Search results for: state politics

Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Tulasi Acharya

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The paper is a qualitative analysis of status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data of women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at the Nepali politics and administration from the social constructivist perspective, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have othered women as “second sex.” As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although the data reflects on the progress on women’s status and on women’s political and administrative participation, the data is not enough to predict the democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya should be changed by promoting gender practices and deconstructing gender images in administrative culture through representative bureaucracy and by introducing democratic policies.

Keywords: politics, policy, administration, culture, women, Nepal, democracy

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Authors: Shalini Attri

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Silence has been 'scriptured' in women within dominating social structures, as the modes of speaking and behaving which deny women free investiture to language. A woman becomes the product of ideological constructions as language substantiates andro-centric bias. Constrained from writing/speaking in the public sphere, women have traditionally been confined to expressing themselves in writing private poetry, letters or diaries. The helplessness of a woman is revealed in the ways in which she is expected to speak a language, which, in fact, is man-made. There are visible binaries of coloniser- colonised; Western-Eastern; White-Black, Nature-Culture, even Male-Female that contribute significantly to our understanding of the concept of representation and its resultant politics. Normally, an author is labeled as feminist, humanist, or propagandist and this process of labeling correspond to a sense of politics besides his inclination to a particular field. One cannot even think of contemporary literature without this representational politics. Thus, each and every bit of analysis of a work of literature demands a political angle to be dealt with. Besides literature, the historical facts and manuscripts are also subject to this politics. The image of woman as someone either dependent on man or is exploited by him only provides half the picture of this representational politics. The present paper is an attempt to study Panchali’s (Draupadi of Mahabharata) voiceless articulation and her representation as a strong woman in Chitra Divakurani’s The Palace of Illusions.

Keywords: politics, representation, silence, social structures

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: A. E. Agbogu

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While scholars have predicted that identity politics (or what is euphemistically referred to as ethnic politics in Nigeria) were a dying phenomenon in other parts of the world, in Nigeria, it has remained the basis of political activity and has indeed become not only the unwritten law of all calculations in the political firmament of the country but also the ultimo ratio. We intend in the paper that follows to explore the reason for this unhealthy development. The paper seeks to offer explanations for the paradoxical reality of the upsurge of ethnic politics in Nigeria when in fact, the phenomenon is apparently on a downward spiral elsewhere in the world, particularly in countries that are at par with Nigeria in terms of national development. The paper is descriptive and qualitative and has relied on available data for its source of materials. Among other things, the paper locates identity politics as a tool in the hands of a national elite that has not transcended the limitations imposes by the shackles of the parsonian particularistic polar attributes which have tended to fixate their weltanschauung or world view on attachments that are unpardonably primordial. In the event, ethnicity becomes a veritable instrument not only for cheap sectional mobilization but also a means for seeking access to the so-called national cake. It is recommended that a way out of this socio-politico malady is the creation of a political arrangement that conduces to the gravitational tendency which will lead to the transfer of loyalties away from the extant ethno-nationalities to the centre.

Keywords: ethnicism, development, crisis, identity politics

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Authors: Mete Ulaş Aksoy

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In contemporary politics, the state of emergency has become a permanent and salient feature of politics. This study aims to clarify the anthropological and ontological dimensions of the permanent state of emergency. It pays special attention to the structural relation between the exception and play. Focusing on the play in the context of emergency and exception enables the recognition of the difference and sometimes the discrepancy between the exception and emergency, which has passed into oblivion because of the frequency and normalization of emergency situations. This study coins the term “ludic exception” in order to highlight the difference between the exceptions in which exuberance and paroxysm rule over the socio-political life and the permanent emergency that protects the authority with a sort of extra-legality. The main thesis of the study is that the ludic elements such as risk, conspicuous consumption, sacrificial gestures, agonism, etc. circumscribe the exceptional moments temporarily, preventing them from being routine and normal. The study also emphasizes the decline of ludic elements in modernity as the main factor in the transformation of the exceptions into permanent emergency situations. In the introduction, the relationship between play and exception is taken into consideration. In the second part, the study elucidates the concept of ludic exceptions and dwells on the anthropological examples of the ludic exceptions. In the last part, the decline of ludic elements in modernity is addressed as the main factor for the permanent emergency.

