Search results for: injustices

Authors: Sikhumbuzo Zondi, Serges A. Kamga

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Human security and human rights are mutually reinforcing concepts given that human security addresses questions related to human conditions such as the safety of individuals and the protection of individual rights and civil liberties. It does this by suggesting that the proper referent for security should be the individual and not the nation-state, due to the individual’s vulnerability to threats such as malnutrition and poverty, conflicts, exploitation and marginalization, despotism and climate change. Due to the primacy of the individual, human security comfortably expand to the notion of social justice, given that for far too-long, many individuals around the world have been denied of their basic human rights through racial discrimination, unfair labour and segregation policies and as a result encountered widespread social, environmental and economic injustices which are evident in the current structural division of the world between the developed north and the underdeveloped or developing south. In light of this view, ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear, for all individuals is arguably the sound route to addressing and remedying the global ills of our time and a way to promoting human rights for all. The promotion of human security provides an important part of human/societal progress because inclusive security facilitates development and human rights protection, while insecurity reduces people’s growth and investment prospects and prolongs historical injustices. Therefore, this paper seeks to show that human security and human rights complements one another and that this correlation provides the necessary mechanisms for addressing and remedying the historical injustices that still affect most of the world’s population. It will look at linkages between human security and the individual right to equality and freedom from discrimination, right to life, liberty, and personal security; development; own property; adequate living standard; education; desirable work and to join trade unions; participate in government and in free elections; social security and equality before the law. The paper considers these human rights and liberties as vital for securing the core values of human life while at the same addressing socio-economic injustices that still persist in the contemporary world. The paper will be a desktop study using qualitative research methods on two case studies in Africa namely Cameroun and South Africa.

Keywords: justice, human security, human rights, injustices

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Yifan Jia

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The Metis is a group of indigenous peoples in Canada. Having experienced centuries of injustices, beginning with colonialism dating back to the 16th century, culminating with military defeats in the 1800s and the establishment of residential schools, and continuing with structural injustices in the 21st century, Metis people have long been, and continue to be marginalized and made invisible in the Canadian society. In particular, Metis women born between 1997 and 2012 face intersectional discrimination based on not only race, but also a multitude of identity factors, including gender, age, geographical location, health, sexual orientation, and lateral violence from First Nations peoples. This paper uncovers the multilayered oppression against young Metis women through a literature review and uses several theories to analyze the invisibility of this discrimination in society, including color-blind racism, collective shame, lack of understanding of intersectionality, and Mauvaise foi (bad faith). To address the invisible, intersectional discrimination against young Metis women, several suggestions and possibilities could be considered. These include amending the education system, fostering group affiliation, bringing structural changes to federal policies and funding systems, and cooperating with other indigenous nations such as First Nations and Inuit.

Keywords: discrimination, Metis Women, indigenous rights, intersectionality

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Authors: Al Karim Datoo

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Abstract— The presentation argues for an urgent case to center and integrate critical sociology in enriching potency of educational thought and practice to counteract inequalities and social injustices. COVID phenomenon has starkly exposed burgeoning of social-economic inequalities and widening marginalities which have been historically and politically constructed through deep-seated social and power imbalances and injustices in the world. What potent role could education possibly play to combat these issues? A point of departure for this paper highlights increasing reductionist and exclusionary ‘mind-set’ of education that has been developed through trends in education such as: the commodification of knowledge, standardisation, homogenization, and reification which are products of the positivist ideology of knowledge coopted to serve capitalist interests. To redress these issues of de-contextualization and de-humanization of education, it is emphasized that there is an urgent need to center the role of interpretive and critical epistemologies and pedagogies of social sciences. In this regard, notions of problem-posing versus problem-solving, generative themes, instrumental versus emancipatory reasoning will be discussed. The presentation will conclude by illustrating the pedagogic utility of these critically oriented notions to counteract the social reproduction of exclusionary and inequality in and through education.

Keywords: Critical pedagogy, social justice, inclusion , education

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Authors: Oliver T. Gore

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Social inequalities and inequity of outcomes in higher education (HE) persist in South Africa despite the government introducing policy that seeks to address social injustices brought about by previous apartheid policies. In addressing these social injustices, HE policy conceptualises inequalities under the concept of historical ‘disadvantage’ which is understood to be primarily race-based. The study adds on to the existing knowledge on inequalities through developing the dimensions of (dis)advantage, which have the potential to inform the South African HE policy on providing equal opportunities amongst diverse students to participate and succeed in their studies. Drawing from the capabilities approach, this study argues that (dis)advantage can be richly understood in terms of students’ capabilities, functionings and agency as opposed to a sole focus on race. The study argues that limited freedoms, lack of effective opportunities, and reduced agency for students to turn university resources into real achievements such as personal development, economic skills and social responsibility amounts to disadvantage, while the converse is also true. The study draws from qualitative interview data with honours students, university staff and Student Representative Council members from five different university departments at one South African university. This presentation uses results from 20 students and reveals what their university experiences tell us regarding students’ unfreedoms in relation to: the inability to make decisions, poor schooling backgrounds, inadequate finances, emotional stress, lack of social support, inability to understand the language of instruction, lack of safe transport and accommodation issues. Despite these unfreedoms, the data shows that the students aspired and persevered with their studies. Using theory and empirical data in conversation, the paper shows that there is a need to nuance the definition of (dis)advantage, particularly by focusing on how different forms of disadvantage intersect with each other.

