Search results for: democratic institutions

Authors: Essa Njie

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One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support.

Keywords: civil service, democratic consolidation, monopolisation, multi-party elections, public institutions, ruling party, state resources

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Authors: Ali Musbah Mohamed Elwahishi

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Democracy is demand for the majority of people in the whole world, Specifically in the regions that are still outside the democratic life such as Libya and other Arab countries. Although democracy has spread across the world through three waves of democratization, Libya is still outside the democratic process, even recently its regime has changed. The challenges of democracy in Libya are not new, they represent accumulations over time that impeded to achieve this goal. This paper concludes that the absence of democracy in Libya because of set of factors that include: colonial legacy, oil wealth, the lack of institutions, the lack of political parties, tribal factor and recently the spread of the armed groups. These factors prevented Libya to be democratic state whether during King Idris’, Qaddafi’s or even after Qaddafi rule.

Keywords: the failure of democracy, political transition, the lack of institutions, Libya, Arab countries

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Ghulam Rasool Madni

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Global economies are prioritizing the attainment of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for well-being of their people. An emphasis lies on the concept of metagovernance when contemplating the role of government in SDGs, especially in the context of its influence and guidance. Existing literature acknowledges the pivotal role of metagovernance in achieving the SDGs, but aspects of metagovernance unclear that are important for 17 SDGs. Using data from 41 countries, a comparative analysis is conducted for the year 2022. Utilizing a multiple regression analysis, the impact of different dimensions of metagovernance to achieve SDGs is explored, with a particular focus on sustainable policies, strategic capacity, policy coherence, democratic institutions, reflexivity, and adaptation. It is found that sustainable policies have a positive and significant relationship with different SDGs, including no poverty, zero hunger, health, sanitation and clean water, affordable and clean energy, decent work and economic growth, industry, innovation and infrastructure, reduced inequalities while democratic institutions also have a positive relationship with no poverty, good health and well-being, quality education, gender equality, clean water and sanitation, clean and affordable energy, and peace, justice, and strong institutions in these countries. Policymakers are suggested to ensure that sustainable policies are backed by legislation to provide them with a strong legal foundation. It is suggested to develop a long-term vision for sustainability that goes beyond short-term political cycles. Economies are encouraged to invest in building the capacity of government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to effectively implement sustainable policies. Moreover, democratic institutions may be established through a constitution providing a solid foundation for democratic governance, including protection of human rights, separation of powers, and mechanisms for accountability and transparency.

Keywords: metagovernance, sustainable development goals, sustainable policies, democratic institutions

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Authors: Mozamil Mohamed Ali

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Understanding the relationship between law and democratic governance, this research, titled “The Role of Law in Enhancing Democratic Governance: A Comparative Study of Political Systems in Developing Countries,” focuses on examining the impact of legal frameworks on strengthening democratic practices within developing nations. Democratic governance requires transparency and institutional accountability to meet citizens’ needs, which necessitates legal frameworks that ensure compliance with governance standards. These frameworks hold greater significance in developing countries, where challenges such as corruption, weak public institutions, and socio-political conflicts affect their ability to achieve sustainable democratic governance. In this context, the research explores how laws influence these aspects. The study compares various developing countries that have experienced different levels of success and difficulty in enhancing democratic governance, focusing on the legal frameworks and public policies each country has implemented to improve transparency, accountability, and strengthen the role of public institutions. This comparative analysis aims to reveal the effectiveness of legal systems in supporting democratic governance and to identify the factors that lead to the success or failure of these legal frameworks in different contexts. For example, the study includes cases from countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, analyzing the legal and institutional policies and their roles in achieving justice and reducing corruption. It examines the impact of legislation that promotes freedom of the press, human rights, and judicial independence as fundamental elements for transparent and democratic governance. Additionally, the research discusses how anti-corruption policies and laws governing electoral competition contribute to improving government responsiveness to public demands. The hypothesis of the research centers on the idea that developing transparent and fair laws contributes to achieving sustainable democratic governance. The analyses show that applying laws equally and impartially strengthens citizens’ trust in public institutions and encourages political participation. At the same time, the research highlights the importance of local adaptation to global legal frameworks, as it may be necessary to consider local socio-political and economic contexts to ensure the success of these frameworks. In conclusion, this research underscores the importance of legal frameworks as a pivotal factor in the success of democratic governance. It provides recommendations related to enhancing judicial independence, enforcing anti-corruption laws, and improving access to information as essential steps for strengthening democratic governance in developing countries. The findings suggest that laws respected and carefully implemented can form a solid foundation for building more transparent and effective government institutions, contributing to sustainable development and social justice in these nations.

