Search results for: Prosperous Justice Party

Authors: Usman Khan

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The article discusses mass migration, which has been a problem throughout history. People moved for a variety of reasons, including better job opportunities, prosperous, healthy lifestyles, and other basic needs. This research focuses on the issues and challenges that immigrants face when they arrive at their destination countries especially Saudi Arab. Among these issues are the Kapala system, irregular salaries, living conditions, document seizure, and so on. The primary data sources for this qualitative anthropological study include in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). The research was carried out in the villages of Zulam and Shagokas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's Dir Lower District. The article concludes by stating that the agents and employers treated labor migrants/workers inhumanely. Throughout the process, they have been subjected to severe exploitation and suffering. Finally, the migrants sent back remittances that aided the region's economic and infrastructure development.

Keywords: Migration, Exploitation, labour, Middle East, Kafala and Tanazol System.

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Authors: Mustafina-Bredikhina Diana, Kuznetsova Olga

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Corruption as a social phenomenon is obviously a serious barrier to the development of a prosperous society and the economic development of the country as a whole. It is extremely important to analyze the influence of culture on the level of corruption in different countries and assesses the influence of culture, religion, and mentality on corrupt behavior and their perception in society. Corruption should be considered in relation to the public consciousness, which is formed in certain socio-historical conditions and cultural traditions. Often, society, formally condemning corruption, reproduces obvious corrupt behavior at the personal level of its individual members. Based on a brief analysis of the major corruption scandals and the corruption counting system of countries, the authors conclude that culture, mentality, and religion, while playing an important role in the formation of public consciousness of the concept of "corrupt behavior" are not decisive. It is more important to build a dialogue between the authorities and society, creating a uniform rejection of corrupt behavior.

Keywords: corruption, culture, corrupt behavior, perception of corruption, religion

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Authors: Ananya Sharma

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International Relations is a discipline of paradoxes. The State is the dominant political institution, with mainstream analysis theorizing the State, but theory remains at best a reactionary monolith. Critical Theorists have been pushing the envelope and to that extent, there has been a clear shift in the dominant discourse away from State-centrism to individuals and group-level behaviour. This paradigm shift has been accompanied with more nuanced conceptualizations of other variables at play–power, security, and trust, to name a few. Yet, the ambit of “what is discussed” remains primarily embedded in realist conceptualizations. With this background in mind, this paper will attempt to understand, juxtapose and evaluate how “order” has been conceptualized in International Relations theory. This paper is a tentative attempt to present a “state of the art” and in the process, set the stage for a deeper study to draw attention to what the author feels is a gaping lacuna in IR theory. The paper looks at how different branches of international relations theory envisage world order and the silences embedded therein. Further, by locating order and disorder inhabiting the same reality along a continuum, alternative readings of world orders are drawn from the critical theoretical traditions, in which various articulations of justice impart the key normative pillar to the world order.

Keywords: global justice, international relations theory, legitimacy, world order

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Authors: Marc Solé, Francesc Giné, Magda Valls, Nina Bijedic

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What people say on social media has turned into a rich source of information to understand social behavior. Specifically, the growing use of Twitter social media for political communication has arisen high opportunities to know the opinion of large numbers of politically active individuals in real time and predict the global political tendencies of a specific country. It has led to an increasing body of research on this topic. The majority of these studies have been focused on polarized political contexts characterized by only two alternatives. Unlike them, this paper tackles the challenge of forecasting Spanish political trends, characterized by multiple political parties, by means of analyzing the Twitters Users political tendency. According to this, a new strategy, named Tweets Analysis Strategy (TAS), is proposed. This is based on analyzing the users tweets by means of discovering its sentiment (positive, negative or neutral) and classifying them according to the political party they support. From this individual political tendency, the global political prediction for each political party is calculated. In order to do this, two different strategies for analyzing the sentiment analysis are proposed: one is based on Positive and Negative words Matching (PNM) and the second one is based on a Neural Networks Strategy (NNS). The complete TAS strategy has been performed in a Big-Data environment. The experimental results presented in this paper reveal that NNS strategy performs much better than PNM strategy to analyze the tweet sentiment. In addition, this research analyzes the viability of the TAS strategy to obtain the global trend in a political context make up by multiple parties with an error lower than 23%.

