Search results for: militia

Authors: Adeyemi Kamil Hamzah, Abayomi Nathaniel Oyesikun

Abstract:

Throughout modern history internal strife has burdened Africa most populous nation, Nigeria. The country encompassed more than four hundred ethnic and sub ethnic groups with the different background and identities. This group has not fussed themselves together to emerge as a nation what we have are mere ethnic and religious groups i.e. Hausa/Fulani Igbo Yoruba Ijaw, Ibibio, christian, and Muslim. The source of problematic Nigeria is linked to colonial policy of segmentation, discontent to religion, faith, and ethnicity. The wave of spiral killing among the major ethnic entities with different religious affiliation has brought the process of good governance in the country to its kneel. This paper will place insecurity in Nigeria in context by reviewing the root and rise of ethnic militia. In doing so it will evaluate how the West Africa power house arrive at the point where it is today with all unprecedented unrest from regions that formed Nigeria. Both primary and secondary sources were applied for the quality of this paper. The effects of ethnic militia in realizing and actualizing political stability are equally discussed, recommendations proffered and conclusion given.

Keywords: ethnic, militia, violence, insecurity, democracy

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Authors: Abdulsalami M. Deji

Abstract:

Prolonged military incursion in Nigeria politics which favored the oligarchy brought agitation for democratic rule it exacerbated ethnicity integration of minority for fear of domination. The advent of democracy ushered in new breath of life to Nigerians from the shackle of military oppression to democratic governance. Democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria; effort to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country had not yielded positive result till date. In the process of struggling for democracy among ethnic groups in Nigeria, they had instituted various militia groups defending the interest of their identity due to unequal distribution of wealth by military junta. When democracy came on board, these various militia groups became demons hunting democratic institutions. Quest by the successful government to find lasting solution has proved abortive. The security of politics which guaranteed stability is not visible in Nigeria, what we have now is politics of security. The unrest in Nigeria today has cripple socio-political and economy of the nation; the growth of economy favored elites without meaningful impact on the common man. This paper focus on the effects of democracy on Nigerians and, how security under democratic rule has hindered dividends of democracy since 1999-till date and way forward. The source is strictly base on secondary source from textbook, newspapers, internet, and journals.

Keywords: democracy, interest, militia, security

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Authors: Halilu Babaji, Adamu Buba

Abstract:

Illicit arms and the emergence of armed groups have witnessed unprecedented situations of political uncertainties in Nigeria, and the twenty-first century globalisation has established the process that has benefited a good number of militia groups and thereby boosting both illicit arms movement and the thriving of terrorist groups, which are largely responsible for the longstanding threat to the national security and stability of the country. This has unleashed unforeseen consequences on the entire Sub-region, following an inflow of weapons and armed fighter which are motivated by weak governance, insecurity and poverty. The social, economic and political environments make it a fertile breeding ground for the penetration and development of terrorist groups in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Keywords: arms, emergence, insecurity, groups

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Authors: Emmanuela Ngozi Maduka

Abstract:

In Nigeria, civil-military relations is at its lowest point as a result of the challenges emanating from incessant initiation of military aid to civil authorities (MACA) for internal security operations. This paper is concerned with the question whether it is appropriate for the military to handle internal security crisis with exception to terrorism and armed militia. It analyses the legal framework for MACA in internal security operations which appear to be in contradiction with military tactical and equipment training. The paper argues that the expectation that transitional re-training of the military for internal security operations will reconcile these inconsistencies specifically on the issue of use of force is not practicable and will always pose challenges for both the military and the citizens. Accordingly, this paper adopts a socio-legal methodology for better clarity on the interactions between the legal framework on MACA and military internal security operations. The paper also identifies the lack of effective and proficient paramilitary within the security design of Nigeria as the key issue which results in incessant initiation of MACA and advocates for the establishment of an effective and proficient paramilitary to effectively handle internal security crisis within Nigeria.

Keywords: civil-military relations, MACA, military training, operational challenges, paramilitary, use of force

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Authors: Vincent Jones

Abstract:

The North African country of Libya is in crisis and is currently a humanitarian disaster. The current American ‘hands off’ foreign policy appear to have contributed to this crisis. The research upon which this paper is based focused on a qualitative analysis of migration to Libya and its history with slavery, current conditions that have contributed to the re-emergence of slavery, an analysis of available resources in the effected region, and an analysis of legal remedies pursuant to international law. In addition, a qualitative analysis of American foreign policy from the Reagan Administration through the current Trump administration has been a focus of analysis. The major findings of this research are: (1) Since the removal of Muammar Gadhafi, a move that the United States played a major role in achieving, the nation of Libya has been in free fall and the rule of law has all but disappeared. As a major port stop for refugees and migrants fleeing atrocities in sub-Saharan African states, Libya has become the gate way to European ports of asylum. The problem is these migrant refugees are unwanted, caught between rival and often ineffective governments, profiteers, and inaction from the international community. (2) The outlook for these refugees is bleak: the ineffective government of Libya is ill-equipped to handle the large influx, European refugee destination states like Italy and Greece are already overburdened by the Syrian refugee crisis and are reluctant to accept more refugees, leaving the powerful and armed Libyan militia in control of a situation that is ripe for exploitation. (3) The combined intervention of the international community, led by a newly committed and engaged American foreign policy. In conclusion, a new American foreign policy approach along with the active engagement of the United Nations, EU, and the African Union can effectively resolve this humanitarian crisis.

Keywords: slavery, Libya, migrants, slave auction

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

Abstract:

This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

Abstract:

The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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