Keywords: capabilities approach, (dis)advantage, higher education, social justice

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Authors: Shamila Ahmed

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The paper examines how the fluidity between the local level and the global level is an intrinsic feature of new terrorism. Through using cosmopolitanism, the narratives of the two opposing sides of ISIS and the ‘war on terrorism’ response are explored. It is demonstrated how the fluidity between these levels facilitates the radicalisation process through exploring how groups such as ISIS highlight the perceived injustices against Muslims locally and globally and therefore exploit the globalisation process which has reduced the space between these levels. Similarly, it is argued that the ‘war on terror’ involves the intersection of fear, security, threat, risk and social control as features of both the international ‘war on terror’ and intra state policies.

Keywords: terrorism, war on terror, cosmopolitanism, global level terrorism

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Authors: Zahra Bakhtiari

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This article explores the development and evolution of the concept of environmental justice, which has shifted from being dominated by white and middle-class individuals to a civil struggle by marginalized communities against environmental injustices. Environmental justice aims to achieve equity in decision-making and policy-making related to the environment. The concept of justice in this context includes four fundamental aspects: distribution, procedure, recognition, and capabilities. Recent scholars have attempted to broaden the concept of justice to include dimensions of participation, recognition, and capabilities. Focusing on all four dimensions of environmental justice is crucial for effective planning and policy-making to address environmental issues. Ignoring any of these aspects can lead to the failure of efforts and the waste of resources.

Keywords: environmental justice, distribution, procedure, recognition, capabilities

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Authors: Nithin Raj Adithyan

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Rap music is a popular genre that features strong beats and rhythmic words. It was created by American disc jockeys and urban Black performers in the late 1970s. Additionally, it carries on West African oral traditions that were introduced to the Americas by Africans who were held as slaves and have impacted the narrative and rhythmic components of rap. Initially introduced in India in the late 1990s as mere entertainment, rap lacked the politicized undertones that it developed in the United States. However, recent years have witnessed a transformation, with Indian rap evolving into a vital tool for marginalized communities—particularly Dalits, Muslims, and tribal groups—to voice grievances against historical injustices, systemic discrimination, and caste-based oppression. This paper examines Indian rap's evolution into a potent medium for subaltern resistance, drawing from its origins in the black ghettos of America, where rap emerged as social commentary and an anti-racial political voice. Historically, music has served as an essential medium for subaltern groups in India to assert their identities and reclaim agency. Indian rap, in its current form, amplifies this function by offering a compelling platform to address issues of caste oppression, socio-economic marginalization, and symbolic exclusion. This paper examines how contemporary Indian rappers, often from Dalit and lower-caste backgrounds, leverage their art to confront systemic injustices and amplify voices that have historically been silenced. By analyzing key artists and their lyrics, this paper highlights the ways in which rap critiques the pervasive caste system, challenges social hierarchies, and fosters a sense of identity and solidarity among subaltern groups. This study uses Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “strategic essentialism” to explore how Indian rap fosters shared subaltern identity, uniting voices across regional and cultural divides. By situating Indian rap within the global hip-hop movement, the paper highlights how it contributes a unique perspective to global narratives of resilience and resistance, adapting international influences to articulate local struggles. Ultimately, this research highlights Indian rap’s role as a catalyst for change, examining its critique of caste violence, economic marginalization, and social exclusion and demonstrating how it contributes to the anti-caste movement. Through a close reading of this subaltern dimension of rap, the paper illuminates how Indian rap fosters identity, solidarity, and resistance, affirming the genre’s potential as a transformative force within the global legacy of hip-hop as an expression of subaltern agency and social dissent.

Keywords: caste oppression, hip-hop/rap, resistance, subaltern

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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Countless Filipinos are reeling in dire economic inequality while many others are victims of human trafficking. Where there is extreme economic inequality, majority of the Filipinos are deprived of basic needs to have a good life, i.e., decent shelter, safe environment, food, quality education, social security, etc. The problem on human trafficking poses a scandal and threat in respect to human rights and dignity of a person on matters of sex, gender, ethnicity and race among others. The economic inequality and trafficking in persons are social pathologies that needed considerable amount of attention and visible solution both in the national and international level. However, the Philippine government seems falls short in terms of goals to lessen, if not altogether eradicate, the dire fate of many Filipinos. The lack of solidarity among Filipinos seems to further aggravate injustice and create hindrances to economic equity and protection of Filipinos from syndicated crimes, i.e., human trafficking. Indifference towards the welfare and well-being of the Filipino people trashes them into an unending cycle of marginalization and neglect. A transnational solidaristic action in response to these concerns is imperative. The subsequent sections will first discuss the notion of solidarity and the motivating factors for collective action. While solidarity has been previously thought of as stemming from and for one’s own community and people, it can be argued as a value that defies borders. Solidarity bridges peoples of diverse societies and cultures. Although there are limits to international interventions on another’s sovereignty, such as, internal political autonomy, transnational solidarity may not be an opposition to solidarity with people suffering injustices. Governments, nations and institutions can work together in securing justice. Solidarity thus is a positive political action that can best respond to issues of economic, class, racial and gender injustices. This is followed by a critical analysis of some data on Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking and link the place of transnational solidaristic arrangements. Here, the present work is interested on the normative aspect of the problem. It begins with the section on economic inequality and subsequently, human trafficking. It is argued that a transnational solidarity is vital in assisting the Philippine governing bodies and authorities to seriously execute innovative economic policies and developmental programs that are justice and egalitarian oriented. Transnational solidarity impacts a corrective measure in the economic practices, and activities of the Philippine government. Moreover, it is suggested that in order to mitigate Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking concerns it involves a (a) historical analysis of systems that brought about economic anomalies, (b) renewed and innovated economic policies, (c) mutual trust and relatively high transparency, and (d) grass-root and context-based approach. In conclusion, the findings are briefly sketched and integrated in an optimistic view that transnational solidarity is capable of influencing Philippine governing bodies towards socio-economic transformation and development of the lives of Filipinos.