Keywords: political tendency, prediction, sentiment analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Vandana Kumari

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One of the most ancient and detailed legal codes proclaimed the Babylonian King Hammurabi during his reign in the erstwhile Mesopotamian society, provides a fascinating account of the social and justice system of Babylon. The 282 laws intricately carved on eight feet black stone stela serve as an important source of contemporary commercial, family and criminals laws. This paper attempts an inquiry into the contemporary relevance of this legal code to our current legal system. An exhaustive study of one of ancient legal system based on a series of practical experiences rather than being founded on mere theoretical ideologies can be assumed pertinent to the promulgation of practically viable laws in our country. The first chapter of the paper focuses on law seven which established the rules of commerce and the role of government in overseeing justice and honesty regarding the law of property. The second chapter deals with the laws of family, marriages, divorce and adoption prevailing in the Babylonian era. The third chapter traces the earliest known history of criminal jurisprudence which impregnated the principle of an eye for an eye. The paper is not merely a theoretical account of the Mesopotamian way of living but a novice attempt to discover the roots of Indian laws in the ruins of the courtrooms of the Hammurabi Empire.

Keywords: Babylonian legal system, Contemporary relevance, criminal jurisprudence, Hammurabi Code

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Michel Patiño-Sáenz, Martín Haissiner, Jorge Martínez-Cotrina, Daniel Pastor, Hernando Santamaría-García, Maria-Alejandra Tangarife, Agustin Ibáñez, Sandra Baez

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It has been shown that gruesome descriptions of harm can increase the punishment given to a transgressor. This biasing effect is mediated by negative emotions, which are elicited upon the presentation of gruesome descriptions. However, there is a lack of studies inquiring the influence of such descriptions on moral decision-making in people involved in the criminal justice system. Such populations are of special interest since they have experience dealing with gruesome evidence, but also formal education on how to assess evidence and gauge the appropriate punishment according to the law. Likewise, they are expected to be objective and rational when performing their duty, because their decisions can impact profoundly people`s lives. Considering these antecedents, the objective of this study was to explore the influence gruesome written descriptions on moral decision-making in this group of people. To that end, we recruited attorneys, judges and public prosecutors (Criminal justice group, CJ, n=30) whose field of specialty is criminal law. In addition, we included a control group of people who did not have a formal education in law (n=30), but who were paired in age and years of education with the CJ group. All participants completed an online, Spanish-adapted version of a moral decision-making task, which was previously reported in the literature and also standardized and validated in the Latin-American context. A series of text-based stories describing two characters, one inflicting harm on the other, were presented to participants. Transgressor's intentionality (accidental vs. intentional harm) and language (gruesome vs. plain) used to describe harm were manipulated employing a within-subjects and a between-subjects design, respectively. After reading each story, participants were asked to rate (a) the harmful action's moral adequacy, (b) the amount of punishment deserving the transgressor and (c) how damaging was his behavior. Results showed main effects of group, intentionality and type of language on all dependent measures. In both groups, intentional harmful actions were rated as significantly less morally adequate, were punished more severely and were deemed as more damaging. Moreover, control subjects deemed more damaging and punished more severely any type of action than the CJ group. In addition, there was an interaction between intentionality and group. People in the control group rated harmful actions as less morally adequate than the CJ group, but only when the action was accidental. Also, there was an interaction between intentionality and language on punishment ratings. Controls punished more when harm was described using gruesome language. However, that was not the case of people in the CJ group, who assigned the same amount of punishment in both conditions. In conclusion, participants with job experience in the criminal justice system or criminal law differ in the way they make moral decisions. Particularly, it seems that they are less sensitive to the biasing effect of gruesome evidence, which is probably explained by their formal education or their experience in dealing with such evidence. Nonetheless, more studies are needed to determine the impact this phenomenon has on the fulfillment of their duty.

Keywords: criminal justice system, emotions, gruesome descriptions, intentionality, moral decision-making

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Authors: Marieta Safta

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The separation and balance of state powers constitute the basis of the rule of law. Observance of this principle requires framing of public authorities within the limits of competence established by the Constitution and the law, as well as loyal cooperation between them. From this perspective, the attribution of the constitutional courts for settling legal conflicts of a constitutional nature is an important tool for correcting the tendencies of violation of these limits, as well as for identifying solutions for situations that do not find an explicit regulation in the constitutional texts. The present study analyzes the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of Romania in the field of legal conflicts of a constitutional nature, revealing, together with the presentation of conflict situations, the vulnerabilities of the constitutional reference texts. It is also highlighted the role of the constitutional courts in the evolution of constitutional law institutions, even in terms of defining and redefining the regime of the forms of government. The conclusion of the study, beyond the subject of legal conflicts of a constitutional nature, bears on the necessity, even more so in this matter, of the certainty of jurisdictional interpretation. This certainty cannot be achieved as long as the interpretation is not authoritative; consequently, the assurance of the effectiveness of constitutional justice constitute a key issue of the rule of law.