Keywords: emergency, exception, ludic exception, play, sovereignty

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Authors: Faguna Barmahalia

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Politics of ethnic identity in the north-east India is well-known phenomenon. The ethnic assertion in this region is mostly linguistic and cultural in nature. Most of the ethnic groups in the north-east region have been demanding either autonomous or separate state to maintain their socio-cultural identity. After the Indian Independence, the ethnic groups of people think that they have not developed till. Despite having many natural resources, North East India remained backward in terms of economic, education as well as politics. In this scenario, many educated and middle-class elite people have involved in working for the all-round development of their community. The Bodos are one of the major tribes in North Eeast India. In Assam, the Bodos are assumed by themselves to be exploited and suppressed by the Assamese Hindu society. Consequently, the socio-cultural identity movement has emerged among the Bodos.The main aims of my study are: i. to focus on how the Bodos of Assam are using the folk media in their political movement and iii. To analyse the role of folklore towards serving the ethnic unity and nationalism among the Bodos. Methodology: The study is based on the primary and secondary sources. Interview and observation method was conducted for collecting the primary data. For secondary source, some printed books, magazines and others materials published by the distinguished publishers and websites have been used.

Keywords: media, culture, nationalism, politics

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Authors: Ratih Andaruni Widhiantari

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The combination of the expanding population of aid agencies and the act of politicization in humanitarian intervention blurred the distinction between what humanitarianism accept as universal human rights in theory and their practices in humanitarian intervention. Humanitarian organizations were now venturing into the formerly taboo territory of politics that place individuals at risk, for examples, cooperating and coordinating with the intervening states, considering moments of destruction as opportunities for political change and even taking on functions that had once been the exclusive preserve of government. Hence, aid agencies were becoming involved in matters of local or even international politics. This study focuses on the comparison between Oxfam and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctor without Borders different attitudes against political influences in humanitarian aid. It aims to untangle the bewilderment whether the contradictory approach to politics will becoming a barrier to performing their principles as humanitarian actors and also the consequences of taking that one particular position. The analysis of quantitative data and qualitative literature analysis are presented. The findings indicated Oxfam is actively engaged with politics. It welcomed government and private sector to shared cooperation to reach its goals to alleviate global inequalities. On the other hand, MSF has always taken a strong position to refuse any politics influence within their aid programmes. With no financial assistance from any government, MSF is free from any direct politics intervention. Hence, it can work efficiently with a clear objective to respond the demand side pressures from the people in needs. It is still publicly against politic involvement in the humanitarian activity, but practically, it has been moving forward to politicization in its own definition.

Keywords: humanitarian agencies, humanitarian intervention, humanitarian principles, politicization of humanitarianism

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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Authors: Jamilu Adamu

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Radical political activities among the people of Northern Nigeria and Sabon Birni, in particular from the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) and Northern People Congress (NPC) in the last decade of colonial rule, led to the dramatic spread of radical ideas that were expressed through party politics. The above two parties were said to be more prominent in each of the movements throughout the period covered by this study. The NEPU and NPC were said to have opposed one another in an attempt to establish their political control in the area. What is apparent about the nature of the opposition is that the earlier NEPU and People Redemption Party (PRP) emerged from the idea of liberating the common man (Talakawa) against all forms of oppression, thereby rejecting a contrary idea of supporting the native elites and their colonial collaborators as envisaged in the ideology of the later NPC and National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This laid the ground for ideological confrontation between the supporters of the two opposing wings all over the northern emirates and the Sabon Birni district in particular. The study used a qualitative method of data collection. This study examines the historical developments of radical party politics among the Gobirawa people of the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto. It also investigates the factors that inspired opposition politics among the Gobirawa people of Sabon Birni. These were analyses side-by-side with the role of the traditional leaders in the area in suppressing the activities of the opposition party.

