-making procedure and be able to realize their potential fully. This paper will first examine his works and present a quick overview of his vision of the ideal government. Then, it will examine the Confucian virtues of ren (仁) and yi (義) and how they formulate the basis of his philosophy, and then discuss the central features of his vision of government: popular mandate, equity of wealth, promoting freedom of expression and political participation, and elevating caring disposition as the paramount quality of the political leaders. Furthermore, this paper aims to analyze the element of care inherent within his political philosophy, namely his view on the dynamics of power, nurturing the people, and noncoercive justice. Finally, a discussion on why his philosophy is still relevant in the contemporary context will be provided. Jeong’s view aimed at building a sustainable model of government, by proposing that the people should be the foundation of a state and that they need to be carefully nurtured so they can realize their inborn potential and continue to contribute to the sustenance of the world, is the focal point of Jeong’s philosophy. Just as he sought to rebuild his world following the turmoils of the 14th Century, his philosophy still has a substantial implication on how we should strive to rebuild our society today.

Keywords: Korea, Confucianism, Jeong Do-jeon, Joseon, Korean philosophy, political philosophy

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Authors: Valentina Piric, Maja Martinovic, Zoran Barac

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The application of marketing to the domain of politics has become relevant in recent times. With this article the authors wanted to explore the issue of the current political engagement among young people in Croatia. The question is what makes young people (age 18-30) politically active in young democracies such as that of the Republic of Croatia. Therefore, the objective of this study was to discover the real or hidden motivations behind the decision to actively participate in politics among young members of the two largest political parties in the country – the Croatian Democratic Union and the Social Democratic Party of Croatia. The study expected to find that the motivation for political engagement of young people is often connected with a possible achievement of individual goals and egoistic needs such as: self-acceptance, social success, financial success, prestige, reputation, status, recognition from the others etc. It was also expected that, due to the poor economic and social situation in the country, young people feel an increasing disconnection from politics. Additionally, the authors expected to find that there is a huge potential to engage young people in the political life of the country through a proper and more interactive use of marketing communication campaigns and social media platforms, with an emphasis on highly ethical motives of political activity and their benefits to society. All respondents included in the quantitative survey (sample size [N=100]) are active in one of the two largest political parties in Croatia. The sampling and distribution of the survey occurred in the field in September 2016. The results of the survey demonstrate that in Croatia, the way young people feel about politics and act accordingly, are in fact similar to what the theory describes. The research findings reveal that young people are politically active; however, the challenge is to find a way to motivate even more young people in Croatia to actively participate in the political and democratic processes in the country and to encourage them to see additional benefits out of this practice, not only related to their individual motives, but related more to the well-being of Croatia as a country and of every member of society. The research also discovered a huge potential for political marketing communication possibilities, especially related to interactive social media. It is possible that the social media channels have a stronger influence on the decision-making process among young people when compared to groups of reference. The level of interest in politics among young Croatians varies; some of them are almost indifferent, whilst others express a serious interest in different ways to actively contribute to the political life of the country, defining a participation in the political life of their country almost as their moral obligation. However, additional observations and further research need to be conducted to get a clearer and more precise picture about the interest in politics among young people in Croatia and their social potential.

Keywords: Croatia, marketing communication, motivation, politics, young people

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Authors: Rahab Kisio

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The persistent underrepresentation of female miltary in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions remains a critical concern for addressing the multifaceted challenges in conflict-affected regions. This research explores the factors influencing countries’ decisions to deploy female military troops to UN peacekeeping operations, examining data ranging from 2010 to 2020. The study highlights the urgent need for policymakers and international organizations to recognize gender equality as key instrument in dealing with sexual exploitation and abuse within these missions. The study suggests three reasons for the low female military troops deployment. Firstly, countries actively breaking down barriers for women in the workforce are more likely to send female military troops. Secondly, nations supporting women in politics are more likely to deploy female military troops, showing their value for gender equality. Lastly, countries with a history of conflict may send more female military troops to align with the UN's call and potentially gain international support in future conflicts. Theoretical approaches are presented to explore these motivations further, and the study uses negative binomial regression with country-year as the unit of analysis to test various explanations for a country's contribution of female military troops to UN peacekeeping missions. Findings shows that there is a connection between troop contributing countries’ gender equality and the participation of female military troops in peacekeeping operations. Nations that prioritize gender equality and empower women have a higher likelihood of deploying more female military personnel. The study emphasizes the significance of women in political leadership, indicating that countries actively addressing barriers to women's political representation are more willing to contribute higher numbers of female military troops to peacekeeping missions. While the research supports hypotheses related to gender equality and political representation, it finds no significant evidence that a country's history of conflict directly influences the deployment of female military troops in other conflict-ridden nations. This research contributes valuable insights into gender equality within peacekeeping forces, shedding light on factors influencing the deployment of female military personnel. The implications underscore the importance of actively addressing discrimination, promoting women's political participation, and understanding the influence of a nation's conflict history. The interdisciplinary nature of this work calls for collaborative efforts from policymakers, international organization, and researchers to formulate strategies for effectively increasing female military troops participation in UN peacekeeping