Keywords: legal conflicts of constitutional nature, the Constitutional Court of Romania, the separation and balance of powers in the state, the effectiveness of constitutional justice

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Authors: Wendi Dunham, Kimberly Floyd

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The constructivist approach to learning is a theoretical orientation that posits that individuals create their own understanding and knowledge of the world through their experiences and interactions. This approach emphasizes that learning is an active process and that individuals are not passive recipients when constructing their understanding of their world. When used concurrently with trauma-informed practices, a constructivist approach can inform the development of a framework for students and teachers that supports their social, emotional, and mental health in addition to enabling academic success. This framework can be applied to teachers and students. When applied to teachers, it can be used to achieve purposeful coping mechanisms through restorative justice and dispositional mindfulness. When applied to students, the framework can implement proactive, student-based practices such as Response to Intervention (RtI) and the 4 Rs to connect resiliency and intervention to academic learning. Using a constructivist, trauma-informed framework can provide students with a greater sense of control and agency over their trauma experiences and impart confidence in achieving school success.

Keywords: trauma, trauma informed practices in education, constructivist theory framework, school responses to trauma, trauma informed supports for teachers, trauma informed strategies for students, restorative justice, mindfulness, response to intervention, the 4 R's, resiliency

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Authors: Al Karim Datoo

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Abstract— The presentation argues for an urgent case to center and integrate critical sociology in enriching potency of educational thought and practice to counteract inequalities and social injustices. COVID phenomenon has starkly exposed burgeoning of social-economic inequalities and widening marginalities which have been historically and politically constructed through deep-seated social and power imbalances and injustices in the world. What potent role could education possibly play to combat these issues? A point of departure for this paper highlights increasing reductionist and exclusionary ‘mind-set’ of education that has been developed through trends in education such as: the commodification of knowledge, standardisation, homogenization, and reification which are products of the positivist ideology of knowledge coopted to serve capitalist interests. To redress these issues of de-contextualization and de-humanization of education, it is emphasized that there is an urgent need to center the role of interpretive and critical epistemologies and pedagogies of social sciences. In this regard, notions of problem-posing versus problem-solving, generative themes, instrumental versus emancipatory reasoning will be discussed. The presentation will conclude by illustrating the pedagogic utility of these critically oriented notions to counteract the social reproduction of exclusionary and inequality in and through education.

Keywords: Critical pedagogy, social justice, inclusion , education

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Authors: Tadayuki Kyoutani, Shigeyuki Haruyama, Ken Kaminishi, Zefry Darmawan

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Japan’s semiconductor industries have developed greatly in recent years. Many were started from a Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) that found at a good circumstance and now become the prosperous industries in the world. Sustainable growth factors that support the creation of spirit value inside the Japanese company were strongly embedded through performance. Those factors were not clearly defined among each company. A series of literature research conducted to explore quantitative text mining about the definition of sustainable growth factors. Sustainable criteria were developed from previous research to verify the definition of the factors. A typical frame work was proposed as a systematical approach to develop sustainable growth factor in a specific company. Result of approach was review in certain period shows that factors influenced in sustainable growth was importance for the company to achieve the goal.

Keywords: SME, manufacture, sustainable, growth factor

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Authors: Keo Mbebe

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The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is widely regarded as a blueprint for countries seeking to transcend the atrocities of their past and create a new human rights-based administration. The aim of these societies is to establish historical truth. Within the TRC, the aspects of truth-finding and truth-telling were considered to be catalysts for national unity and reconciliation. Truth-seeking, in addition, was mandated in the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (TRC Act), which is the legislation behind the TRC. However, there is an incongruency between the conception of truth outlined in the Act, and the conception of truth explained in the Report of the TRC proceedings. The aim of this paper is to delineate these two kinds of “truth” and to critically analyze them. Doing so, it will then be evident in the discussion that there is a need for substantial clarity in the conception of truth used in transitional justice settings based on truth-finding and truth-seeking, and the paper will present ways in which such clarity may be achieved. The paper will begin with a philosophical engagement on the notion of historical truth used by the TRC legislation. Thereafter, the historical background to the political context in which the TRC Act was mandated will be provided. The next section would then be a sketch of the conceptions of historical truth and historical injustice in the Act, as well as its supporting documents. Lastly, it will be argued that the subversion of the TRC’s mandate to promote reconciliation and national unity by bringing to light past human rights violations during apartheid is betrayed by its amorphous conception of historical truth.