Keywords: impact of legislation, role of institutions in controlling power, community participation, role of the judiciary

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Authors: Gintaras Mitrulevičius

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This text, which is based on the conference report, seeks to briefly examine the relationship between the concepts of social democracy and democratic socialism, drawing attention to the essential aspects of its development and, in particular, discussing the contradictions in the relationship between these concepts in the modern period. In the preparation of this text, such research methods as historical, historical-comparative methods were used, as well as methods of analyzing, synthesizing, and generalizing texts. The history of the use of terms in social democracy and democratic socialism shows that these terms were used alternately and almost synonymously. At the end of the 20th century, traditional social democracy was transformed into the so-called "new social democracy." Many of the new social democrats do not consider themselves democratic socialists and avoid the historically characteristic identification of social democracy with democratic socialism. It has become quite popular to believe that social democracy is a separate ideology from democratic socialism. Or that it has become a variant of the ideology of liberalism. This is a testimony to the crisis of ideological self-awareness of social democracy. Since the beginning of the 21st century, social democracy has also experienced a growing crisis of electoral support. This, among other things, led to her slight shift to the left. In this context, some social democrats are once again talking about democratic socialism. The rise of the ideas of democratic socialism in the United States was catalyzed by Bernie Sanders. But the proponents of democratic socialism in the United States have different concepts of democratic socialism. In modern Europe, democratic socialism is also spoken of by leftists of non-social democratic origin, whose understanding is different from that of democratic socialism inherent in classical social democracy. Some political scientists also single out the concepts in question. Analysis of the problem shows that there are currently several concepts of democratic socialism on the spectrum of the political left, both social-democratic and non-social-democratic.

Keywords: democratic socializm, socializm, social democracy, new social democracy, political ideologies

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Authors: Sergey Chirun

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Using of a combination of institutional analysis and network access has allowed the author to identify the characteristics of the informal institutions of regional political power and political regimes. According to the author, ‘field’ of activity of post-Soviet regimes, formed under the influence of informal institutions, often contradicts democratic institutional regional changes which are aimed at creating of a legal-rational type of political domination and balanced model of separation of powers. This leads to the gap between the formal structure of institutions and the real nature of power, predetermining the specific character of the existing political regimes.

Keywords: authoritarianism, institutions, political regime, social networks, transformation

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Authors: Rana Nasiri, Hamid Vahidkia

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Recently, most courts in democratic nations were hesitant to consider foreign and international law. Their approach was to steer clear of using foreign sources of law that conflicted with their own government's stance. Numerous legal experts consider turning to foreign and international law unsuitable. However, those who advocate for using external sources of law also believe that relying on foreign and international law will always be in conflict with the importance of national sovereignty. Therefore, the academic discussion revolves around the commonly known broader debate on ‘the counter-majoritarian difficulty’. This article challenges the idea of tension. It suggests that in many democratic nations' legal systems, including those in the U.S., using foreign and international law can help strengthen domestic democratic processes by protecting them from outside economic, political, and legal influences. Citing international law supports domestic democratic processes and regains national sovereignty from various globalization forces. In other words, national courts must consider foreign and international law to uphold their national political institutions and protect their own status in relation to political branches.

Keywords: international law, social science, US, democracy, politics

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Authors: Kristof Lukas Heidemann

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In response to the present-day worldwide regression in the prevalence and vitality of contemporary democratic systems proponents of democracy have made several proposals to reverse this global trajectory through constitutional law reforms, creating the democratic innovations discourse. This critical review analyzes the different typologies that have been put forward to systematize the suggested democratic innovations and argues that the typologies all either omit some existing proposals or include overlapping types. Therefore, the review endorses possible adaptations regarding the more comprehensive typologies and gives recommendations for further research.

