Search results for: political liberalism

Authors: Salieg L. Munestri

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War on Terror became a principal war after the 9/11 attacks on U.S. homeland. Instead of helping to build up worldwide efforts to condemn terror and suicide bombings, the U.S.-led war on terror has given opportunities for the vast spread of terror. In much of Muslim world recently, the Bush’s Doctrine pushing all nations to choose sides in a war that is not truly a war has resulted worse effects. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, more terror occurred since then. Instead of reinforcing the well-trained anti-terror military forces, Indonesian government established US-funded Special Detachment 88 to guarantee the accomplishment of war on terror in Indonesia and significantly to bring impact on regional security atmosphere. Indonesia is a potential power in Asia but it lacked off sophisticated military equipments. Consequently, Indonesia agrees to become a U.S. mutual partner in combating terrorism managed by Defense Security Cooperation Agency. The formation of elite anti-terror forces and U.S. partnerships perform Indonesia’s commitment to take a position beside the U.S. in coping with terrorism issue. However, this undeniably brings consequences on Indonesian political athmosphere, which encourages the writer to dig deep the consequences on the domestic environment of Indonesian political system. The establishment of the elite forces has aroused fluctuations within government, chiefly Indonesian House, concerning the establishment urgency, the large amount of funding, and the unpleasant performances, particularly the treatment toward suspected terrorists. Hence, evaluation process upon the Detachment 88 is highly demanding.

Keywords: anti-terror forces, Indonesia, political system, war on terror

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Ebrahim Rahmani, Siyamak Moazeni

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According to the Iraq's first constitutional law (approved 2005), Iraq is an independent with sovereignty and its governmental structure is parliamentary democratic republic and federal. Even in reforms in 2009, this article of law did not changed at all. But considering the existence of this emphasis and clarity which is mentioned in the law, different and sometimes contradictory interpretations and positions are expressed about federalism in the way that we can say, considering the importance of the matter, federalism is a focus point to create and expansion of the cold war among leaders of different groups of the country. Iraq's today political and security position has granted the suitable opportunity to Iraq's Kurdistan in appearing of the recent security crisis to increase its share from the central political power or to achieve to its independent dream. The federalism the weakest point of Iraq's territorial integrity in a way that if different groups do not come to a consensus about it and do not think about a mechanism which is accepted by all of them, this can effect on and Iraq's political stability and security. Iraq's Kurdistan follows the option of disintegration and separation under the shadow of political and security changes, even with existence of some Iraqi groups' hopes regarding the improvement of situation after parliament election and also considering Masoud Barezani's power will for separation from Iraq as well as regarding special international changes and disintegration of Karime from Ukraine and ISIS crises; concerns have been created among regional and international powers and interior players. In this article, a paradox due constitutional law about federalism, Iraq's central government view and its politicians to the matter and the regional effect of this action on region's geopolitics are reviewed as well.

Keywords: constitutional law, federalism, decomposition, Iraq's Kurdistan

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Authors: Muhammet Erbay

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The phenomenon of communication that has been studied by different disciplines has social, political and economical aspects. The scope of communication has extended from a traditional content to the modern world which is under the control of mass media. Nowadays, thanks to globalization and technological facilities, many companies, public or international institutions take advantage of new communication technologies and overhaul their policies. European Union (EU) is one of the effective institutions in this sphere. It aims to harmonize the communication infrastructure and policies of member countries which have gone through the process of political unification. It is a significant problem for the unification of EU to have legal restrictions or critical differences in communication facilities among countries while technology stands at the center of economic and social life. Therefore, EU institutions place a particular importance to their communication policies. Besides, communication processes have a vital importance in creating a European public opinion in the process of political integration. Based on the evaluation above, the aim of this paper is to analyze the cohesion process of Turkey that tries to take an active role in EU communication policies and has on-going negotiations. This article does not only confine itself to the technical details of communication policies but also aims to evaluate socio-political dimension of the process. Therefore, a corporate review has been featured in the study and Turkey's compliance process in communication policies on European Union has been evaluated by the means of deduction method. Some problematic areas have been identified in compliance process on communication policies such as human rights and minority rights, whereas compliance process on communication infrastructure and technology proceeds effectively.