Keywords: historical truth, human rights, transitional justice, truth commission

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Authors: J. K. Visser, H. T. Malan

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A need exists to identify the sources of risks associated with the process automation systems within petrochemical companies or similar energy related industries. These companies use many different process automation technologies in its value chain. A crucial part of the process automation system is the information technology component featuring in the supervisory control layer. The ever-changing technology within the process automation layers and the rate at which it advances pose a risk to safe and predictable automation system performance. The age of the automation equipment also provides challenges to the operations and maintenance managers of the plant due to obsolescence and unavailability of spare parts. The main objective of this research was to determine the risk sources associated with the equipment that is part of the process automation systems. A secondary objective was to establish whether technology managers and technicians were aware of the risks and share the same viewpoint on the importance of the risks associated with automation systems. A conceptual model for risk sources of automation systems was formulated from models and frameworks in literature. This model comprised six categories of risk which forms the basis for identifying specific risks. This model was used to develop a questionnaire that was sent to 172 instrument technicians and technology managers in the company to obtain primary data. 75 completed and useful responses were received. These responses were analyzed statistically to determine the highest risk sources and to determine whether there was difference in opinion between technology managers and technicians. The most important risks that were revealed in this study are: 1) the lack of skilled technicians, 2) integration capability of third-party system software, 3) reliability of the process automation hardware, 4) excessive costs pertaining to performing maintenance and migrations on process automation systems, and 5) requirements of having third-party communication interfacing compatibility as well as real-time communication networks.

Keywords: distributed control system, identification of risks, information technology, process automation system

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Authors: N. S. Kubanza, D. Simatele, D. K. Das

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The purpose of this paper is to understand the urban environmental problems in Kinshasa and the consequences of these for the poor. This paper particularly examines the concept of environmental injustice in solid waste management in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The urban low-income communities in Kinshasa face multiple consequences of poor solid waste management associated with unhealthy living conditions. These situations stemmed from overcrowding, poor sanitary, accumulation of solid waste, resulting in the prevalence of water and air borne diseases. Using a mix of reviewed archival records, scholarly literature, a semi-structured interview conducted with the local community members and qualitative surveys among stakeholders; it was found that solid waste management challenge in Kinshasa is not only an environmental and health risk issues, but also, a problem that generates socio-spatial disparities in the distribution of the solid waste burden. It is argued in the paper that the urban poor areas in Kinshasa are often hardest affected by irregularities of waste collection. They lack sanitary storage capacities and have undermined organizational capacity for collective action within solid waste management. In view of these observations, this paper explores mechanisms and stakeholders’ engagement necessary to lessen environmental injustice in solid waste management (SWM) in Kinshasa.

Keywords: environmental justice, solid waste management, urban environmental problems, urban poor

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Authors: Rafał Wonicki

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We live in an increasingly unstable world - the 2008 Euro crisis, the 2011-2015 immigration crisis in the EU, the pandemic of COVID-19, China's rivalry with the US, and the war in Ukraine are just some of the phenomena that show that current model of international justice is more and more contested. One of the answers to these challenges - apart from the return to the multipolar world or the growth of populism (Zakaria, Mouffe, etc.) - is the idea of global egalitarianism in the form of cosmopolitan democracy. The work will analyze this project and present the legal and institutional dimensions of the idea of global egalitarianism, which will examine the relationship between the axiological assumptions of this approach and its outcome in the shape of international institutions. In order to examine the project, a historical outline will be presented, which will anchor the idea of cosmopolitan democracy in the background of earlier philosophical ideas about the world state. Next, thanks to this, it will be possible to see to what extent this model is consistent with the postulates of its creators (Archibugi, Held, and others) and to what extent it solves the problems that they diagnose in today's globalized world. At the same time, the inclusion of the model of cosmopolitan democracy in the latest discussion concerning the theoretical and practical advantages and disadvantages of the world state will reveal the axiology behind the idea of state sovereignty and give the audience the possibility to reflect how such philosophical concepts help to better understand contemporary times.