Keywords: Philippines, Filipino, economic inequality, human trafficking, transnational solidarity

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Authors: K. Lekshmi

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Land becomes a predominant constituent of transitional justice paradigm subsequent to the apartheid inspired land grabs and conflict induced forceful evictions in South Africa effecting land encroachment, expropriation, and alienation. In this pretext, post-Apartheid regime initiated land reconciliation measures which presume to overcome the politically appropriated historical injustices in conjunction with reconstructing transitional justice. As land grabs became one of the quintessential repercussions followed by ethnic cleansing in South Africa, it is prominent to study how land reconciliation becomes necessary in imparting transitional justice to the victims. The study also looks into the nature of developmental pattern after re- territorialization process in a post-conflict country like South Africa and, tries to look how re-territorialization process construed the functional distribution of income vis-a-vis income inequality in particular. Further the paper attempts to study how far land distribution and equal access as part of the land reconciliation process juxtaposed the principle of restitution. Research methodology applied is empirical followed by analytical research.

Keywords: development, land reconciliation, transitional justice, income inequality and displacement, re-territorialization

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Authors: Carlos Joel Tchawouo Mbiada

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This paper intends to refrain from debating the different meanings of justice, such as its social or moral meaning, nor to discuss the different theories of justice. This paper focuses on the legal understanding of access to justice to mean access to the court. Using the Labour and Labour Appeal Courts as a case study, this paper investigates whether the composition of the bench, the personnel and state mechanisms to promote access to court offer ideal conditions to access to court. The investigation is benchmarked against the South African new constitutional order underpinned by the concept of social justice to eradicate past injustices. To provide justice to all, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 guarantees the right to access to the court. The question that takes centre stage in this paper is whether litigants are denied the right to access the Labour and Labour Appeal Courts. The paper argues that factors such as the status of the Labour and Labour Appeal Courts, the number of judges, and the building structure prevent litigants from accessing these courts. The paper advocates for a legislative overhaul of the Labour and Labour Appeal Courts structure so that litigants may access the courts. Until such time, the paper argues that the right to access the Labour and Labour Appeal Courts would remain far from the reach of many litigants.

Keywords: access to justice, access to court, labour court, labour appeal court

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Authors: Amy Elkington

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Women in abusive relationships who commit crimes under duress are unfairly treated by the English legal system. Despite the offence of Coercive Control being introduced in 2015 that recognises that a woman’s autonomy has been eroded, coercion is no longer a defence to women who feel compelled to act due to their partner’s behavior or abuse. This problem is intensified by the fact that women in abusive relationships are more likely to commit crimes to ensure their survival. Furthermore, the very fact that they are ‘associating’ with their abusive partners means that they are excluded from pleading a defence of duress. Women who kill their abusers may be able to reduce their conviction from murder to manslaughter, but this depends on successfully pleading either loss of control or diminished responsibility, both not without their issues, but this does not provide a defence where a lesser crime is committed. Self-defence is also widely unavailable to either murder or non-fatal offences, as the amount of force used is often deemed disproportionate because women are more likely to use weapons in their defence. Regardless, this would not provide a defence where the crime committed is one such as theft. An alternative that has been proposed would be to introduce a new defence that would work similarly to the exemption to prosecution afforded to those who are trafficked that commit crime under duress. Despite having support in the Lords in March 2021, this recommendation has been rejected by the Government on the basis that it would not achieve an appropriate balance of justice. The result is that abused women who commit crime are left without an appropriate defence. A doctrinal approach highlights the injustices in these types of cases and concludes that it is time for the current law of duress to change.

Keywords: coercive control, crime, defences, duress

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Authors: Atty. James M. Violon, Atty. Sherrymae O. Velos

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This groundbreaking study unveils the enduring human rights violations experienced by Indigenous peoples in Valencia City, Bukidnon, with a particular focus on the Bukidnon, Higaonon, Talaandig, Manobo, Matigsalug, Tigwahanon, and Umayamnon tribes. Through a robust qualitative approach incorporating in-depth interviews and oral histories, the research captures the profound impacts of land grabbing, forced displacement, and cultural erosion on these communities. By illuminating the historical injustices intertwined with contemporary government policies that prioritize corporate interests, the study reveals a stark reality: these violations have precipitated not only the loss of livelihoods but also the marginalization and disintegration of Indigenous identities. This research stands out by advocating for urgent reforms, calling for more comprehensive legal frameworks and inclusive decision-making processes that genuinely reflect the needs and rights of Indigenous communities. Moreover, the study emphasizes the necessity of public awareness campaigns to safeguard these marginalized groups' rights and dignity. Its findings contribute significantly to the discourse on social justice, advocating for policies that protect ancestral lands and empower communities to pursue sustainable development that honors Indigenous cultures. This work serves as a crucial call to action, highlighting the importance of respecting and uplifting the voices of Indigenous peoples in Bukidnon.