Keywords: communication policies, European Union, integration, Turkey

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Authors: Mohammad Jamiu Abdullahi, Shykh Ahmed Abdussalam

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The emergence of Arabic on the shore of West Africa heralded the practise of Islam and advocation for a just and egalitarian society. Islam, it was argued, has been perverted and subverted by the Hausa leadership. This necessitated the call for reforming Islam. Al-Shaykh Usman Bin Fodio grabbed the opportunity and fought the perverts to restore the glory of Islam and establish shari'ah way of life. This was the practice, especially in the northern part of Nigeria until the incursion of colonialism. The conquest of the colonial master halted the rule of jihadi leaderships and subjected them to colonialism under which only some aspects of Islamic system considered potentially beneficial to the British interest were retained. The current socio-political and economic crises in Nigeria has necessitated the need to look inwardly to the bulk of works, in Arabic, left behind by the Muslim scholars to help to salvage the country from its present political crisis, economic paralysis and legal decadence. This paper, therefore, examines the relevance of Arabic literary works that housed political/legal theories to salvaging the country from its present political crises, economic paralysis and legal decadence.

Keywords: Arabic Fodio Nigeria security, advocacy governance scholar Usman, British colonial perspective shaykh, leadership Islam jihad politics

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Authors: Neslihan Cetin

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In this study, we will aim to analyze how the period of the state of emergency in Turkey lead to gaps in law and the formation of areas in which there was a complete lack of supervision. The state of emergency that was proclaimed following the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, continued until July 18, 2018, that is to say, 2 years, without taking into account whether the initial circumstances persisted. As part of this work, we claim that the state of emergency provided the executive power with important tools for governing, which it took constant use. We can highlight how the concern for security at the center of the basic considerations of the people in a city was exploited as a foundation by the military power in Turkey to interfere in the political, legal, and social spheres. The constitutions of 1924, 1961, and 1982 entrusted the army with the role of protector of the integrity of the state. This became an instrument at the hands of the military to legitimize their interventions in the name of public security. Its interventions in the political field are indeed politically motivated. The constitution, the legislative, and regulatory systems are modified and monopolized by the military power that dominates the legislative, regulatory, and judicial power, leading to a state of exception. With the political convulsions over a decade, the government was able to usurp the instrument called the state of exception. In particular, the decree-laws of the state of emergency, which the executive makes frequent and generally abusive use, became instruments in the hands of the government to take measures that it wishes to escape from the rules and the pre-established control mechanisms. Thus the struggle against the political opposition becomes more unbalanced and destructive. To this must also be added the ineffectiveness of ex-post controls and domestic remedies. This research allows us to stress how a legal concept, such as ‘the state of emergency’ can be politically exploited to make it a legal weapon that continues to produce victims.

Keywords: constitutional law, state of emergency, rule of law, instrumentalization of law

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Authors: Riikka Elina Kallio

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“The walls have ears” phrase is defining the era of dictatorship in Portugal (1926–1974) and political unrest decades in Finland (1917–1948). The phrase is referring to the policing of the political, secret police, PIDE (Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado 1933–1969) in Portugal and VALPO (Valtiollinen Poliisi 1939–1948) in Finland. Free speech at any public space and even in private events could be fatal. The members of the PIDE/VALPO or informers/collaborators could be listening. Strict censorship under the Salazar´s regime was controlling media for example newspapers, music, and the film industry. Similarly, the politically affected censorship influenced the media in Finland in those unrest decades. This article examines the similarities and the differences in the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, by analyzing Finnish and Portuguese films from the nineteen-thirties to nineteensixties. The text addresses two main research questions: what are the common and different features in the representations of the Finnish and Portuguese political police in films between the 1930s and 1960s, and how did the national censorship affect these representations? This study approach is interdisciplinary, and it combines film studies and criminology. Close reading is a practical qualitative method for analyzing films and in this study, close reading emphasizes the features of the police officer. Criminology provides the methodological tools for analysis of the police universal features and European common policies. The characterization of the police in this study is based on Robert Reiner´s 1980s and Timo Korander´s 2010s definitions of the police officer. The research material consisted of the Portuguese films from online film archives and Finnish films from Movie Making Finland -project´s metadata which offered suitable material by data mining the keywords such as poliisi, poliisipäällikkö and konstaapeli (police, police chief, police constable). The findings of this study suggest that even though there are common features of the images of the political police in Finland and Portugal, there are still national and cultural differences in the representations of the political police and policing.