Keywords: cosmopolitan democracy, global egalitarianism, held, Archibugi

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Babatunde Kolawole

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This paper embarks on an exploration of the compelling interplay between documentary filmmaking and activism, delving into their symbiotic relationship and profound impact on advocacy and social justice causes. Through an in-depth analysis of diverse case studies, it seeks to illuminate the instances where documentary films have emerged as potent tools for effecting social change and advancing the principles of justice. This research underscores the vital role played by documentary filmmakers in harnessing the medium's unique capacity to engage, educate, and mobilize audiences while advocating for societal transformation. The primary focus of this study is on a selection of compelling case studies spanning various topics and causes, each exemplifying the marriage between documentary filmmaking and activism. These case studies encompass a broad spectrum of subjects, from environmental conservation and climate change to civil rights movements and human rights struggles. By examining these real-world instances, this paper endeavors to provide a comprehensive understanding of the strategies, challenges, and ethical considerations that underpin the practice of documentary filmmaking as a form of activism. Throughout the paper, it becomes evident that the potency of documentary filmmaking lies in its ability to blend artistry with social impact. The selected case studies vividly demonstrate how documentary filmmakers, armed with cameras and a passion for change, have emerged as critical agents of societal transformation. Whether it be exposing environmental atrocities, shedding light on systemic inequalities, or giving voice to marginalized communities, these documentaries have played a pivotal role in pushing the boundaries of advocacy and social justice. One of the key themes explored in this paper is the evolving nature of documentary filmmaking as a tool for activism. It delves into the shift from traditional observational documentaries to more participatory and immersive approaches, highlighting the dynamic ways in which filmmakers engage with their subjects and audiences. This evolution is exemplified in case studies where filmmakers have collaborated with the communities they document, fostering a sense of agency and empowerment among those whose stories are being told. Furthermore, this research underscores the ethical considerations inherent in the intersection of documentary filmmaking and activism. It scrutinizes questions surrounding representation, objectivity, and the responsibility of filmmakers in portraying complex social issues. By dissecting ethical dilemmas faced by documentary filmmakers in these case studies, this paper encourages a critical examination of the ethical boundaries and obligations in the realm of advocacy-driven filmmaking. In conclusion, this paper aims to shed light on the remarkable potential of documentary filmmaking as a catalyst for activism and social justice. Through the lens of compelling case studies, it illustrates the transformative power of the medium in effecting change, amplifying underrepresented voices, and mobilizing global audiences. It is hoped that this research will not only inform the discourse on documentary activism but also inspire filmmakers, scholars, and advocates to continue leveraging the cinematic art form as a formidable force for a more just and equitable world.

Keywords: film, filmmaker, documentary, human right

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Authors: Behnam Habibi Dargah

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The economics of cost-benefit theory seeks to monitor claims and determine their final price. The cost of litigation is important because it is a measure of the efficiency of the justice system. From an economic point of view, the cost of litigation is considered to be the point of equilibrium of litigation, whereby litigation is regarded as a high-risk investment and is initiated when the costs are less than the probable and expected benefits. Costs are economically separated into private and social costs. Private cost includes material (direct and indirect) and spiritual costs. The social costs of litigation are also subsidized-centric due to the public and governmental nature of litigation and cover both types of bureaucratic bureaucracy and the costs of judicial misconduct. Macroeconomic policy in the economics of justice is the reverse engineering of controlling the social costs of litigation by employing selective litigation and working on the judicial culture to achieve rationality in the monopoly system. Procedures for controlling and managing court costs are also circumscribed to economic patterns in the field. Rational cost allocation model and cost transfer model. The rational allocation model deals with cost-tolerance systems, and the transfer model also considers three models of transferability, including legal, judicial and contractual transferability, which will be described and explored in the present article in a comparative manner.

Keywords: cost of litigation, economics of litigation, private cost, social cost, cost of litigation

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Authors: Jeanne-Mari Retief

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As of November 2016, three African states have withdrawn from the International Criminal Court (ICC) and more are expected to follow. The alleged abuse of universal jurisdiction and targeting of African states by the ICC motivated the withdrawals. These historical exits raise many questions, especially in regard to the adequate investigation and prosecution of international crimes in a continent with a history of impunity. Even though African courts exist and one more is proposed, many issues remain i.e. adequate access to the courts, the extent of the courts’ jurisdiction, and proposed methods of effectively dealing with international crimes in Africa. This paper seeks to address the practical effects of the withdrawal from the ICC and the problems posed through utilizing regional courts. It will specifically look at the practical challenges existing courts face, the lack of access to the latter, issues concerning the proposed African Court for Justice and Human Rights, and the shocking promotion of impunity in Africa. These all have severe implications for African citizens and victims of the most heinous crimes. The mantra of African solutions to African problems places an important duty on states to ensure the actual provision of these solutions, which can only be achieved through a critical analysis of the questions above.