Keywords: citizen participation, constitutional law, deliberative democracy, democracy, democratic innovations, law and legislation, law reform, literature review

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Authors: Itulelo Matiyabu Imaja, Patrick Ndayizigamiye, Manoj Maharaj

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There are many catalysts of corruption. These include amongst others, lack of effective control measures to deter or detect corrupt behaviour. Literature suggests that ICT could assist in curbing corruption through the implementation of automated systems, citizens engagement through e-government and online media to name a few. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, lack of transparency and accountability in public funds collection and allocation contribute to corruption in funds mismanagement. Using the accountability theory and available literature, this paper analyses how Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) institutions could be strengthened through ICT in order to deter instances of corruption. Findings reveal that DRC lacks reliable control, monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that could identify potentially corrupt behavior. In addition, citizens and civil society organizations who are meant to hold the institutions accountable are not given secure platform to express their views and potentially flag any corrupt behavior. Hence, the paper presents a preliminary conceptual framework that depicts how ICT could be used to strengthen current institutions to potentially deter corrupt behavior in public funds management in Congo.

Keywords: corruption, ICT adoption, transparency, DR Congo

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Authors: Sigrid Haukanes

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Implementation of democratic citizenship as a crossdisciplinary concept in educational practice has been problematic because of a vague and divided understanding of what the concept entails. This is underlined by a divide between understanding democracy as external to the educational sphere or understanding education as an internal part of a democratic society. This theoretical contribution aims to explore the concept of democratic citizenship in relation to Bildung perspectives. The methodology of this paper is grounded in a hermeneutical approach to interpret three philosophical perspectives from Immanuel Kant, John Dewey and Gert Biesta. These perspectives are chosen to explore democratic citizenship as: (1) an individual oriented concept, (2) a socially oriented concept and (3) a critical-social oriented concept. This theoretical paper argues that different orientations toward Bildung change the content of democratic citizenship as a cross-disciplinary concept in education. It argues that a Dewian or a Biestian notion could enrich our understanding of democratic citizenship, drawing on a critical-social perspective of Bildung.

Keywords: bildung, citizenship, democracy, education

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Authors: Lorenzo Buti

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This paper investigates the nature of democratic action through a critical reading of Claude Lefort’s notion of the democratic ‘regime’. Lefort provides one of the most innovative accounts of the essential features of a democratic regime. According to him, democracy is a political regime that acknowledges the indeterminacy of a society and stages it as a contestation between competing political actors. As such, democracy provides the symbolic markers of society’s openness towards the future. However, despite their democratic features, the recent decades in late capitalist societies attest to a sense of the future becoming fixed and predetermined. This suggests that Lefort’s conception of democracy harbours a misunderstanding of the character and experience of democratic action. This paper examines this underlying tension in Lefort’s work. It claims that Lefort underestimates how a democratic regime, next to its symbolic function, also takes a materially constituted form with its particular dynamics of power relations. Lefort’s systematic dismissal of this material dimension for democratic action can lead to the contemporary paradoxical situation where democracy’s symbolic markers are upheld (free elections, public debate, dynamic between government and opposition in parliament,…) but the room for political decision-making is constrained due to a myriad of material constraints (e.g., market pressures, institutional inertias). The paper draws out the implications for the notion of democratic action. Contra Lefort, it argues that democratic action necessarily targets the material conditions that impede the capacity for decision-making on the basis of equality and liberty. This analysis shapes our understanding of democratic action in two ways. First, democratic action takes an asymmetrical, insurgent form, as a contestation of material power relations from below. Second, it reveals an ambivalent position vis-à-vis the political regime: democratic action is symbolically made possible by the democratic dispositive, but it contests the constituted form that the democratic regime takes.