Keywords: censorship, film studies, images, PIDE, political police, VALPO

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Half of the Muslim countries in the world have declared Islam the state religion in their constitutions. Yet, none of these countries have implemented authentic Islamic laws in line with the Quran (Holy Book), practices of Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) called the Sunnah, and his four successors known as the Rightly Guided - Khalifa. Since their independence, these countries have adopted different government systems like Democracy, Dictatorship, Republic, Communism, and Monarchy. Instead of benefiting the people, these government systems have put these countries into political, social, and economic crises. These Islamic countries do not have equal representation and membership in worldwide political forums. Western countries lead these forums. Therefore, it is now imperative for the Muslim leaders of all these countries to collaborate, reset, and implement the original Islamic form of government, which led to the prosperity and success of people, including non-Muslims, 1400 years ago. They should unite as one nation under Khalifat, which means establishing the authority of Allah (SWT) and following the divine commandments related to the social, political, and economic systems. As they have declared Islam in their constitution, they should work together to apply the divine framework of the governance revealed by Allah (SWT) and implemented by Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his four successors called Khalifas. This paper provides an overview of the downfall and the end of the Khalifat system by 1924, the ways in which the West caused political, social, and economic crises in the Muslim countries, and finally, a summary of the social, political, and economic systems implemented by the Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and his successors, Khalifas, called the Rightly Guided – Hazrat Abu Bakr (RA), Hazrat Omar (RA), Hazrat Usman (RA), and Hazrat Ali (RA).

Keywords: khalifat, khilafat-e-Rashida, the rightly guided, colonization, capitalism, neocolonization, government systems

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Authors: A. Nawaz

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The present study uses Halliday’s transitivity model to analyze and interpret ideological stance in PM Nawaz Sharif’s political discourse. His famous speech at the 71st UN assembly was analyzed qualitatively using clausal analysis approach to investigate the communicative functions of the linguistic choices made in the address. The study discovers that among the six process types under the transitivity model, material, relational and mental processes appear most frequently in the speech, making up almost 86% of the whole. Verbal processes rank 4th, whereas existential and behavioral are the least occurring processes covering only 2 and 1 percent respectively. The dominant use of material processes suggests that Nawaz Sharif and his government are the main actors working on several concrete projects to produce a sense of developmental progression and continuity. Using relational and mental processes the PM, along with establishing proximity with masses and especially Kashmiri, gives guarantees and promises. The linguistic analysis concludes Kashmir dispute as being the central theme of the address, since it covers more than half of the discourse. The address calls for a strong action instead of formal assurances and wishful thoughts. The study establishes that language structures can yield certain connotations and ideologies which are not overt for readers. This is in affirmation to the supposition that language form performs a communicative function and is not merely fortuitous.

Keywords: Hallidian perspective on language, implicit meanings, Nawaz Sharif, political ideologies, political speeches, transitivity, UN Assembly

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Authors: Ahmad Alsolami, Darren Mundy, Manuel Hernandez-Perez

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Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. A most important factor contributing to this effect is the existence of influential users, who have developed a reputation for their awareness and experience on specific subjects. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is based on the pioneering work of Katz and Lazarsfeld (1959), who created the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: twitter, influencers, structured mechanism, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Zoaib Mirza