Keywords: ACJHR, Africa, impunity, justice, Malabo protocol

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Authors: Simon B.A. Egli, Katja Rost

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Literature on redistributive preferences has proliferated in past decades. A core assumption behind it is that variation in redistributive preferences can explain different levels of redistribution. In contrast, this paper considers the reverse. What if it is redistribution that changes redistributive preferences? The core assumption behind the argument is that if self-interest - which we label concrete preferences - and ideology - which we label abstract preferences - come into conflict, the former will prevail and lead to an adjustment of the latter. To test the hypothesis, data from a survey conducted in Switzerland during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis is used. A significant portion of the workforce at the time unexpectedly received state money through the short-time working program. Short-time work was used as a proxy for self-interest and was tested (1) on the support given to hypothetical, ailing firms during the crisis and (2) on the prioritization of justice principles guiding state action. In a first step, several models using OLS-regressions on political orientation were estimated to test our hypothesis as well as to check for non-linear effects. We expected support for ailing firms to be the same regardless of ideology but only for people on short-time work. The results both confirm our hypothesis and suggest a non-linear effect. Far-right individuals on short-time work were disproportionally supportive compared to moderate ones. In a second step, ordered logit models were estimated to test the impact of short-time work and political orientation on the rankings of the distributive justice principles need, performance, entitlement, and equality. The results show that being on short-time work significantly alters the prioritization of justice principles. Right-wing individuals are much more likely to prioritize need and equality over performance and entitlement when they receive government assistance. No such effect is found among left-wing individuals. In conclusion, we provide moderate to strong evidence that unexpectedly finding oneself at the receiving end changes redistributive preferences if personal ideology is antithetical to redistribution. The implications of our findings on the study of populism, personal ideologies, and political change are discussed.

Keywords: COVID-19, ideology, redistribution, redistributive preferences, self-interest

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Authors: Gabriela Wasileski, Debra L. Stanley

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Maryland efforts to decrease the juvenile criminality and recidivism shifts towards evidence based sentencing. While in theory the evidence based sentencing has an impact on the reduction of juvenile delinquency and drug abuse; the assessment of juveniles’ risk and needs usually lacks crucial information about juvenile’s prior victimization. The Maryland Comprehensive Assessment and Service Planning (MCASP) Initiative is the primary tool for developing and delivering a treatment service plan for juveniles at risk. Even though it consists of evidence-based screening and assessment instruments very little is currently known regarding the effectiveness and the impact of the assessment in general. In keeping with Maryland’s priority to develop successful evidence-based recidivism reduction programs, this study examined results of assessments based on MCASP using a representative sample of the juveniles at risk and their assessment results. Specifically, it examined: (1) the results of the assessments in an electronic database (2) areas of need that are more frequent among delinquent youth in a system/agency, (3) the overall progress of youth in an agency’s care (4) the impact of child victimization and trauma experiences reported in the assessment. The project will identify challenges regarding the use of MCASP in Maryland, and will provide a knowledge base to support future research and practices.

Keywords: Juvenile Justice, assessment of risk and need, victimization and crime, recidivism

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Summer Jackson

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September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks exposed weaknesses in federal law enforcement’s ability to proactively counter threats to American homeland security. Following the attacks, legislative reforms and policy changes cleared both bureaucratic and legal obstacles to anti-terrorism efforts. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) transformed into a domestic intelligence agency responsible for preventing future terrorist attacks. Likewise, the passage of the 2001 USA Patriot Act gave federal agents new discretionary powers to more easily collect intelligence on those suspected of supporting terrorism. Despite these changes, there has been only limited scholarly attention paid to terrorism responses by the federal criminal justice system. This study sought to examine the investigative and prosecutorial changes made in the Post-9/11 era. The methodology employed bivariate and multivariate statistics using data from the American Terrorism Study (ATS). This analysis examined how policy changes are reflected in the nature of terrorism investigations, the handling of terrorist defendants by federal prosecutors, and the outcomes of terrorism cases since 2001. The findings indicate significant investigative and prosecutorial changes in the Post-9/11 era. Specifically, this study found terrorism cases involved younger defendants, fewer indictees per case, less use of human intelligence, less complicated attacks, less serious charges, and more plea bargains. Overall, this study highlights the important shifts in responses to terrorism following the 9/11 attacks.

Keywords: terrorism, law enforcement, post-9/11, federal policy

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Maryam Pirdehghan

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During the Ba'ath Party's rule in Iraq, propaganda was utilized to justify and to promote Saddam Hussein's image in the collective memory as the greatest Arab leader. Consequently, urban walls were routinely covered with images of Saddam. Relying on these images, the regime aimed to provide a basis for evoking meanings in the public opinion, which would supposedly strengthen Saddam’s power and reconstruct facts to legitimize his political ideology. Nonetheless, Saddam was not always portrayed with common and explicit elements but in certain periods of his rule, the paintings depicted him in an unusual context, where various historical and contemporary elements were combined in a narrative background. Therefore, an understanding of the implied socio-political references of these elements is required to fully elucidate the impact of these images on forming the memory and collective unconscious of the Iraqi people. To obtain such understanding, one needs to address the following questions: a) How Saddam Hussein is portrayed in mural during his rule? b) What of elements and mythical-historical narratives are found in the paintings? c) Which Saddam's political views were subject to the collective memory through mural? Employing visual semiotics, this study reveals that during Saddam Hussein's regime, the paintings were initially simple portraits but gradually transformed into narrative images, characterized by a complex network of historical, mythical and religious elements. These elements demonstrate the transformation of a secular-nationalist politician into a Muslim ruler who tried to instill three major policies in domestic and international relations i.e. the arabization of Iraq, as well as the propagation of pan-arabism ideology (first period), the implementation of anti-Israel policy (second period) and the implementation of anti-American-British policy (last period).