Keywords: Claude Lefort, democratic action, material constitution, political regime

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Authors: Abdulsalami M. Deji

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Prolonged military incursion in Nigeria politics which favored the oligarchy brought agitation for democratic rule it exacerbated ethnicity integration of minority for fear of domination. The advent of democracy ushered in new breath of life to Nigerians from the shackle of military oppression to democratic governance. Democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria; effort to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country had not yielded positive result till date. In the process of struggling for democracy among ethnic groups in Nigeria, they had instituted various militia groups defending the interest of their identity due to unequal distribution of wealth by military junta. When democracy came on board, these various militia groups became demons hunting democratic institutions. Quest by the successful government to find lasting solution has proved abortive. The security of politics which guaranteed stability is not visible in Nigeria, what we have now is politics of security. The unrest in Nigeria today has cripple socio-political and economy of the nation; the growth of economy favored elites without meaningful impact on the common man. This paper focus on the effects of democracy on Nigerians and, how security under democratic rule has hindered dividends of democracy since 1999-till date and way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet, and journals.

Keywords: democracy, interest, militia, security

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Authors: Terence Maisah Seka

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This paper examines democratic governance within the private and public sectors in economies in transition (Cameroon) by exploring how they influence development in terms of resource allocation to priorities that are locally conceptualized. The benefit of this is an improvement in indigenous and the quality of life for the local population. Using an ethnographic approach, this paper suggests that institutional corruption and state bureaucracy has limited the impact of democratic governance in influencing development. This has seen funds for developments being embezzled; local projects are not being done to satisfaction among others. The paper contributes by proposing measures to eliminate corruption to improve democratic governance, which will improve resource allocation and utilization.

Keywords: democratic governance, resource allocation, utilisation, Cameroon

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Authors: Umbreen Javaid

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Pakistan’s experience with nascent, yet to be evolved democratic institutions inherited from the British Empire, has not been a pleasant one when evaluated in terms of good governance, development, and success of anti-corruption mechanisms. The country has remained entangled in a vicious circle of accumulating large budget deficits, dwindling economy, low foreign direct investment, political instability, and rising terrorism. It is thus not surprising that no account of the state aimed at analyzing the six-decade journey since her inception is replete with negative connotations like dysfunctional, failed, fragile or weak state. The limited pool of experience of handling democratic institutions and lack of political will be on the part of country’s political elite to transform the society on democratic footings have left Pakistan as a “limited access order” state. The widespread illiteracy becomes a double edge sword when a largely illiterate electorate elects representatives who mostly come from a semi-educated background with the limited understanding of democratic minutiae and little or no proclivity to resist monetary allures. The prevalence of culture of patronage with widespread poverty coupled with absence of a comprehensive system of investigating, prosecuting and adjudicating cases of corruption encourage the practice that has been eroding the state’s foundations since her inception owing to the unwillingness of the traditional elites who have been strongly resistant towards any attempts aimed at disseminating powers. An analytical study of the historical, political, cultural, economic and administrative hurdles that have been at work in impeding Pakistan’s transition to a democratic, accountable society would be instrumental in understanding the issue of widespread plague of corruption and state’s inefficiency to cope with it effectively. The issue of corruption in Pakistan becomes more important when seen in the context of her vulnerability to terrorism and religious extremism. In this regard, Pakistan needs to learn a lot from developed countries in order to evolve a comprehensive strategy for combating and preventing this pressing issue.

Keywords: Pakistan, corruption, anti-corruption, limited access order

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Authors: Noxolo Mafu

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This study presents an overview of strategic planning in South African higher education institutions by tracing its trends and mystique in order to identify its impact. Over the democratic decades, strategic planning has become integral to institutional survival. It has been used as a potent tool by several institutions to catch up and surpass counterparts. While planning has always been part of higher education, strategic planning should be considered different. Strategic planning is primarily about development and maintenance of a strategic fitting between an institution and its dynamic opportunities. This presupposes existence of sets of stages that institutions pursue of which, can be regarded for assessment of the impact of strategic planning in an institution. The network theory serves guides the study in demystifying apparent organisational networks in strategic planning processes.

Keywords: network theory, strategy, planning, strategic planning, assessment, impact

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Authors: Mathinee Khongsatid, Phusit Phukamchanoad, Sakapas Saengchai

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This research aims to study the democratic political socialization of the 5th and 6th Graders under the Authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean and standard deviation. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok, have displayed some characteristics following democratic political socialization both inside and outside classroom as well as outside school. However, the democratic political socialization in classroom through grouping and class participation is much more emphasized.