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Pakistan is an Islamic country that got its partition from India in 1947 so that the people could practice the religion of Islam. The ideology of Pakistan was based on the notion that sovereignty only belonged to God Almighty (in Arabic, God means “Allah”), and Muslims will live in accordance with Islam principles. The Quran (Holy Book) and Sunnah (authentic practices of Prophet Mohammad, Peace Be Upon Him, that explains the application of the Quran) are foundations of the Islamic principles. It has been over 75 years, but unfortunately, Pakistan, due to its own political, social, and economic mistakes, is responsible for not being able to become a true Islamic nation to justify its partition from India. The rationale for writing this paper is to analyze the factors that led to changes in the democratic movements impacting the country's political, social, and economic growth. The methodology to examine the historical and political context of Pakistan’s history is by referencing the scholarly work of Israr Ahmed, a Pakistani Islamic theologian, philosopher, and Islamic scholar. While from a Western perspective, Karl Marx, Mar Weber, Hannah Arendt, Sheldon Wolin, Paulo Freire, and Jacques Ranciere's philosophies specific to totalitarianism, politics, military rule, religion, capitalism, and superpower are used as the framework to analyze Pakistan’s democracy. The study's findings conclude that Pakistan's democracy is unstable and has been impacted by military and civilian governance, which led to political, social, and economic downfall. To improve the current situation, the citizens of Pakistan have to realize that the success of a nation is only dependent on the level of consciousness of the leader and not the political system. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every citizen to be conscious of how they select their leader and take responsibility for the current situation in Pakistan.

Keywords: Pakistan, Islam, democracy, totalitarianism, military, religion, capitalism

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Fayomi Oluyemi, Ajayi Lady

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This article raises the question of political leadership in the context of womens' roles and responsibilities in Nigeria. The leadership question in Nigeria is disquieting to both academics and policy actors. In a democratic society like Nigeria, the parameters for a well-deserved leadership position is characterised by variables of equity, competence, transparency, accountability, selflessness, and commitment to the tenets of democracy, but the failure of leadership is pervasive in all spheres of socio-political sectors in Nigeria. The paper appraises the activities of Nigerian women in the socio-political arena in Nigeria. It traces their leadership roles from pre-colonial through post-colonial eras with emphasis on 1914 till date. It is argued in the paper that gender imbalance in leadership is a bane to peaceful co-existence and development in Nigeria. It is a truism that gender-blind and gender biased political agendas can distort leadership activities. The extent of their contributions of the few outstanding women’s relative tranquility is highlighted in the theoretical discourse. The methodology adopted for this study is an exploratory study employing the extended case method (ECM). The study was carried out among some selected Nigerian women politicians and academics. Because of ECM's robustness as a qualitative research design, it has helped this study in identifying the challenges of these women thematically and also in constructing valid and reliable measures of the constructs. The study made use of ethnography and triangulation, the latter of which is used by qualitative researchers to check and establish validity in their studies by analyzing a research question from multiple perspectives, specifically Investigator triangulation which involves using several different investigators in the analysis process. Typically, this manifests as the evaluation team consisting of colleagues within a field of study wherein each investigator examines the question of political leadership with the same qualitative method (interview, observation, case study, or focus groups). In addition, data was collated through documentary sources like journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and internet materials. The arguments of this paper center on gender equity of both sexes in socio-political representation and effective participation. The paper concludes with the need to effectively maintain gender balance in leadership in order to enhance lasting peace and unity in Nigeria.

Keywords: gender, politics, leadership, women

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Authors: Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman

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The Nigerian political system has witnessed rising occurrences of election malpractice in the last decade. This has been due to election rigging and other forms of electoral fraud. In order to find a sustainable solution to this malpractice, the introduction of electronic voting (e-voting) has been suggested. This paper reviews the challenges, benefits, and issues associated with e-voting as a panacea for election malpractice in Nigeria. The review of existing literature revealed that e-voting can reduce the cost of conducting elections and reduce the opportunity for electoral fraud. The review suggests that the introduction of e-voting in the Nigerian political system would require adequate cybersecurity measures, trust-building initiatives, and proper legal frameworks to ensure its successful implementation. It is recommended that there should be an effective policy that would ensure the security of the system as well as the credibility of the results. Furthermore, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be conducted to ensure that voters understand the process and are comfortable using the system. In conclusion, e-voting has the potential to reduce the occurrence of election malpractice in the Nigerian political system. However, the successful implementation of e-voting will require effective policy interventions and trust-building initiatives. Additionally, the costs of acquiring the necessary infrastructure and equipment and implementing proper legal frameworks need to be considered.