Keywords: UN peacekeeping, gender diversity, female military troops, discrimination

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Authors: Hsien-Wei Kuo

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The thoughts of the military citizens, pragmatism, naturalism and nationalism related to physical education were developed during the warring period of the Republic of China. Moreover, the development of martial art formed by nationalism and political party was to utilize to save the nation, the people and the world. The martial art was also promoted in the system of school physical education gradually at the same time. The aim of this study is to explore the role, duty and position of the martial art education with the political color and advocacy in the system of school physical education. This study focuses on the practice, course hours, selective materials and competitive rules of physical education in the school system in modern China. Therefore, the methods of the historical research and content analysis were used to collect the historical materials and documents for going into them. The results will give a detailed account of the developed model of institutionalization, unification and regularization of martial art, and its growing, golden and stagnant periods in the school physical education system under the impact of western sport and physical education. It may sum up the meaning relationships among the politics, education practice and sport for all.

Keywords: martial art education, national martial arts institution, sick man of East Asia, the may 4th movement

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Authors: Mahmood Seyyed, Akram Salehi Heykoei, Hamidreza Safakish Kashani

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Among the remaining resource of the past, coins considered as an authentic documents among the most important documentary sources. The coins were minted in a place that called mint. The number and position of the mints in each period reflects the amount of economic power, political security and business growth, which was always fluctuated its position with changing the political and economic condition. Considering that, trade has more growth during the Safavid period than previous ones, the mint also has been in greater importance. It seems the one hand, the growth of economic in Safavid period has a direct link with the number and places of the mints at that time and in the other hand, the mints have been formed in some places because of the specific characteristic of cities and regions. Increasing the number of mints in the north of the country due to the growth of silk trade and in the west and northwest due to the political and commercial relation with Ottoman Empire, also the characteristics such as existence of mines, located in the Silk Road and communication ways, all are the results of this investigation. Accordingly, in this article researcher tries to examine the characteristics that give priority to a city for having mint. With considering that in the various historical periods, the mints were based in the most important cities in terms of political and social, at that time, this article examines the cities specific characteristics in the formation of the mints in Safavid period.

Keywords: documentary sources, coins, mint, city, Safavid

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Authors: Banu Baybars Hawks

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To date, academic attention in social sciences remains inadequate with regard to research and analysis of public opinion in Turkey. Most of the existing research has assessed the public opinion during political election periods. Therefore, it is of great interest to find out what the public thinks about current issues in Turkey, and how to interpret the results to be able to reveal whether they may have any reflections on social, political, and cultural structure of the country. Accordingly, the current study seeks to fill the gap in the social sciences literature in English regarding Turkey’s social and political stand which may be perceived to be very different by other nations. Without timely feedback from public surveys, various programs for improving different services and institutions functioning in the country might not achieve their expected goal, nor can decisions about which programs to implement be made rationally. Additionally, the information gathered may not only yield important insights into public’s opinion regarding current agenda in Turkey, but also into the correlates shaping public policies. Agenda-setting studies including agenda-building, agenda melding, reversed agenda-setting and information diffusion studies will be used to explain the roles of factors and actors in the formation of public opinion in Turkey. Knowing the importance of public agenda in the agenda setting and building process, this paper aims to reveal the social and political tendencies of the Turkish public. For that purpose, a survey will be carried out in December of 2014 to determine the social and political trends in Turkey for that same year. The subjects for the study, which utilize a questionairre in one-on-one interviews, will include 1,000 individuals aged 18 years and older from 26 cities representing general population. A stratified random sampling frame will be used. The topics covered by the survey include: The most important current problem in Turkey; the Economy; Terror; Approaches to the Kurdish Issue; Evaluations of the Government and Opposition Parties; Evaluations of Institutional Efficiency; Foreign Policy; the Judicial System/Constitution; Democracy and the Media; and, Social Relations/Life in Turkey. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Turkey has been undergoing a rapid transformation. The reflections of the changes can be seen in all areas from economics to politics. It is my hope that findings of this study may shed light on the important aspects of institutions, variables setting the agenda, and formation process of public opinion in Turkey.