Keywords: democratic, political socialization, students grades 5-6, descriptive statistics

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: Vilasinee Jintalikhitdee, Phusit Phukamchanoad, Sakapas Saengchai

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This research aims to study the level of democratic political culture and the factors that affect the democratic political culture of 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean, standard deviation, and inferential statistics which are Independent Samples T-test (T-test) and One-Way ANOVA (F-test). The researcher also collected data by interviewing the target groups, and then analyzed the data by the use of descriptive analysis. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok have exposed to democratic political culture at high level in overall. When considering each part, it found out that the part that has highest mean is “the constitutional democratic governmental system is suitable for Thailand” statement. The part with the lowest mean is “corruption (cheat and defraud) is normal in Thai society” statement. The factor that affects democratic political culture is grade levels, occupations of mothers, and attention in news and political movements.

Keywords: democratic, political culture, political movements, democratic governmental system

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Authors: Krambia-Kapardis Maria, Neophytidou Christina

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Lobbying is an inherent aspect within the democratic regimes across the globe. Although it can provide decision-makers with valuable knowledge and grant access to stakeholders in the decision-making process, it can also lead to undue influence and unfair competition at the expense of the public interest if it not transparent. Given the multi-level governance structure of the EU, it is no surprise that the EU policy-making arena has become a place-to-be for lobbyists. However, in order to ensure that influence is legitimate and not biased of any business interests, lobbying must be effectively regulated. A comparison with the US and Canadian lobbying regulatory framework and utilising some good practices from EU countries it is apparent that lobbying is the Achilles’ heel to transparency in the EU. It is evident that EU institutions suffer from ineffective regulations and could in fact benefit from a more robust, mandatory and better implemented system of lobbying regulation.

Keywords: EU, lobbying regulation, transparency, democratic regimes

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Authors: Muhammad Khubaib

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The Holy Quran purport is to establish a democratic system in which Allah has the right to special authority and He who has the supreme power or sovereignty. The supreme leader, Allah ceded the right to govern to his prophet and whoever would ever rule he would have to govern as a deputy of Prophet of Allah and he will not have the right to deviate from the basic rules of law and constitution. Centuries before the birth of prevailing democracy, Muslim scholars and researchers continuously keep using the term of “Jamhür” (majority) in their books. Islam gives the basic importance to the public opinion to establish a government and make the public confidence necessary for the government. The most effective way to gain the trust of the people in the present to build national institutions is through the vote. Vote testifies in favor of the candidate and majority tells us who is more honest and talented. Each voter stands at the position of trustworthy. To vote a cruel person would be tantamount to treason and even not to vote would be considered as a national offence. After transparent process, the selected member of government would be seemed a fine example of the saying of Muhammad (S.A.W) in which he said; the majority of my people will never be agreed at misleading. In short in this article, there would be discussed democracy in the Islamic perception, while elaborating the western democracy so that it can be cleared that in which way the Holy Quran supported the democracy and what gestures Muhammad (S.A.W) made to spread the democracy and on the basis of those gestures, and how come those gestures are being followed to choose the sacred caliphate. It's hoped that this research would be helpful to refine the democratic system and support to meet the challenges Muslim world are facing.

Keywords: democracy, modern democratic system, respect of majority opinion, vote casting

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Authors: Puthsodary Tat

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Democracy has been categorially accepted and used as foreign and domestic policy agendas for the hope of peace, economic growth and prosperity for more than 25 years in Cambodia. However, the country is now in the grip of dictatorship, human rights violations, and prospective economic sanctions. This paper examines different perceptions and experiences of democratic assistance. In this study, the author employs discourse theory, idealism and realism as a theory-based methodology for debating and assessing the implications of democratization. Discourse theory is used to establish a platform for understanding discursive formations, body of knowledge and the games of truth of democracy. Idealist approaches give rational arguments for adopting key tenets that work well on the ground. In contrast, realism allows for some sweeping critiques of utopian ideal and offers particular views on why Western hegemonic missions do not work well. From idealist views, the research finds that Cambodian people still believe that democracy is a prima facie universality for peace, growth and prosperity. From realism, democratization is on the brink of death in three reasons. Firstly, there are tensions between Western and local discourses about democratic values and norms. Secondly, democratic tenets have been undermined by the ruling party-controlled courts, corruption, structural oppression and political patronage-based institutions. The third pitfall is partly associated with foreign aid dependency and geopolitical power struggles in the region. Finally, the study offers a precise mosaic of democratic principles that may be used to avoid a future geopolitical and economic crisis.