Keywords: electronic voting, general election, candidate, INEC, cyberattack

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Authors: Autumn Tooms Cypres

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Throughout the 2016 presidential campaign, Republican nominee Donald Trump, capitalizing on his reputation for blunt and brash comments, created a political brand based on unedited statements and sweeping promises. While he vowed to 'Make America Great Again,' for many, the candidate’s discourse invoked legacies of marginalization and exclusion. As a result, this discussion focuses on Trump’s anti-immigration discourse (one of the primary foci of his campaign platform) and its influence across educational settings. The purpose of this effort is to demonstrate the power of political discourses relative to educational settings and to discuss the resulting everyday leadership challenges and opportunities. Discourse analysis frameworks are used to unpack the socio-political implications of the presidential campaign. In particular, they examine a serious of emails that a university administrator received post-election. The discussion concludes that leaders in education have a critical role to maintaining democratic institutions and ensuring inclusivity and belonging for all educational stakeholders.

Keywords: educational managment, politics, immigration, discourse

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Authors: José Francisco Urrutia Reyes, Judith Espinosa Real

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This paper is meant to re-examine the role of street art in the contemporary world. By studying this form of art in Brussels, it can be explained how murals show the socio-political reality of a given community and influence on its interaction. Through the definitions of street art, murals and street artists, and analysing their role in Brussels, it is possible to understand how this counter culture movement serves as an engine of social development, as it interacts with its surroundings sending a clear message to a wider audience. Street art impacts on its environment because it interacts with the people who occupies the day-to-day public space. This has proven to be effective in the arouse of social consciousness, up to the point of being adopted by the government of Brussels to promote social movements such as the AIDS-HIV campaign along with the Plate-Forme Prévention Sida. It can be concluded that street art has evolved since its vandalic beginnings, to become a form of art that has not lost it counter official status, but now has a critical vision that can promote social awakening. Street art is now a global trend that uses visual inputs to create a positive impact.

Keywords: street art, Brussels, social impact, political perspective

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Authors: Robin Turner

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In the context of the strengthening conservative movements such as “Brexit” and the election of US President Donald Trump, the global political stage was shaken up by the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency, defeating the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. The election itself was a first for the Fifth Republic in which neither final candidate was from the traditional two major political parties: the left Parti Socialiste (PS) and the right Les Républicains (LR). Macron, who served as the Minister of Finance under his predecessor, founded the centrist liberal political party En Marche! in April 2016 before resigning from his post in August to launch his bid for the presidency. Between the time of the party’s creation to the first round of elections a year later, Emmanuel Macron and En Marche! had garnered enough support to make it to the run-off election, finishing far ahead of many seasoned national political figures. Now months into his presidency, the youngest President of the Republic shows no sign of losing fuel anytime soon. His unprecedented success raises a lot of questions with respect to international relations, economics, and the evolving relationship between the French government and its citizens. The effectiveness of Macron’s campaign, of course, relies on many factors, one of which is his manner of communicating his platform to French voters. Using data from oral discourse and primary material from Macron and En Marche! in sources such as party publications and Twitter, the study categorizes linguistic instruments – address, lexicon, tone, register, and syntax – to identify prevailing patterns of speech and communication. The linguistic analysis in this project is two-fold. In addition to these findings’ stand-alone value, these discourse patterns are contextualized by comparable discourse of other 2017 presidential candidates with high emphasis on that of Marine Le Pen. Secondly, to provide an alternative approach, the study contextualizes Macron’s discourse using those of two immediate predecessors representing the traditional stronghold political parties, François Hollande (PS) and Nicolas Sarkozy (LR). These comparative methods produce an analysis that gives insight to not only a contributing factor to Macron’s successful 2017 campaign but also provides insight into how Macron’s platform presents itself differently to previous presidential platforms. Furthermore, this study extends analysis to supply data that contributes to a wider analysis of the defeat of “traditional” French political parties by the “start-up” movement En Marche!.