Keywords: public opinion, media, agenda setting, information diffusion, government, freedom, Turkey

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Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Zofia Wlodarczyk

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I study the experiences of domestic violence survivors who flee their countries of origin in times of political conflict using insight and evidence from forty-five biographical interviews with female Chechen refugees and twelve refugee resettlement professionals in Poland. Both refugees and women are often described as having less agency—that is, they lack the power to decide to migrate – refugees less than economic migrants and women less than men. In this paper, I focus on how female refugees who have been victims of domestic violence make decisions about leaving their countries of origin during times of political conflict. I use several existing migration theories to trace how the migration experience of these women is shaped by dynamics at different levels of society: the macro level, the meso level and the micro level. At the macro level of analysis, I find that political conflict can be both a source of and an escape from domestic violence. Ongoing conflict can strengthen the patriarchal cultural norms, increase violence and constrain women’s choices when it comes to marriage. However, political conflict can also destabilize families and make pathways for women to escape. At the meso level I demonstrate that other political migrants and institutions that emerge due to politically triggered migration can guide those fleeing domestic violence. Finally, at the micro level, I show that family dynamics often force domestic abuse survivors to make their decision to escape alone or with the support of only the most trusted female relatives. Taken together, my analyses show that we cannot look solely at one level of society when describing decision-making processes of women fleeing domestic violence. Conflict-related micro, meso and macro forces interact with and influence each other: on the one hand, strengthening an abusive trap, and on the other hand, opening a door to escape. This study builds upon several theoretical and empirical debates. First, it expands theories of migration by incorporating both refugee and gender perspectives. Few social scientists have used the migration theory framework to discuss the unique circumstances of refugee flows. Those who have mainly focus on “political” migrants, a designation that frequently fails to account for gender, does not incorporate individuals fleeing gender-based violence, including domestic-violence victims. The study also enriches migration scholarship, typically focused on the US and Western-European context, with research from Eastern Europe and Caucasus. Moreover, it contributes to the literature on the changing roles of gender in the context of migration. I argue that understanding how gender roles and hierarchies influence the pre-migration stage of female refugees is crucial, as it may have implications for policy-making efforts in host countries that recognize the asylum claims of those fleeing domestic violence. This study also engages in debates about asylum and refugee law. Domestic violence is normatively and often legally considered an individual-level problem whereas political persecution is recognized as a structural or societal level issue. My study challenges these notions by showing how the migration triggered by domestic violence is closely intertwined with politically motivated refuge.

Keywords: AGENCY, DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, FEMALE REFUGEES, POLITICAL REFUGE, SOCIAL NETWORKS

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Salieg L. Munestri

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War on Terror became a principal war after the 9/11 attacks on U.S. homeland. Instead of helping to build up worldwide efforts to condemn terror and suicide bombings, the U.S.-led war on terror has given opportunities for the vast spread of terror. In much of Muslim world recently, the Bush’s Doctrine pushing all nations to choose sides in a war that is not truly a war has resulted worse effects. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, more terror occurred since then. Instead of reinforcing the well-trained anti-terror military forces, Indonesian government established US-funded Special Detachment 88 to guarantee the accomplishment of war on terror in Indonesia and significantly to bring impact on regional security atmosphere. Indonesia is a potential power in Asia but it lacked off sophisticated military equipments. Consequently, Indonesia agrees to become a U.S. mutual partner in combating terrorism managed by Defense Security Cooperation Agency. The formation of elite anti-terror forces and U.S. partnerships perform Indonesia’s commitment to take a position beside the U.S. in coping with terrorism issue. However, this undeniably brings consequences on Indonesian political athmosphere, which encourages the writer to dig deep the consequences on the domestic environment of Indonesian political system. The establishment of the elite forces has aroused fluctuations within government, chiefly Indonesian House, concerning the establishment urgency, the large amount of funding, and the unpleasant performances, particularly the treatment toward suspected terrorists. Hence, evaluation process upon the Detachment 88 is highly demanding.