Keywords: indigenous peoples, human rights, land grabbing, Bukidnon, cultural erosion

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Authors: H. E. Amb. Terry Earthwind Nichols

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Over the years Ambassador Nichols observed that successful companies all have one thing in common - belief in people. His observations of people in many companies, industries, and countries have also concluded one thing - groups of achievers far exceed the expectations and timelines of their superiors. His experience with achieving this has brought forth a model for the 21st century that will not only exceed expectations of companies, but it will also set visions for the future of business globally. It is time for real discussion around the future of work and the business model that will set the example for the world. Methodologies: In-person observations over 40 years – Ambassador Nichols present during the observations. Audio-visual observations – TV, Cinema, social media (YouTube, etc.), various news outlet Reading the autobiography of some of successful leaders over the last 75 years that lead their companies from a distinct perspective your people are your commodity. Major findings: People who believe in the leader’s vision for the company so much so that they remain excited about the future of the company and want to do anything in their power to ethically achieve that vision. People who are achieving regularly in groups, division, companies, etcetera: Live more healthfully lowering both sick time off and on-the-job accidents. Cannot wait to physically get to work as much as they can to feed off the high energy present in these companies. They are fully respected and supported resulting in near zero attrition. Simply put – they do not “Burn Out”. Conclusion: To the author’s best knowledge, 20th century practices in business are no longer valid and people are not going to work in those environments any longer. The average worker in the post-covid world is better educated than 50 years ago and most importantly, they have real-time information about any subject and can stream injustices as they happen. The Consortium Model is just the model for the evolution of both humankind and business in the 21st century.

Keywords: business model, future of work, people, paradigm shift, business management

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Authors: Stephanie Ho

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This project utilizes principles derived from the Surrealist movement to prioritize creative and critical thinking in secondary English Language Arts (ELA). The implementation of Surrealist-style pedagogies within an ELA classroom will be rooted in critical, radical pedagogy, which addresses the injustices caused by economic-oriented educational systems. The use of critical pedagogy will enable the subversive artistic and political aims of Surrealism to be transmitted to a classroom context. Through aesthetic reading strategies, appreciative questioning and dialogue, students will actively critique the power dynamics which structure (and often restrict) their lives. Within the ELA domain, cost-effective approaches often replace the actual “arts” of ELA. This research will therefore explore how Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could restore imaginative freedom and deconstruct conceptual barriers (normative standards, curricular constraints, and status quo power relations) in secondary ELA. This research will also examine how Surrealism can be used as a political and pedagogical model to treat societal problems mirrored in ELA classrooms. The stakeholders are teachers, as they experience constant pressure within their practices. Similarly, students encounter rigorous, results-based pressures. These dynamics contribute to feelings of powerlessness, thus reinforcing a formulaic model of ELA. The ELA curriculum has potential to create laboratories for critical discussion and active movement towards social change. This proposed research strategy of Surrealist-oriented pedagogies could enable students to experiment with social issues and develop senses of agency and voice that reflect awareness of contemporary society while simultaneously building their ELA skills.

Keywords: arts-informed pedagogies, language arts, literature, surrealism

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Authors: Kerry Mackereth

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Kimberle Crenshaw’s theory of intersectionality has become immensely influential in the fields of women’s and gender studies. However, intersectionality’s widespread use among feminist scholars and activists has been accompanied by critiques of its reliance upon subject categorization. These critiques are of particular import when connected to Wendy Brown’s characterization of identity politics as static 'wounded attachments'. Together, these critiques show how the gridlock model proposed by intersectionality’s primary metaphor, the traffic accident at the intersection, is useful for identifying discrimination but not for remembering historical injustices or imagining feminist and anti-racist resistance. Through the lens of New Zealand Maori film, focusing upon Once Were Warriors (1994) and Whale Rider (2002), this article examines how wounded histories need not be passively reproduced by contemporaneously oppressed groups. Instead, the metaphor of the traffic intersection should be complemented by the metaphor of the wound. Against Brown’s characterization of wounded attachments as negative, static identities, Gloria Anzaldua’s account of the borderland between the United States and Mexico as “una herida abierta”, an open wound, offers an alternative reading of the wound. Through Anzaldua’s and Hortense Spillers’ political thought, the wound is reconceptualized as not only a site of suffering but also as a regenerative space. The coexistence of deterioration and regeneration at the site of the wound underpins the narrative arc of both Once Were Warriors and Whale Rider. In both films, the respective child protagonists attempt to reconcile the pain of wounded histories with the imagination of cultural regeneration. The metaphor of the wound thus serves as an alternative theoretical resource for mapping experiences of oppression, one that enriches feminist theory by balancing the remembrance of historical grievance with the forging of hopeful political projects.