Keywords: Emmanuel Macron, French, discourse analysis, political discourse

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Authors: Julius Brejohn Calvert

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This Study Aimed to Investigate the Ecological Nature of Extremism Online. The Construction of a Far-Right Ecosystem Was Successful Using a Sample of Posts, Each With Separate Narrative Domains. Most of the Content Expressed Anti-black Racism and Pro-white Sentiments. Many Posts Expressed an Overt Disdain for the Recent Progress Made Regarding the United States and the United Kingdom’s Expansion of Civil Liberties to People of Color (Poc). Of Special Note, Several Anti-lgbt Posts Targeted the Ongoing Political Grievances Expressed by the Transgender Community. Overall, the Current Study Is Able to Demonstrate That Direct Measures of User Engagement, Such as Shares and Reactions, Can Be Used to Predict the Effect of a Post’s Radicalization Capabilities, Although Single Posts Do Not Operate on the Cognitive Processes of Radicalization Alone. In This Analysis, the Data Supports a Theoretical Framework Where Individual Posts Have a Higher Radicalization Capability Based on the Amount of User Engagement (Both Indirect and Direct) It Receives.

Keywords: cognitive psychology, cognitive radicalization, extremism online, domestic extremism, political science, political psychology

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Elza Jurun, Damir Piplica, Tea Poklepović

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Numerous studies carried out in the developed western democratic countries have shown that the ideological framework of the governing party has a significant influence on the monetary policy. The executive authority consisting of a left-wing party gives a higher weight to unemployment suppression and central bank implements a more expansionary monetary policy. On the other hand, right-wing governing party considers the monetary stability to be more important than unemployment suppression and in such a political framework the main macroeconomic objective becomes the inflation rate reduction. The political framework conditions in the transition countries which are new European Union (EU) members are still highly specific in relation to the other EU member countries. In the focus of this paper is the question whether the same monetary policy principles are valid in these transitional countries as well as they apply in developed western democratic EU member countries. The data base consists of inflation rate and unemployment rate for 11 transitional EU member countries covering the period from 2001 to 2012. The essential information for each of these 11 countries and for each year of the observed period is right or left political orientation of the ruling party. In this paper we use t-statistics to test our hypothesis that there are differences in inflation and unemployment between right and left political orientation of the governing party. To explore the influence of different countries, through years and different political orientations descriptive statistics is used. Inflation and unemployment should be strongly negatively correlated through time, which is tested using Pearson correlation coefficient. Regarding the fact whether the governing authority is consisted from left or right politically oriented parties, monetary authorities will adjust its policy setting the higher priority on lower inflation or unemployment reduction.

Keywords: inflation rate, monetary policy orientation, transition EU countries, unemployment rate

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Adnan Skhawat Ali

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Overseas voting was a long debatable issue in Pakistan because major political parties claimed that their overseas voters could not participate in the electoral system. In the history of Pakistan, the first time Election Management body- Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), gave political rights to overseas Pakistanis in 2018 and promoted the true spirit of democracy to give political rights to those people who are living abroad. The main aim of this study is to highlight the crucial factors that are the main hindrance to overseas voting registration. This study conducted purposive sampling and held overseas voters’, from all over the world interviewed for the deep understanding of their behavior towards national politics and elections. This study highlighted the factors which are hindrances in the registration of overseas voters and election administration. These factors are lack of mass media campaign, lack of technical knowledge, complicated registration process, and no information sharing cells in concerned embassies and consulates. ECP should disseminate information about overseas voting via foreign embassies or consulate generals because these are more effective ways to provide information to the Pakistani community/overseas and conduct mass media awareness campaigns to properly inform citizens. Citizens have not only supported the country in terms of remittances but have also made the country’s image in front of other country’s citizens.

Keywords: election administration, political parties, election management body, overseas Pakistanis, elections, registration of overseas voters

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Authors: Nadiya Didyk

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This thesis deals with the unique history of the emergence of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Ukrainian feminism is still in its making, so the field is under-investigated in general. Nevertheless, the perspective of political economy and the enabling and constraining effects of capitalist dynamics are almost absent from the research on the emergence and the development of the feminist movement in Ukraine. This research was inspired by Hetland and Goodwin’s approach and an attempt to test their approach on the case of the Ukrainian feminist movement. Hetland and Goodwin claim that many scholars tend to neglect political economy from analysis of feminism as a new social movements, namely because such movement are not about class or materialist concerns, and thus have no discernible connection to capitalism. Both scholars, however, point out that there at least four ways in which capitalism has been of high importance for any social movement. Accordingly, the following issues are analysed in this paper: capitalism as the facilitator of the emergence and development of Ukrainian feminism; the influence of class balance in society on the formation of the Ukrainian feminist movement, and the ways in which class divisions within the movement shape its goals and strategies. This paper also focuses on the role of capitalist institutions and free wage labour expansion in shaping collective feminist identities and solidarities. Specific attention is paid to the representativeness of women in the highest echelons in business and politics under the capitalist systems. This study shows that there is a significant hole in the literature regarding the feminist movement in Ukraine and aims to motivate further detailed research.