Keywords: anti-terror forces, Indonesia, political system, war on terror

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Authors: Joao Gouveia

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This is a study about Hegelian political and moral philosophy. Our aim is to understand the relevance that Hegel attributes to ethics in the concrete political configuration of society. But our analysis isn’t limited to Hegel’s most known political work (the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts). Instead, we also analyze the Phänomenologie des Geistes and establish a comparison between them. In the Moralität of the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, consciousness acquires the disposition that allows it to see any determination as its own (the certainty about itself or Gewissen). This certainty is the essential disposition that makes itself felt throughout all Sittlichkeit –the dispositions of family member and citizen (Bürger) are only configurations of it. Although consciousness is alienated in these dispositions, it doesn’t lose the certainty about itself that it reached in the Moralität. As our major finding, we point out that it is the moral learning that allows consciousness to resist the temptation of focusing so intensely on specific content that it excludes all the others (a temptation that is stimulated by the very intensity with which each content presents itself to consciousness). As the world of Bildung of the Phänomenologie des Geistes isn’t preceded by a sphere of Moralität, consciousness is thrown into a frenzy of destruction of all the powers of objectivity, and it ends up having to withdraw from the concrete contents and to focus in an abstract whole, where it doesn’t find opposite determinacies. The evidence supporting our thesis is the fact that the transition from abstraction into particularity, that we see in the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, allows the preservation of abstraction (it isn’t lost as we penetrate in particularity). On the other hand, the transition we find in the Phänomenologie des Geistes is a transition from particularity to abstraction, which takes every particularity to be eliminated in the war with others. While in the Phänomenologie des Geistes, the state may only be seen as a moment or facet of the object (it is only Staatsmacht); in the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, it is seen as a whole that contains various moments in itself (Staat). Therefore, the element of the Phänomenologie des Geistes that is closer to the State of the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts is language (or the language of perversion) –something that can’t be defined as an individuality. This way, we want to show that, between the Phänomenologie des Geistes and the Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, there is truly no remarkable evolution to report in Hegel’s ethical thought. What the difference in the structure of the two works show is a specific thesis respecting the influence of ethics in the configuration of society, and this thesis has implications at various levels, including in the philosophy of history.

Keywords: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, Hegelian ethics, Hegelian politics, Phänomenologie des Geistes

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Ahmed Sakr Ashour, Hoda Saad AboRemila

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An attempt was made to fill the gap in the macro analysis of corruption by suggesting a conceptual framework that differentiates four types of macro corruption: state capture, political, bureaucratic and financial/corporate. The economic consequences or forward linkages (growth, inclusiveness and sustainability of development) and macro institutional determinants constituting the backward linkages of each type were delineated. The research implications of the macro perspective and proposed framework were discussed. Implications of the findings for theory, research and reform policies addressing macro corruption issues were discussed.

Keywords: economic growth, inclusive growth, macro corruption, sustainable development

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Authors: Ebrahim Rahmani, Siyamak Moazeni

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According to the Iraq's first constitutional law (approved 2005), Iraq is an independent with sovereignty and its governmental structure is parliamentary democratic republic and federal. Even in reforms in 2009, this article of law did not changed at all. But considering the existence of this emphasis and clarity which is mentioned in the law, different and sometimes contradictory interpretations and positions are expressed about federalism in the way that we can say, considering the importance of the matter, federalism is a focus point to create and expansion of the cold war among leaders of different groups of the country. Iraq's today political and security position has granted the suitable opportunity to Iraq's Kurdistan in appearing of the recent security crisis to increase its share from the central political power or to achieve to its independent dream. The federalism the weakest point of Iraq's territorial integrity in a way that if different groups do not come to a consensus about it and do not think about a mechanism which is accepted by all of them, this can effect on and Iraq's political stability and security. Iraq's Kurdistan follows the option of disintegration and separation under the shadow of political and security changes, even with existence of some Iraqi groups' hopes regarding the improvement of situation after parliament election and also considering Masoud Barezani's power will for separation from Iraq as well as regarding special international changes and disintegration of Karime from Ukraine and ISIS crises; concerns have been created among regional and international powers and interior players. In this article, a paradox due constitutional law about federalism, Iraq's central government view and its politicians to the matter and the regional effect of this action on region's geopolitics are reviewed as well.