Keywords: gender theory, historical grievance, intersectionality, New Zealand film, postcolonialism

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Authors: T. J. B. van Niekerk, J. Viviers, E. J. Cilliers

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Substantial efforts were made in South Africa, stemming from a historic political change in 1994, to remedy the inequality and injustice, resulting from a dispensation where spatial patterns were largely based on racial segregation. Spatially distorted patterns predominantly originated from colonialism in the beginning of the twentieth century, ensuing a physical imprint on South African cities relating to architecture, urban layout and planning, frequently reflecting European norms and standards. As a consequence of physical and land use barriers, and well-established dual cities, attempts to address spatial injustices, apart from limited occurrences in metropolitan areas, gravely failed. Interception of incessant segregated growth, combined with urban sprawl is becoming increasingly evident. Intervention is a prerequisite to duly address the impact of colonial planning and its legacy still prevalent in most urban areas. During 1998, the National Department of Transport prepared the “Moving South Africa” strategy; presenting the Corridor Densification Option Model for the first time, as it was deemed more fitting to the existing South African urban tenure patterns than more familiar planning approaches. Urban planners are progressively contemplating the Corridor Densification Option Model and its attributes, besides its transportation emphasis, as an alternative approach to address spatial imbalances and to attain the physical integration of contemporary urban forms. In attaining a clearer understanding of the Corridor Densification Option Model, its rationale was analysed in greater detail. This research further investigated the provisional applications of the model in spatially segregated cities and illustrated that viable options are present to effectively employ it. Research revealed that the application of the model will, however, be dependent on the occurrence of specific characteristics in spatially segregated cities to warrant augmentation thereof.

Keywords: corridor densification option model, spatially segregated settlements, integration, urban restructuring

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Authors: Cheryl-Ann Sarita Boodram

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Historically, the movement of people has been the subject of socio-political and economic regulatory policies which congeal to regulate human mobility and establish geopolitical and spatial identities and borderlands. As migratory practices evolved, so too has the problematization associated with movement, migration and citizenship. The emerging trends have led to active development of immigration technology governing human mobility and the naming of migratory practices. One such named phenomenon is ‘deportation’ or the forced removal of individuals from their adopted country. Deportation, has gained much attention within the human mobility landscape in the past twenty years following the September 2001 terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre in New York. In a reactionary move, several metropolitan countries, including Canada and the United Kingdom enacted or reviewed immigration laws which further enabled the removal of foreign born criminals to the land of their birth in the global south. Existing studies fall short of understanding the multiple textures of the forced returned migration experiences and the social injustices resulting from deportation displacement. This study brings together indigenous research methodologies through the use of participatory action research and social work with returned migrants in Trinidad and Tobago to uncover the experiences of displacement of deported nationals. The study explores the experiences of negotiating life as a ‘stranger’ and how return has influenced the construction of identities of returned nationals. Findings from this study reveal that deportation has led to inequalities and facilitated ‘othering’ of this group within their own country of birth. The study further highlighted that deportation leads to circuits of dispossession, and perpetuates inequalities. This study provides original insights into the way returned migrants negotiate, map and embody ‘strangeness’ and manage their return to a soil they consider unfamiliar and alien.

Keywords: stranger, alien geographies, displacement, deportation, negotiating strangeness, identity, otherness, alien landscapes

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Authors: Journey Whitfield

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This study investigates the United States' ongoing violation of Black Americans' fundamental human rights, as evidenced by mass incarceration, social injustice, and economic deprivation. It argues that the U.S. contravenes Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights through policies that uphold systemic racism. The analysis dissects current practices within the criminal justice system, social welfare programs, and economic policy, uncovering the racially disparate impacts of seemingly race-neutral policies. This study establishes a clear lineage between past systems of oppression – slavery and Jim Crow – and present-day racial disparities, demonstrating their inextricable link. The thesis proposes that only a comprehensive reparations program for Black Americans can begin to redress these systemic injustices. This program must transcend mere financial compensation, demanding structural reforms within U.S. institutions to dismantle systemic racism and promote transformative justice. This study explores potential forms of reparations, drawing upon historical precedents, comparative case studies from other nations, and contemporary debates within political philosophy and legal studies. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods include historical analysis of legal frameworks and policy documents, as well as discourse analysis of political rhetoric. Quantitative methods involve statistical analysis of socioeconomic data and criminal justice outcomes to expose racial disparities. This study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on reparations, human rights, and racial injustice in the United States. It offers a rigorous analysis of the enduring consequences of historical oppression and advocates for bold, justice-centered solutions.