Keywords: feminism, hetland, goodwin, new soical movements, political economy

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Authors: Musa Miah

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Society and social activities are directly governed by political sociology. Political sociology has an impact on the whole of human society, the interrelationships of people in society, social responsibilities and duties, the nature of society, society and culture of different countries, conducting social activities, social change and social development. Through this, the correct knowledge and decision are made by analyzing the complexities of society in different ways. In modern civilized society, people need to get accurate knowledge about how they live, their behavior, customs and principles. The need for political sociology is undeniable, even if new plans are to be adopted for the development of society. The importance of practicing political sociology is immense if any country, nation, or society is to move forward on the path of sustainable development. Research has shown that political sociology is an essential aspect of the social impact of development, sociological analysis of poverty or underdevelopment, development of human values in individual life. The importance of political sociology for knowing the overall aspect of society is undeniable. Because, to know about social problems, to identify social problems, to find the cause of any social problem, one needs to know political sociology. Apart from knowing about the class structure of the society, people of different classes and professions live in the society. It is possible to gain knowledge about. He is also involved in various societies, communities and groups in the country and abroad. Therefore, research has shown that in order to successfully solve any task of the society, it is necessary to know the society in full. Media Studies: Media studies are directly related to socialization. Media strategy has had a positive impact on the management and direction of society. At present, Media Studies in Bangladesh is working towards providing opportunities for up-to-date and quality higher education. Introduced Department of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies in different universities of Bangladesh. The department has gained immense popularity since its inception. Here the top degree holders, as well as eminent editors, senior journalists, writers and researchers, are giving their opinions. Now there is ample scope for research in newspapers, magazines, radio, television and online media as well as outside of work as an advertising-documentary filmmaker or in domestic and foreign NGOs or other corporate organizations. According to the study, media studies have had a positive impact on the media in Bangladesh, especially television channels, the expansion and development of online media and the creation of clear ideas about communication, journalism and the media. Workshops, seminars and discussions are being held on contemporary national and international issues in addition to theoretical concepts. Journalism, communication and mass media are quite exceptional and challenging compared to the traditional subjects considering the present times. In this regard, there is a unique opportunity to build a modern society with taste and personality without mere employment.

Keywords: Bangladesh, Dhaka, social activities, political sociology

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Authors: Isaiah Ifeanyichukwu Agbo

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Human speech is capable of serving many purposes. Power and control are not always exercised overtly by linguistic acts, but maybe enacted and exercised in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life. Domination, power control, discrimination and mind control exist in human speech and may lead to asymmetrical power relations. In discourse, there are persuasive and manipulative linguistic acts that serve to establish solidarity and identification with the 'we group' and polarize with the 'they group'. Political discourse is crafted to defend and promote the problematic narrative of outright controversial events in a nation’s history thereby sustaining domination, marginalization, manipulation, inequalities and injustices, often without the dominated and marginalized group being aware of them. They are designed and positioned to serve the political and social needs of the producers. Political crisis speeches in Nigeria, just like in other countries concentrate on positive self-image, de-legitimization of political opponents, reframing accusation to one’s advantage, redefining problematic terms and adopting reversal strategy. In most cases, the people are ignorant of the hidden ideological positions encoded in the text. Few researches have been conducted adopting the frameworks of critical discourse analysis and systemic functional linguistics to investigate this situation in the political crisis speeches in Nigeria. In this paper, we focus attention on the analyses of the linguistic, semantic, and ideological elements in selected political crisis speeches in Nigeria to investigate if they create and sustain unequal power relations and manipulative tendencies from the perspectives of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). Critical Discourse Analysis unpacks both opaque and transparent structural relationships of power dominance, power relations and control as manifested in language. Critical discourse analysis emerged from a critical theory of language study which sees the use of language as a form of social practice where social relations are reproduced or contested and different interests are served. Systemic function linguistics relates the structure of texts to their function. Fairclough’s model of CDA and Halliday’s systemic functional approach to language study are adopted in this paper. This paper probes into language use that perpetuates inequalities. This study demystifies the hidden implicature of the selected political crisis speeches and reveals the existence of information that is not made explicit in what the political actors actually say. The analysis further reveals the ideological configurations present in the texts. These ideological standpoints are the basis for naturalizing implicit ideologies and hegemonic influence in the texts. The analyses of the texts further uncovered the linguistic and discursive strategies deployed by text producers to manipulate the unsuspecting members of the public both mentally and conceptually in order to enact, sustain and maintain unhealthy power relations at crisis times in the Nigerian political history.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, language, political crisis, power relations, systemic functional linguistics