Keywords: Ba'ath Party, Saddam Hussein, mural, Iraq, propaganda, collective memory

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Authors: I. Diamant, R. Srouji

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Applicant perceptions are attitudes, feelings, and cognitions which individuals have about selection procedures and have been mostly studied in the context of personnel selection. The main aim of the present study is to expand the understanding of applicant perceptions, using the framework of Organizational Justice Theory, in the domain of selection for higher education. The secondary aim is to explore the relationships between individual differences in social anxiety and applicants’ perceptions. The selection process is an accept/reject situation; it was hypothesized that applicants with higher social anxiety would experience negative perceptions and a lower success estimation, especially when subjected to social interaction elements in the process (interview and group simulation). Also, the effects of prior preparation and post-process explanations offered at the end of the selection process were explored. One hundred sixty psychology M.A. program applicants participated in this research, and following the selection process completed questionnaires measuring social anxiety, social exclusion, ratings on several justice dimensions for each of the methods in the selection process, feelings of success, and self-estimation of compatibility. About half of the applicants also received explanations regarding the significance and the aims of the selection process. Results provided support for most of our hypotheses: applicants with higher social anxiety experienced an increased level of social exclusion in the selection process, perceived the selection as less fair and ended with a lower feeling of success relative to those applicants without social anxiety. These relationships were especially salient in the selection procedures which included social interaction. Additionally, preparation for the selection process was positively related to the favorable perception of fairness in the selection process. Finally, contrary to our hypothesis, it was found that explanations did not affect the applicant’s perceptions. The results enhance our understanding of which factors affect applicant perceptions in applicants to higher education studies and contribute uniquely to the understanding of the effect of social anxiety on different aspects of selection experienced by applicants. The findings clearly show that some individuals may be predisposed to react unfavorably to certain selection situations. In an age of increasing awareness towards fairness in evaluation and selection and hiring procedures, these findings may be of relevance and may contribute to the design of future personnel selection methods in general and of higher education selection in particular.

Keywords: applicant perceptions, selection and assessment, organizational justice theory, social anxiety

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Authors: Sonny Dewi Judiasih

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The principle of a marriage is to achieve a happy and eternity family based on the willing of the God. The family has a fundamental role in the society as a social individual and as a nuclear family consists of father, mother, and children. Thus, each family always would like to have children who will continue the family. However, not all family will be blessed with children and consequently, there is family without children. Therefore, the said the certain family will do any effort to fulfill the wish to have children. One of the ways is to adopt children. The implementation of child adoption is conducted by the family who does not have children but sometimes child adoption is conducted by a family who has already children. The implementation of child adoption is based on the interest of the welfare and the intellectual of the said child. Moreover, it should be based on the social liability of the individual in accordance with the developing of the traditional values as part of the nation culture. The child adoption is conducted for the welfare of the child demonstrates that a change on the basic motive (value) whereby in the past the child adoption is to fulfill the wish of foster parent (to have children in the family). Nowadays the purpose of child adoption is not merely for the interest of foster parent but in particular for the interest, welfare and the future of the child. The development of the society has caused the occurrence of changes of perspective in the society which lead to a need for new law. The court of justice has an impact of such changes. It is evidenced by the court order for child adoption in the legal framework of certainty of law. The changes of motives (value) of the child adoption in the society can be fully understood in the event that the society fully understand that the ultimate purpose of Indonesia nation is to achieve a justice and prosperity society, i.e., social welfare for all Indonesian people.