Keywords: Black Americans, reparations, mass incarceration, racial injustice, human rights, united states

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Afshan Golriz

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This paper addresses the nuances in the relationship between the rural community of Volcan, Costa Rica, and the presence of multinational pineapple giant Pineapple Development Corporation (PINDECO). The paper analyzes the continuous negotiation between the need for environmental protection in the face of pineapple monoculture and the socioeconomic dependencies of the community on the company. Drawing on eight years of ethnographic work in Volcan de Buenos Aires and relying on intergenerational interviews that document oral histories, this article provides a socio-historical account of the economic and environmental impact of the presence of PINDECO in the southern zone of the country. The paper draws on interviews and in-depth participant observation, conducted by the author in intermittent periods over eight years. The research sheds light on the tensions between the village and PINDECO, as simultaneous acceptance of and opposition to the company persist by different stakeholders in the region. In doing so, this paper examines the strikingly powerful affinity toward the company and the community's regard for PINDECO as the town patriarch despite social and environmental injustices. In demonstrating these tensions, the author problematizes the practice of conducting foreign environmental research in developing countries, and more importantly, proposing changes to environmental conservation and socioeconomic structures without understanding community reliance on the presence of corporations such as PINDECO and the threats that changes to existing structures could pose to community members' livelihoods. In complicating these common western academic practices, the author takes an anti-colonial approach to environmental research, refusing the assumption that the affinity toward the company by the community of Volcan is rooted in ignorance, lack of education, or lack of interest in environmental conservation. The author instead highlights local knowledge and agency, demonstrating the many ways in which the community itself is producing knowledge and taking action. Through this paper, common assumptions regarding the agency of such communities are contested, and the grassroots environmental initiatives of Volcan, Costa Rica are brought to life.

Keywords: environmental conservation, grassroots movements, local knowledge, agricultural multinational

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Authors: Carlos Joel Tchawouo Mbiada

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At the back of the apartheid era, South Africa embarked on a democratic drive of all its institution underpinned by a social justice perspective to eradicate past injustices. These democratic values based on fundamental human rights and equality informed all rights enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. This means that all rights are therefore infused by social justice perspective and labour rights are no exception. Labour law is therefore regulated to the extent that it is viewed as too rigid. Hence a call for more flexibility to enhance investment and boost job creation. This view articulated by the Free Market Foundation fell on deaf ears as the opponents believe in what is termed regulated flexibility which affords greater protection to vulnerable workers while promoting business opportunities and investment. The question that this paper seeks to examine is to what extent the regulation of labour law will go to protect employees. This question is prompted by the recent Constitutional Court’s judgment of National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa v Trenstar which barred the employer from employing labour replacement in response to the strike action by its employees. The question whether employers may use replacement labour and have recourse to lock-outs in response to strike action is considered in the context of the dichotomy between the Free market foundation and social justice perspectives which are at loggerheads in the South African collective bargaining process. With the current unemployment rate soaring constantly, the aftermath of the Covid 19 pandemic, the effects of the war in Ukraine and lately the financial burden of load shedding on companies to run their businesses, this paper argues for a policy shift toward deregulation or a lesser state and judiciary intervention. This initiative will relieve the burden on companies to run a viable business while at the same time protecting existing jobs.

Keywords: labour law, replacement labour, right to strike, free market foundation perspective, social justice perspective

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Authors: Tasha L. Golden

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Girls in the U.S. juvenile justice system are most often arrested for truancy, drug use, or running from home, all of which are symptoms of abuse. In fact, some have called this 'The Sexual Abuse to Prison Pipeline.' Such abuse has consequences for girls' health, education, employment, and parenting, often resulting in significant health disparities. Yet when arrested, girls rarely encounter services designed to meet their unique needs. Instead, they are expected to cope with a system that was historically designed for males. In fact, even literature advocating for increased gender equity frequently fails to include girls’ voices and firsthand accounts. In response to these combined injustices, public health researchers launched a trauma-informed creative writing intervention in a southern juvenile detention facility. The program was designed to improve the health of detained girls, while also establishing innovative methods of both data collection and social justice advocacy. Girls’ poems and letters were collected and coded, adding rich qualitative data to traditional survey responses. In addition, as part of the intervention, these poems are regularly published by international literary publisher Sarabande Books—and distributed to judges, city leaders, attorneys, state representatives, and more. By utilizing a creative medium, girls generated substantial civic engagement with their concerns—thus expanding their influence and improving policy advocacy efforts. Researchers hypothesized that having access to their communities and policy makers would provide its own health benefits for incarcerated girls: cultivating self-esteem, locus of control, and a sense of leadership. This paper discusses the establishment of this intervention, examines findings from its evaluation, and includes several girls’ poems as exemplars. Grounded in social science regarding expressive writing, stigma, muted group theory, and health promotion, the paper theorizes about the application of arts-based advocacy efforts to other social justice endeavors.

Keywords: advocacy, public health, social justice, women’s health

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Authors: Vojtěch Svěrák

Abstract:

Climate change ethics have recently shifted away from individualistic paradigms towards concepts of shared or collective responsibility. Despite this evolving trend, a noticeable gap remains: a lack of research exclusively addressing the moral responsibility of specific unorganized social groups. The primary objective of the article is to fill this gap. The article employs the structuralist methodological approach proposed by some feminist philosophers, utilizing structural analysis to explain the existence of social groups. The argument is made for the integration of this framework with the so-called forward-looking Social Connection Model (SCM) of responsibility, which ascribes responsibilities to individuals based on their participation in social structures. The article offers an extension of this model to justify the responsibility of unorganized social groups. The major finding of the study is that although members of unorganized groups are loosely connected, collectively they instantiate specific external social structures, share social positioning, and the notion of responsibility could be based on that. Specifically, if the structure produces harm or perpetuates injustices, and the group both benefits from and possesses the capacity to significantly influence the structure, a greater degree of responsibility should be attributed to the group as a whole. This thesis is applied and justified within the context of climate change, based on the asymmetrical positioning of different social groups. Climate change creates a triple inequality: in contribution, vulnerability, and mitigation. The study posits that different degrees of group responsibility could be drawn from these inequalities. Two social groups serve as a case study for the article: first, the Pakistan lower class, consisting of people living below the national poverty line, with a low greenhouse gas emissions rate, severe climate change-related vulnerability due to the lack of adaptation measures, and with very limited options to participate in the mitigation of climate change. Second, the so-called polluter elite, defined by members' investments in polluting companies and high-carbon lifestyles, thus with an interest in the continuation of structures leading to climate change. The first identified group cannot be held responsible for climate change, but their group interest lies in structural change and should be collectively maintained. On the other hand, the responsibility of the second identified group is significant and can be fulfilled by a justified demand for some political changes. The proposed approach of group responsibility is suggested to help navigate climate justice discourse and environmental policies, thus helping with the sustainability transition.

Keywords: collective responsibility, climate justice, climate change ethics, group responsibility, social ontology, structural analysis

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Authors: Lou Gargouri

Abstract:

This paper examines how Fanny Cabon's solo performance, Gardiennes (2018) strategically crafts empathetic witnessing through the artist's vocal and physical embodiment of her female ancestors' testimonies, dramatizing the cyclical inheritance of reproductive trauma across generations. Drawing on affect theory and the concept of ethical co-presence, we argue that Cabon's raw voicing of illegal abortions, miscarriages, and abuse through her shape-shifting presence generates an intimate energy loop with the audience. This affective resonance catalyzes recognition of historical injustices, consecrating each singular experience while building collective solidarity. Central to Cabon's political efficacy is her transparent self-revelation through intimate impersonation, which fosters identification with diverse characters as interconnected subjects rather than objectified others. Her solo form transforms the isolation often associated with women's marginalization into radical inclusion, repositioning them from victims to empowered survivors. Comparative analysis with other contemporary works addressing abortion rights illuminates how Gardiennes subverts the traditional medical and clerical gazes that have long governed women's bodies. Ultimately, we contend Gardiennes models the potential of solo performance to harness empathy as a subversive political force. Cabon's theatrical alchemy circulates the effects of injustice through the ethical co-presence of performer and spectator, forging intersubjective connections that reframe marginalized groups traditionally objectified within dominant structures of patriarchal power. In dramatizing how the act of witnessing another's trauma can generate solidarity and galvanize resistance, Cabon's work demonstrates the role of embodied performance in catalyzing social change through the recuperation of women's voices and lived experiences. This paper thus aims to contribute to the emerging field of feminist solo performance criticism by illuminating how Cabon's innovative dramaturgy bridges the personal and the political. Her strategic mobilization of intimacy, identification, and co-presence offers a model for how the affective dynamics of autobiographical performance can be harnessed to confront gendered oppression and imagine more equitable futures. Gardiennes invites us to consider how the circulation of empathy through ethical spectatorship can foster the collective alliances necessary for advancing the unfinished project of women's liberation.

Keywords: gender and sexuality studies, solo performance, trauma studies, affect theory

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Authors: Isaiah Ifeanyichukwu Agbo

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Human speech is capable of serving many purposes. Power and control are not always exercised overtly by linguistic acts, but maybe enacted and exercised in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life. Domination, power control, discrimination and mind control exist in human speech and may lead to asymmetrical power relations. In discourse, there are persuasive and manipulative linguistic acts that serve to establish solidarity and identification with the 'we group' and polarize with the 'they group'. Political discourse is crafted to defend and promote the problematic narrative of outright controversial events in a nation’s history thereby sustaining domination, marginalization, manipulation, inequalities and injustices, often without the dominated and marginalized group being aware of them. They are designed and positioned to serve the political and social needs of the producers. Political crisis speeches in Nigeria, just like in other countries concentrate on positive self-image, de-legitimization of political opponents, reframing accusation to one’s advantage, redefining problematic terms and adopting reversal strategy. In most cases, the people are ignorant of the hidden ideological positions encoded in the text. Few researches have been conducted adopting the frameworks of critical discourse analysis and systemic functional linguistics to investigate this situation in the political crisis speeches in Nigeria. In this paper, we focus attention on the analyses of the linguistic, semantic, and ideological elements in selected political crisis speeches in Nigeria to investigate if they create and sustain unequal power relations and manipulative tendencies from the perspectives of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). Critical Discourse Analysis unpacks both opaque and transparent structural relationships of power dominance, power relations and control as manifested in language. Critical discourse analysis emerged from a critical theory of language study which sees the use of language as a form of social practice where social relations are reproduced or contested and different interests are served. Systemic function linguistics relates the structure of texts to their function. Fairclough’s model of CDA and Halliday’s systemic functional approach to language study are adopted in this paper. This paper probes into language use that perpetuates inequalities. This study demystifies the hidden implicature of the selected political crisis speeches and reveals the existence of information that is not made explicit in what the political actors actually say. The analysis further reveals the ideological configurations present in the texts. These ideological standpoints are the basis for naturalizing implicit ideologies and hegemonic influence in the texts. The analyses of the texts further uncovered the linguistic and discursive strategies deployed by text producers to manipulate the unsuspecting members of the public both mentally and conceptually in order to enact, sustain and maintain unhealthy power relations at crisis times in the Nigerian political history.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, language, political crisis, power relations, systemic functional linguistics