Keywords: constitutional law, federalism, decomposition, Iraq's Kurdistan

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Authors: Marthinus Conradie

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The conversational dynamics of democratically orientated deliberation continue to stimulate critical scholarship for its potential to bolster robust engagement between different sections of pluralist societies. Several axes of deliberation that have attracted academic attention include face-to-face vs. online interaction, and citizen-to-citizen communication vs. engagement between citizens and political elites. In all these areas, numerous researchers have explored deliberative procedures aimed at achieving instrumental goals such a securing consensus on policy issues, against procedures that prioritise expressive outcomes such as broadening the range of argumentative repertoires that discursively construct and mediate specific political issues. The study that informs this paper, works in the latter stream. Drawing its data from the reader-comments section of a South African broadsheet newspaper, the study investigates online, citizen-to-citizen deliberation by analysing the discursive practices through which competing understandings of social problems are articulated and contested. To advance this agenda, the paper deals specifically with user-generated comments posted in response to news stories on questions of race and racism in South Africa. The analysis works to discern and interpret the various sets of discourse practices that shape how citizens deliberate contentious political issues, especially racism. Since the website in question is designed to encourage the critical comparison of divergent interpretations of news events, without feeding directly into national policymaking, the study adopts an analytic framework that traces how citizens articulate arguments, rather than the instrumental effects that citizen deliberations might exert on policy. The paper starts from the argument that such expressive interactions are particularly crucial to current trends in South African politics, given that the precise nature of race and racism remain contested and uncertain. Centred on a sample of 2358 conversational moves in 814 posts to 18 news stories emanating from issues of race and racism, the analysis proceeds in a two-step fashion. The first stage conducts a qualitative content analysis that offers insights into the levels of reciprocity among commenters (do readers engage with each other or simply post isolated opinions?), as well as the structures of argumentation (do readers support opinions by citing evidence?). The second stage involves a more fine-grained discourse analysis, based on a theorisation of argumentation that delineates it into three components: opinions/conclusions, evidence/data to support opinions/conclusions and warrants that explicate precisely how evidence/data buttress opinions/conclusions. By tracing the manifestation and frequency of specific argumentative practices, this study contributes to the archive of research currently aggregating around the practices that characterise South Africans’ engagement with provocative political questions, especially racism and racial inequity. Additionally, the study also contributes to recent scholarship on the affordances of Web 2.0 software by eschewing a simplistic bifurcation between cyber-optimist vs. pessimism, in favour of a more nuanced and context-specific analysis of the patterns that structure online deliberation.

Keywords: online deliberation, discourse analysis, qualitative content analysis, racism

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Authors: Muhammet Erbay

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The phenomenon of communication that has been studied by different disciplines has social, political and economical aspects. The scope of communication has extended from a traditional content to the modern world which is under the control of mass media. Nowadays, thanks to globalization and technological facilities, many companies, public or international institutions take advantage of new communication technologies and overhaul their policies. European Union (EU) is one of the effective institutions in this sphere. It aims to harmonize the communication infrastructure and policies of member countries which have gone through the process of political unification. It is a significant problem for the unification of EU to have legal restrictions or critical differences in communication facilities among countries while technology stands at the center of economic and social life. Therefore, EU institutions place a particular importance to their communication policies. Besides, communication processes have a vital importance in creating a European public opinion in the process of political integration. Based on the evaluation above, the aim of this paper is to analyze the cohesion process of Turkey that tries to take an active role in EU communication policies and has on-going negotiations. This article does not only confine itself to the technical details of communication policies but also aims to evaluate socio-political dimension of the process. Therefore, a corporate review has been featured in the study and Turkey's compliance process in communication policies on European Union has been evaluated by the means of deduction method. Some problematic areas have been identified in compliance process on communication policies such as human rights and minority rights, whereas compliance process on communication infrastructure and technology proceeds effectively.

Keywords: communication policies, European Union, integration, Turkey

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Authors: Mohammad Jamiu Abdullahi, Shykh Ahmed Abdussalam

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The emergence of Arabic on the shore of West Africa heralded the practise of Islam and advocation for a just and egalitarian society. Islam, it was argued, has been perverted and subverted by the Hausa leadership. This necessitated the call for reforming Islam. Al-Shaykh Usman Bin Fodio grabbed the opportunity and fought the perverts to restore the glory of Islam and establish shari'ah way of life. This was the practice, especially in the northern part of Nigeria until the incursion of colonialism. The conquest of the colonial master halted the rule of jihadi leaderships and subjected them to colonialism under which only some aspects of Islamic system considered potentially beneficial to the British interest were retained. The current socio-political and economic crises in Nigeria has necessitated the need to look inwardly to the bulk of works, in Arabic, left behind by the Muslim scholars to help to salvage the country from its present political crisis, economic paralysis and legal decadence. This paper, therefore, examines the relevance of Arabic literary works that housed political/legal theories to salvaging the country from its present political crises, economic paralysis and legal decadence.

Keywords: Arabic Fodio Nigeria security, advocacy governance scholar Usman, British colonial perspective shaykh, leadership Islam jihad politics