Keywords: corruption, democracy, democratic principles, discourse theory, discursive formations, foreign aid dependency, games of truth, geopolitical and economic crisis, geopolitical power struggle, hegemonic mission, idealism, realism, utopian ideal

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Authors: Mohammad Mahmoud Rjoob

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This study aimed to explore the impact of democratic leadership on job satisfaction among teachers in the South Hebron Directorate schools. The study was applied to a random sample representing the study population of teachers in the South Hebron Directorate of Education, with a sample size of 301 teachers from 12 schools. The researcher adopted the descriptive approach as it is the most suitable for the nature of this study, and a questionnaire was used as a tool for data collection and measuring various variables. The study recommended the importance of enhancing the concept of democratic leadership in schools to boost teachers' morale and improve the quality of the educational process. It also encouraged the adoption of democratic leadership styles by administrations, educational areas, and new principals due to their positive and effective impact on job performance. Additionally, the study suggested providing training courses for school principals and new teachers on how to apply the principles of democratic leadership that contribute to creating a positive educational environment and enhance the spirit of cooperation to achieve the school's goals. Finally, the study called for granting school principals more authority and powers to increase their ability to effectively deal with challenges and problems, which contributes to improving the educational process and enhances teachers' job satisfaction.

Keywords: democratic leadership, job satisfaction, teachers, South Hebron Directorate Schools

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Authors: Ojeka Alexandra

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The study investigated the leadership effectiveness of leaders of tertiary institutions in Nigeria. The study sought to examine the leadership styles adopted, the leadership energy and effectiveness of the leaders of two tertiary institutions. The research was undertaken at two institutions, one Polytechnic and one University. The population of the study was the lecturers and the heads of departments of the two institutions. The leadership matrix and leadership effectiveness index questionnaires were employed to collect quantitative and qualitative data. The preferred and practiced styles were compared and contrasted to determine whether or not they were used to achieve goals and objectives of the lecturers and the organizations. The recommendations contribute towards the academic and professional development of the lecturers and their institutions.

Keywords: leadership, leadership effectiveness, leadership energy, tertiary institutions, and leadership styles

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Authors: Kuldeep Singh

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The present paper is an attempt for tracing the changes in the welfare state in Indian democracy from the starting point till now and aims to critical analyse the social-welfare programmes in India with respect to welfare state. After getting independence from Britishers, India became a welfare state and is aiming towards the upliftment of its citizens. Indian democracy is considered to be the largest amongst democratic countries, instead of this after forty-five years of independence, Panchayati Raj Institution became one of the branches of democratic decentralization institutions in India by 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment in 1992. Unfortunately, desired purpose of introducing Panchayati Raj Institution is not achieved after all these delayed efforts. The basic problem regarding achievement of welfare state in India in true sense is unawareness and non-implementation of these social-welfare programmes. Presently, Indian government is only focusing on economic growth of the country but lacking from the social point. The doctrinal method of research is used in this research paper. In the concluding remarks, researcher is partly favoring the government in introducing welfare programmes as there are abundant of welfare schemes and programmes, but majority are facing implementation problem. In last, researcher has suggested regarding programmes and schemes that these should be qualitative in nature and power would be given to effective machinery for further check upon their proper implementation and aware the citizens regarding their rights so that welfare state would be achieved.

Keywords: democratic decentralization, Indian democracy, Panchayati Raj institution, social-welfare programmes, welfare state

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.