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Authors: Farah Vierra

Abstract:

Following the 2016 US presidential election and the advancement of the Brexit referendum, the concept of “post-truth”, defined by Oxford Dictionary as “relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief”, came into prominent use in public, political and educational circles. What this essentially entails is that in this age, individuals are increasingly confronted with subjective perpetuations of truth in their discourse spheres that are informed by beliefs and opinions as opposed to any form of coherence to the reality of those who these truth claims concern. In principle, a subjective delineation of truth is progressive and liberating – especially considering its potential in providing marginalised groups in the diverse communities of our globalised world with the voice to articulate truths that are representative of themselves and their experiences. However, any form of human flourishing that seems to be promised here collapses as the tenets of subjective truths initially in place to liberate has been distorted through post-truth to allow individuals to purport selective and individualistic truth claims that further oppress and silence certain groups within society without due accountability. The evidence of which is prevalent through the conception of terms such as "alternative facts" and "fake news" that we observe individuals declare when their problematic truth claims are questioned. Considering the pervasiveness of post-truth and the ethical issues that accompany it, educators and scholars alike have increasingly noted the need to adapt educational practices and pedagogies to account for the diminishing objectivity of truth in the twenty-first century, especially because students, as digital natives, find themselves in the firing line of post-truth; engulfed in digital societies that proliferate post-truth through the surge of truth claims allowed in various media sites. In an attempt to equip students with the vital skills to navigate the post-truth age and oppose its proliferation of social injustices, English educators find themselves having to devise instructional strategies that not only teach students the ways they can critically and ethically scrutinise truth claims but also teach them to mediate the subjectivity of truth in a manner that does not undermine the voices of diverse communities. In hopes of providing educators with the roadmap to do so, this paper will first examine the challenges that confront students as a result of post-truth. Following which, the paper will elucidate the role English education can play in helping students overcome the complex ramifications of post-truth. Scholars have consistently touted the affordances of literary texts in providing students with imagined spaces to explore societal issues through a critical discernment of language and an ethical engagement with its narrative developments. Therefore, this paper will explain and demonstrate how literary texts, when used alongside a critical-ethical post-truth pedagogy that equips students with interpretive strategies informed by literary traditions such as literary and ethical criticism, can be effective in helping students develop the pertinent skills to comprehensively examine truth claims and overcome the challenges of the post-truth age.

Keywords: post-truth, pedagogy, ethics, English, education

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Authors: Farah Vierra

Abstract:

Following the 2016 US presidential election and the advancement of the Brexit referendum, the concept of “post-truth,” defined by the Oxford Dictionary as “relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief,” came into prominent use in public, political and educational circles. What this essentially entails is that in this age, individuals are increasingly confronted with subjective perpetuations of truth in their discourse spheres that are informed by beliefs and opinions as opposed to any form of coherence to the reality of those to who this truth claims concern. In principle, a subjective delineation of truth is progressive and liberating – especially considering its potential to provide marginalised groups in the diverse communities of our globalised world with the voice to articulate truths that are representative of themselves and their experiences. However, any form of human flourishing that seems to be promised here collapses as the tenets of subjective truths initially in place to liberate have been distorted through post-truth to allow individuals to purport selective and individualistic truth claims that further oppress and silence certain groups within society without due accountability. The evidence of this is prevalent through the conception of terms such as "alternative facts" and "fake news" that we observe individuals declare when their problematic truth claims are being questioned. Considering the pervasiveness of post-truth and the ethical issues that accompany it, educators and scholars alike have increasingly noted the need to adapt educational practices and pedagogies to account for the diminishing objectivity of truth in the twenty-first century, especially because students, as digital natives, find themselves in the firing line of post-truth; engulfed in digital societies that proliferate post-truth through the surge of truth claims allowed in various media sites. In an attempt to equip students with the vital skills to navigate the post-truth age and oppose its proliferation of social injustices, English educators find themselves having to contend with a complex question: how can the teaching of English equip students with the ability to critically and ethically scrutinise truth claims whilst also mediating the subjectivity of truth in a manner that does not undermine the voices of diverse communities. In order to address this question, this paper will first examine the challenges that confront students as a result of post-truth. Following this, the paper will elucidate the role English education can play in helping students overcome the complex demands of the post-truth age. Scholars have consistently touted the affordances of literary texts in providing students with imagined spaces to explore societal issues through a critical discernment of language and an ethical engagement with its narrative developments. Therefore, this paper will explain and demonstrate how literary texts, when used alongside a critical-ethical post-truth pedagogy that equips students with interpretive strategies informed by literary traditions such as literary and ethical criticism, can be effective in helping students develop the pertinent skills to comprehensively examine truth claims and overcome the challenges of the post-truth age.

Keywords: post-truth, pedagogy, ethics, english, education

Procedia PDF Downloads 66