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Authors: Esra Polat

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Partial Least Squares Discriminant Analysis (PLSDA) is a statistical method for classification and consists a classical Partial Least Squares Regression (PLSR) in which the dependent variable is a categorical one expressing the class membership of each observation. PLSDA can be applied in many cases when classical discriminant analysis cannot be applied. For example, when the number of observations is low and when the number of independent variables is high. When there are missing values, PLSDA can be applied on the data that is available. Finally, it is adapted when multicollinearity between independent variables is high. The aim of this study is to determine the economic and/or demographic indicators, which are effective in grouping the 28 European Union (EU) member countries and 7 candidate countries (including potential candidates Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosova) by using the data set obtained from database of the World Bank for 2014. Leaving the political issues aside, the analysis is only concerned with the economic and demographic variables that have the potential influence on country’s eligibility for EU entrance. Hence, in this study, both the performance of PLSDA method in classifying the countries correctly to their pre-defined groups (candidate or member) and the differences between the EU countries and candidate countries in terms of these indicators are analyzed. As a result of the PLSDA, the value of percentage correctness of 100 % indicates that overall of the 35 countries is classified correctly. Moreover, the most important variables that determine the statuses of member and candidate countries in terms of economic indicators are identified as 'external balance on goods and services (% GDP)', 'gross domestic savings (% GDP)' and 'gross national expenditure (% GDP)' that means for the 2014 economical structure of countries is the most important determinant of EU membership. Subsequently, the model validated to prove the predictive ability by using the data set for 2015. For prediction sample, %97,14 of the countries are correctly classified. An interesting result is obtained for only BiH, which is still a potential candidate for EU, predicted as a member of EU by using the indicators data set for 2015 as a prediction sample. Although BiH has made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state, ethnic tensions, nationalistic rhetoric and political disagreements are still evident, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU.

Keywords: classification, demographic indicators, economic indicators, European Union, partial least squares discriminant analysis

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Authors: Nuhu Bitrus Mailabari

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Nigeria is a highly multifarious nation trapped between affluence and affliction. On one hand, the state has vast territorial size, economic strength, relative internal cohesion, and good external linkages. On the other, it is bedeviled with enormous challenges. It is common knowledge that the North-East geo-political zone has suffered colossal destruction for the most part of the last ten years due to the activities of the insurgent group Boko Haram. Several factors (political, economic, religious, socio-cultural) have been credited with the heightened insecurity in the region. Without a doubt, the security crisis in the region has rekindled several discussions critical to Nigeria’s security architecture. However, the debate on finding an enduring solution to the devastation in the North East continually neglects the nexus between cross border migration and national security. Using content analysis, this paper debates two main issues that continue to affect security in the North East. One, the cumulative impact of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) protocol on the free movement of people and goods. Two, the porous nature of Nigeria’s borders. Theoretically, the paper will rely on the systems theory because of its broad focus on structure, linkage, and process. The work concludes in twofold. First, that cross border migration and poor border management processes further worsened the political and socio-economic conditions of a region that is already in a bad state. Secondly, in addition to the existing strategies, Nigeria must develop a holistic approach including new methods of handling cross border movements in solving the security issues.

Keywords: border, cross border, migration, Nigeria, northeast region, security

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Authors: Leili Nekounazar

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Since 2009, when the Green movement, Iran’s most significant political uprising in post-Islamic revolution materialized, the term 'soft war' has become an integral part of the Iranian regime’s lexicon when addressing the media propaganda waged by the west and the regime’s so-called 'enemies'. Iran’s authorities describe soft war as a western campaign aiming at undermining the revolutionary values by covert activities, deploying cultural tools and purposeful dissemination of information. With this respect, Internet and in particular, the social media networks, and oppositional radio-television broadcasts have been considered as the west’s soft war conduits. With the rising of the underground fashion industry in the past couple of years that does not conform to the compulsory dress codes prescribed by the state, the Islamic regime expands the soft war narrative to include any undesired fashion-related activities and frames the rising fashion industry as a cultural war intoxicating the Iranian-Islamic identity. Accordingly, fashion products created by the Iranian fashion intermediators have been attributed to the westerners and outsiders and are regarded as the matter of national security. This study examines the reactive and proactive measures deployed by the Iranian regime to control the rise of fashion industry. It further puts under the scrutiny how the state as a part of its proactive measure shapes the narrative of 'soft war' in relation to fashion in Iran and explores how the notion of soft war has been articulated in relation to the modeling and fashion in the state’s political rhetoric. Through conducting a content analysis of the authorities’ statements, it describes how the narrative of soft war assists the state policing the fashion industry.