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Authors: Joy Olayemi Gbala, Fatai Olatokunbo, Philip Cloud

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Catastrophic dictatorship has been discovered to be the major leadership challenge that orchestrates stagnated and contrasted economy with dysfunctional democracy in Africa through willful misappropriation of resources and egregious subversion of the rule of law. Almost invariably, most African leaders inexplicably often become power drunk and addicted which usually leads to abuse of state power, abdication of constitutional duties, unjustly withdrawal of business license of operation, human right violation, election malpractices, financial corruption, disruptions of policies of democratic government transition, annulment of free and fair election, and disruptions of legal electoral procedures and unachievable dividends of democracy and many more. Owing to this, most African nations have gone and still go through political unrest and insurgencies leading to loss of lives and property, violent protests, detention of detractors and political activists and massive human displacement. This research work is concerned with, and investigates the causes, menace, consequences and impacts of subverting the rule of law in Africa on the economy and the development of the continent with a suggested practical solution to the plights.

Keywords: corruption, law, leadership, violation

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Authors: Stefanie M. Vanneste, Stijn Goeminne

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This paper studies the effect of political characteristics of 308 Flemish municipalities on their budget balance in the period 1995-2011. All local governments experience the same economic and financial setting, however some governments have high budget balances, while others have low budget balances. The aim of this paper is to explain the differences in municipal budget balances by a number of economic, socio-demographic and political variables. The economic and socio-demographic variables will be used as control variables, while the focus of this paper will be on the political variables. We test four hypotheses resulting from the literature, namely (i) the partisan hypothesis tests if left wing governments have lower budget balances, (ii) the fragmentation hypothesis stating that more fragmented governments have lower budget balances, (iii) the hypothesis regarding the power of the government, higher powered governments would resolve in higher budget balances, and (iv) the opportunistic budget cycle to test whether politicians manipulate the economic situation before elections in order to maximize their reelection possibilities and therefore have lower budget balances before elections. The contributions of our paper to the existing literature are multiple. First, we use the whole array of political variables and not just a selection of them. Second, we are dealing with a homogeneous database with the same budget and election rules, making it easier to focus on the political factors without having to control for the impact of differences in the political systems. Third, our research extends the existing literature on Flemish municipalities as this is the first dynamic research on local budget balances. We use a dynamic panel data model. Because of the two lagged dependent variables as explanatory variables, we employ the system GMM (Generalized Method of Moments) estimator. This is the best possible estimator as we are dealing with political panel data that is rather persistent. Our empirical results show that the effect of the ideological position and the power of the coalition are of less importance to explain the budget balance. The political fragmentation of the government on the other hand has a negative and significant effect on the budget balance. The more parties in a coalition the worse the budget balance is ceteris paribus. Our results also provide evidence of an opportunistic budget cycle, the budget balances are lower in pre-election years relative to the other years to try and increase the incumbents reelection possibilities. An additional finding is that the incremental effect of the budget balance is very important and should not be ignored like is being done in a lot of empirical research. The coefficients of the lagged dependent variables are always positive and very significant. This proves that the budget balance is subject to incrementalism. It is not possible to change the entire policy from one year to another so the actions taken in recent past years still have an impact on the current budget balance. Only a relatively small amount of research concerning the budget balance takes this considerable incremental effect into account. Our findings survive several robustness checks.

Keywords: budget balance, fragmentation, ideology, incrementalism, municipalities, opportunistic budget cycle, panel data, political characteristics, power, system GMM

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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