Keywords: child adoption, family law, legal protection, children

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Authors: Kathryn McMillan

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A recent study of 8500 adult Australians aged 16 and over revealed 62% had experienced childhood maltreatment. In response to multiple recommendations by bodies such as the Australian Law Reform Commission, parliamentary reports and stakeholder input, a number of key initiatives have been developed to grapple with the difficulties of a federal-state system and to screen and triage high-risk families navigating their way through the court system. The Lighthouse Project (LHP) is a world-first initiative of the Federal Circuit and Family Courts in Australia (FCFOCA) to screen family law litigants for major risk factors, including family violence, child abuse, alcohol or substance abuse and mental ill-health at the point of filing in all applications that seek parenting orders. It commenced on 7 December 2020 on a pilot basis but has now been expanded to 15 registries across the country. A specialist risk screen, Family DOORS, Triage has been developed – focused on improving the safety and wellbeing of families involved in the family law system safety planning and service referral, and ¬ differentiated case management based on risk level, with the Evatt List specifically designed to manage the highest risk cases. Early signs are that this approach is meeting the needs of families with multiple risks moving through the Court system. Before the LHP, there was no data available about the prevalence of risk factors experienced by litigants entering the family courts and it was often assumed that it was the litigation process that was fueling family violence and other risks such as suicidality. Data from the 2022 FCFCOA annual report indicated that in parenting proceedings, 70% alleged a child had been or was at risk of abuse, 80% alleged a party had experienced Family Violence, 74 % of children had been exposed to Family Violence, 53% alleged through substance misuse by party children had caused or was at risk of causing harm to children and 58% of matters allege mental health issues of a party had caused or placed a child at risk of harm. Those figures reveal the significant overlap between child protection and family violence, both of which are under the responsibility of state and territory governments. Since 2020, a further key initiative has been the co-location of child protection and police officials amongst a number of registries of the FCFOCA. The ability to access in a time-effective way details of family violence or child protection orders, weapons licenses, criminal convictions or proceedings is key to managing issues across the state and federal divide. It ensures a more cohesive and effective response to family law, family violence and child protection systems.

Keywords: child protection, family violence, parenting, risk screening, triage.

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Authors: Sikhumbuzo Zondi, Serges A. Kamga

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Human security and human rights are mutually reinforcing concepts given that human security addresses questions related to human conditions such as the safety of individuals and the protection of individual rights and civil liberties. It does this by suggesting that the proper referent for security should be the individual and not the nation-state, due to the individual’s vulnerability to threats such as malnutrition and poverty, conflicts, exploitation and marginalization, despotism and climate change. Due to the primacy of the individual, human security comfortably expand to the notion of social justice, given that for far too-long, many individuals around the world have been denied of their basic human rights through racial discrimination, unfair labour and segregation policies and as a result encountered widespread social, environmental and economic injustices which are evident in the current structural division of the world between the developed north and the underdeveloped or developing south. In light of this view, ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear, for all individuals is arguably the sound route to addressing and remedying the global ills of our time and a way to promoting human rights for all. The promotion of human security provides an important part of human/societal progress because inclusive security facilitates development and human rights protection, while insecurity reduces people’s growth and investment prospects and prolongs historical injustices. Therefore, this paper seeks to show that human security and human rights complements one another and that this correlation provides the necessary mechanisms for addressing and remedying the historical injustices that still affect most of the world’s population. It will look at linkages between human security and the individual right to equality and freedom from discrimination, right to life, liberty, and personal security; development; own property; adequate living standard; education; desirable work and to join trade unions; participate in government and in free elections; social security and equality before the law. The paper considers these human rights and liberties as vital for securing the core values of human life while at the same addressing socio-economic injustices that still persist in the contemporary world. The paper will be a desktop study using qualitative research methods on two case studies in Africa namely Cameroun and South Africa.

Keywords: justice, human security, human rights, injustices

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Kaelan Vazquez, Christine Reyna

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Immigrants coming into the United States of America may justify the American system (political, economic, healthcare, criminal justice) and see it as functional. This may be explained because they may come from countries that are even more unstable than the U.S. and/or come here to benefit from the promise of the “American dream” -a narrative that they might be more likely to believe in if they were willing to undergo the costly and sometimes dangerous process to immigrate. Conversely, native-born Americans, as well as immigrants who may have lived in America for a longer period of time, would have more experiences with the various broken systems in America that are dysfunctional, fail to provide adequate services equitably, and/or are steeped in systemic racism and other biases that disadvantage lower-status groups. Thus, our research expects that system justification would decrease, and condemnation would increase with more time spent in the U.S. for immigrant groups. We predict that a) those not born in the U.S. will be more likely to justify the system, b) they will also be less likely to condemn the system, and c) the longer an immigrant has been in the U.S. the less likely they will to justify, and more they will to condemn the system. We will use a mixed-model multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) and control for race, income, and education. We will also run linear regression models to test if there is a relationship between the length of time in the United States and a decrease in system justification, and length of time and an increase in system condemnation for those not born in the U.S. We will also conduct exploratory analyses to see if the predicted patterns are more likely within certain systems over other systems (political, economic, healthcare, criminal justice).

Keywords: immigration, system justification, system condemnation, system qualification

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