Keywords: censorship, fashion, Iran, soft war

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Authors: Loide Sambo

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Achieving energy security has, in the past few decades, become one of the main goals in the security agenda of every country around the world. For Southern African Countries (SAC) the aim is not different, yet these countries face a particular challenge in the pursuit of their energy security. More than just secure enough energy sources to fuel their industrial and societal needs, SAC have as well to ensure that they trade their rich energy resources to the global market in a way that promotes and safeguards their economic development objectives. Considering the relevance of this issue to the SAC, the present paper explores the possibility of these countries to achieve energy security through regional cooperation, under the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) platform. It discusses the challenges and opportunities for advancing energy security in this region through cooperation. After analyzing the data through the documentary analysis method, it was found that regional cooperation among SAC to improve energy security is not effective since cooperation in the region is still very susceptible to a plethora of challenges, such as political instability, lack of development of infrastructure and expertise, lack of good governance, lack of sense of cohesiveness, and most important lack of political commitment. It was also found that significant commitment on regional cooperation had been centered on the electricity sub-sector due to the region’s huge electricity deficit. Thus less commitment is dedicated to the development and policy harmonization of the other sub-sectors such as the one of natural gas and oil, for instance. Hence, it is recommended that the leadership of the SAC is fully committed to cooperate and harmonize the policies, the strategic plans, as well as the infrastructure concerning to all the natural energy resources and its respective sub-sectors. This would provide the SAC significant leverage to negotiate for the energy market access, ensuring that the region’s energy commodities are traded, while the countries themselves retain enough energy to sustain their economic growth and development, improving, therefore, their energy security.

Keywords: regional cooperation, energy security, economic development, political commitment

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Authors: Sibo Lu, Zhongkai Qian

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This study endeavors to articulate a spectrum of capitalist transformation from a politico-economic perspective, categorizing the development of capitalism into pre-modern, modern, and post-modern stages while examining the transitions between these states. It critically engages with the concepts of pre-modernity, modernity, and post-modernity, typically aligned with cultural studies, to shed light on their objective changes in the politico-economic realm. Post-modernity, in this context, is associated with the transition to high-value-added services and economic growth in ‘developed’ countries amidst globalization, framing a ‘neoliberal’ economic transformation. The paper scrutinizes the neoliberal economic shifts in the latter half of the 20th century as part of the post-modern state, arguing against viewing post-modernity merely as a cultural or subjective interpretative stance. Instead, it is posited as a concrete politico-economic phase marked by the dominance of post-Fordist systems. Through integrating insights from the political economy with continental philosophy, this research provides a nuanced analysis of capitalism's evolution, challenging conventional class analyses under the capitalist system and fostering a broader understanding of socio-economic paradigms.

Keywords: post marxism, critical theory, political economy, capitalism transformation

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Authors: Neslihan Cetin

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In this study, we will aim to analyze how the period of the state of emergency in Turkey lead to gaps in law and the formation of areas in which there was a complete lack of supervision. The state of emergency that was proclaimed following the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, continued until July 18, 2018, that is to say, 2 years, without taking into account whether the initial circumstances persisted. As part of this work, we claim that the state of emergency provided the executive power with important tools for governing, which it took constant use. We can highlight how the concern for security at the center of the basic considerations of the people in a city was exploited as a foundation by the military power in Turkey to interfere in the political, legal, and social spheres. The constitutions of 1924, 1961, and 1982 entrusted the army with the role of protector of the integrity of the state. This became an instrument at the hands of the military to legitimize their interventions in the name of public security. Its interventions in the political field are indeed politically motivated. The constitution, the legislative, and regulatory systems are modified and monopolized by the military power that dominates the legislative, regulatory, and judicial power, leading to a state of exception. With the political convulsions over a decade, the government was able to usurp the instrument called the state of exception. In particular, the decree-laws of the state of emergency, which the executive makes frequent and generally abusive use, became instruments in the hands of the government to take measures that it wishes to escape from the rules and the pre-established control mechanisms. Thus the struggle against the political opposition becomes more unbalanced and destructive. To this must also be added the ineffectiveness of ex-post controls and domestic remedies. This research allows us to stress how a legal concept, such as ‘the state of emergency’ can be politically exploited to make it a legal weapon that continues to produce victims.

Keywords: constitutional law, state of emergency, rule of law, instrumentalization of law

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Authors: Foluke Abimbola

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There are two separate groups of a recognised body of human rights. These are known as Civil and Political Rights, and Economic and Social Rights. There is however an impression that civil and political rights are enforceable in courts while socio-economic rights are not. Nigeria is an example of one of such countries whose constitution has social, economic and cultural rights’ provisions as well as civil and political rights. However, the socio-economic rights provided in the Nigerian constitution are not justiciable or are unenforceable in a court of law. On the other hand, a comparative examination of the socio-economic right provisions in the South African constitution and judgments of the constitutional court of South Africa reveals that socio-economic rights may be enforceable. This position may ensure the protection of the socio-economic rights of the poor and vulnerable groups. These rights include the rights to food, adequate shelter, health, and education. Moreover, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter) which incorporates similar socio-economic right provisions, has been recognized as a domestic law in Nigeria and its provisions are enforceable by the domestic courts by virtue of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. It is not only a regional treaty signed and adopted by Nigeria but has been passed into law by the National Assembly and can be enforced like any other local law. This paper will propose that in view of the provisions of the African Charter and mechanisms for implementation as well as other international conventions and national constitutional provisions on human rights, domestic courts may be able to assess state responsibilities in the light of socio-economic rights. Cases decided by South African courts and other jurisdictions will be discussed in order to lend weight to the notion that socio-economic rights can be enforced in jurisdictions such as Nigeria even though the constitution provides otherwise.