Keywords: citizens readiness, e-government, electronic voting, technology acceptance model (TAM)

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Authors: Tim Bakken

Abstract:

The paper will discuss to what extent political polarization contributes to censorship, lack of civil discourse, and even violence. Most researchers have been unable to identify precisely what factors or processes contribute significantly to conflict. Absent such recognition, we have been unable to select effective remedies to address conflict. Through this paper, it will consider whether legal remedies can help to reduce conflict and polarization. My sense is that many current conflicts cannot be remedied primarily by law. But, there is little research on this hypothesis. Absent research and findings, nations may be looking to law for relief when, in fact, they should be looking at conditions underlying the formation of law or the absence of a more precise and effective legal remedy. It is hypothesized that the underlying reasons for conflict include sub-groups’ separation from the larger democratic society; misplaced loyalty to members of sub-groups; a culture of silence when recognizing wrongdoing; and retaliation against people who speak up. In sum, the greater distance citizens or institutions place between themselves and democratic norms, the more likely the members of a sub-group or institution will be to adopt conflict, even violence, as a method to obtain personal goals.

Keywords: constitutional law, conflict, criminal law, polarization

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Authors: Sulila Anar

Abstract:

Institutions of any kind are regulated by laws which could be formal or informal, visible or invisible that influences the very structure of the institutions itself. Here in this paper the attempt will be to see how institutions of higher education are regulated by the regulatory institutions by taking the case of India, the third largest education system in the world. The attempt is to try to see how regulation of higher education creates a space for contestation among regulatory institutions based on secondary resources and how this affects the governance of university to achieve the goals and visions.

Keywords: higher education, regulation, autonomy, space

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Authors: Manvelidze irakli, Iashvili Genadi

Abstract:

Research has shown that public institutions in Autonomous Republic of Ajara try their best to make their official electronic data (web-pages, social websites) more informative and improve them. Part of public institutions offer interesting electronic services and initiatives to the public although they are seldom used in communication process. The statistical analysis of the use of web-pages and social websites of public institutions for example their facebook page show lack of activity. The reason could be the fact that public institutions give people less possibility of interaction in official web-pages. Second reason could be the fact that these web-pages are less known to the public and the third reason could be the fact that heads of these institutions lack awareness about the necessity of strengthening citizens’ involvement. In order to increase people’s involvement in this process it is necessary to have at least 23 e-services in one web-page. The research has shown that 11 of the 16 public institutions have only 5 services which are contact, social networks and hotline. Besides introducing innovative services government institutions should evaluate them and make them popular and easily accessible for the public. It would be easy to solve this problem if public institutions had concrete strategic plan of public relations which involved matters connected with maximum usage of electronic services while interaction with citizens. For this moment only one governmental body has a functioning action plan of public relations. As a result of the research organizational, social, methodological and technical problems have been revealed. It should be considered that there are many feedback possibilities like forum, RSS, blogs, wiki, twitter, social networks, etc. usage of only one or three of such instruments indicate that there is no strategy of regional electronic governance. It is necessary to develop more mechanisms of feedback which will increase electronic interaction, discussions and it is necessary to introduce the service of online petitions. It is important to reduce the so-called “digital inequality” and increase internet access for the public. State actions should decrease such problems. In the end if such shortcomings will be improved the role of electronic interactions in democratic processes will increase.

Keywords: e-Government, electronic services, information technology, regional government, regional government

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Authors: Umair Nadeem, Sidra Umair

Abstract:

Political behavior of voters and democratic values have been observed an emerging phenomenon in recent years in Pakistan. Privatized TV news channels are taking one sided position on the political issues, corresponding with respective political parties. Since last decade, TV News Channels have undermined this monopoly. Elections 2013 were unique in Pakistan with reference to political behavior and democratic values. Partisan narratives and counter narratives have been witnessed on different TV channels, in last few years. These mediated events seem very important to study the political behavior and democratic values as the country is approaching towards elections 2018. This endeavor is an attempt to capture the framing of the parties, issues in the partisan media culture and framing effects on political behavior of voters. Data for this research come from two data set. Content analysis of selected representative talks shows broadcast on mainstream news channels provide an assessment of the framing while quantitative survey of the discussion program’s viewers from Lahore city provide an evidence of framing effects on political behavior on voters and on democratic values. Regression results help us to argue that the highly partisan shows are strong predictors of polarized views among the audience. Study also grasp the attention of scholars towards the implications of this phenomenon.

Keywords: democratic values, partisan media, polarized views, political behavior

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