Keywords: african charter, constitutional court of south africa, nigerian constitution, socio-economic rights, south african constitution

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Authors: Katarina Ott, Velibor Mačkić, Mihaela Bronić, Branko Stanić

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The determinants of national budget transparency have been widely discussed in the literature, while research on determinants of local budget transparency are scarce and empirically inconclusive, particularly in the new, fiscally centralised, EU member states. To fill the gap, we combine two strands of the literature: that concerned with public administration and public finance, shedding light on the economic and financial determinants of local budget transparency, and that on the political economy of transparency (principal agent theory), covering the relationships among politicians and between politicians and voters. Our main hypothesis states that variables describing residents’ capacity have a greater impact on local budget transparency than variables indicating the institutional capacity of local government units (LGUs). Additional subhypotheses test the impact of each variable analysed on local budget transparency. We address the determinants of local budget transparency in Croatia, measured by the number of key local budget documents published on the LGUs’ websites. By using a data set of 128 cities and 428 municipalities over the 2015-2017 period and by applying panel data analysis based on Poisson and negative binomial distribution, we test our main hypothesis and sub-hypotheses empirically. We measure different characteristics of institutional and residents’ capacity for each LGU. Age, education and ideology of the mayor/municipality head, political competition indicators, number of employees, current budget revenues and direct debt per capita have been used as a measure of the institutional capacity of LGU. Residents’ capacity in each LGU has been measured through the numbers of citizens and their average age as well as by average income per capita. The most important determinant of local budget transparency is average residents' income per capita at both city and municipality level. The results are in line with most previous research results in fiscally decentralised countries. In the context of a fiscally centralised country with numerous small LGUs, most of whom have low administrative and fiscal capacity, this has a theoretical rationale in the legitimacy and principal-agent theory (opportunistic motives of the incumbent). The result is robust and significant, but because of the various other results that change between city and municipality levels (e.g. ideology and political competition), there is a need for further research (both on identifying other determinates and/or methods of analysis). Since in Croatia the fiscal capacity of a LGU depends heavily on the income of its residents, units with higher per capita incomes in many cases have also higher budget revenues allowing them to engage more employees and resources. In addition, residents’ incomes might be also positively associated with local budget transparency because of higher citizen demand for such transparency. Residents with higher incomes expect more public services and have more access to and experience in using the Internet, and will thus typically demand more budget information on the LGUs’ websites.

Keywords: budget transparency, count data, Croatia, local government, political economy

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Half of the Muslim countries in the world have declared Islam the state religion in their constitutions. Yet, none of these countries have implemented authentic Islamic laws in line with the Quran (Holy Book), practices of Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) called the Sunnah, and his four successors known as the Rightly Guided - Khalifa. Since their independence, these countries have adopted different government systems like Democracy, Dictatorship, Republic, Communism, and Monarchy. Instead of benefiting the people, these government systems have put these countries into political, social, and economic crises. These Islamic countries do not have equal representation and membership in worldwide political forums. Western countries lead these forums. Therefore, it is now imperative for the Muslim leaders of all these countries to collaborate, reset, and implement the original Islamic form of government, which led to the prosperity and success of people, including non-Muslims, 1400 years ago. They should unite as one nation under Khalifat, which means establishing the authority of Allah (SWT) and following the divine commandments related to the social, political, and economic systems. As they have declared Islam in their constitution, they should work together to apply the divine framework of the governance revealed by Allah (SWT) and implemented by Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his four successors called Khalifas. This paper provides an overview of the downfall and the end of the Khalifat system by 1924, the ways in which the West caused political, social, and economic crises in the Muslim countries, and finally, a summary of the social, political, and economic systems implemented by the Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his successors, Khalifas, called the Rightly Guided – Hazrat Abu Bakr (RA), Hazrat Omar (RA), Hazrat Usman (RA), and Hazrat Ali (RA).

Keywords: khalifat, khilafat-e-Rashida, the rightly guided, colonization, capitalism, neocolonization, government systems

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Authors: Ahmad Alsolami, Darren Mundy, Manuel Hernandez-Perez

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Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. A most important factor contributing to this effect is the existence of influential users, who have developed a reputation for their awareness and experience on specific subjects. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is based on the pioneering work of Katz and Lazarsfeld (1959), who created the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: twitter, influencers, structured mechanism, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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