Keywords: NEPU, NPC, radical politics, Sabon-Birni District

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Authors: Mary Edokpa Fadal, Frances Agweda

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Considering the volatile and evolving nature of the political environment in the developing countries, it is important that the subject of effective leadership practices that focus on transformational and systematic political development and values be reviewed. If the attitude towards partisan politics and the played politics by political parties is relatively deviated from expected adherence to acceptance, safe, efficient and practical standard, the political parties will continue to struggle endlessly in an effort to maintain a system that works. The analysis is situated in the context of political parties and partisan political behavior in contemporary societies and developing nations. Recent research of empirical evidence shows that most of the political parties are more or less, not too active in playing their instrumental role in the political system, such as unifying, simplifying and stabilizing the political process. This is however traced to the problem of ethnic politics that have been dominated by tribalism. The rising clamor for political development needs re-structuring and correcting the abnormalities in the center of the polity to address the flaws in our political system. The paper argues that political parties and political actors are some of the vital instrument of attaining societal goals of democratic principles for peace and durability. Issues of ethnic and partisan politics are also discussed, as it relates to question pertaining to political ideologies. It is in the findings that this paper examines some of the issues that have been seen revolving the true practice of political parties and its activities towards the democratic trend of a society, that help to resolve questions surrounding the issues of politics and governance in developing countries. These issues are seen as an aberration that have characterized politics and political behavior especially in the aspect of transparency and fulfilling its purpose of existence. The paper argues that the transition of the developing nature of states largely depends on the political structures and party politics and the nature of constitutionalism following the democratic awakening. The paper concludes that politics and political behavior are all human factors that play a vital role in the development of contemporary societies. They drive the wheel of nations towards its goal attainment. This paper relies on documentary, primary sources of data collection and empirical analysis.

Keywords: development, ethnicity, partisan politics, political behavior, political parties

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Authors: Christopher Battle

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The pursuit of a sustainable future is dependent on the ability of governments from the national to municipal level. The politics of energy and the development of state-sponsored photovoltaic cell expansion can nebulize in several ways based on a state or nation's physical and human geography. This study conducts a comparative analysis of the energy and solar program of Turkey, Pennsylvania, and Philadelphia. The study aims to assess the city of Philadelphia's solar policies in contrast with both its political history and the photovoltaic programs of Turkey, a world leader in solar system development, and Pennsylvania's history of energy regulation. This comparative study found that after hundreds of bills and regulations over decades, sustainable energy development in affordable housing and new construction is the next phase of State-Sponsored Green energy for the city of Philadelphia.

Keywords: Turkey, solar power, Philadelphia, affordable energy development

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Authors: Mohammed Mutala Surazu

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The origin of Islam is traced back to the time of Prophet Mohammed (SAW), 571 AD, who thought the six main articles of faith and the five pillars of the region. Today, Islam is regarded as one of the fastest growing religions in the world, another peaceful one and very accommodating to other religions. Politics dominates in Islam and, as a result, divisions into various groupings, including the Ahmadiyah, Tijania, Suni and many others. Despite all believing the Qur’an as the only holy book used, they are all affiliated with different types of hadiths, including the al-Nawawi’s. These divisions are the reasons for tension in Islam, and it is necessary to conduct this research to investigate political situations in Islam within the society. Over the past three or two decades, there have been diverse and divided opinions about politics and religion (Islam). Many believe that politics and religion are inherently subjective and should be accepted as such, and the further argument for a relativistic approach is that individuals' and communities’ beliefs and values should be acknowledged and respected since no single political or religious ideology can claim absolute truth and superiority over the other. The perspective view is that emphasis is placed on tolerance and coexistence between different political and religious views; moreover, society is comprised of individuals with different backgrounds, opinions and interests, so it is necessary to find common ground and create space where diverse ideas can peacefully coexist in order to promote dialogue, understanding and mutual respect to maintain social harmony and peaceful relation in the society. Also, some individuals in society argue about the universalism of certain moral principles, which should be certain and agreed upon by all. For example, the Jewish people believe that eating pork is wrong, and if someone of another religion is asked if they agree with that, objectively, the non-Jewish would be comfortable with that. Others still argue that a continuous relativistic approach to politics and religion can lead to a breakdown of shared moral standards, loss of ethical principles, doubting faith or loyalty and uprising against agencies of politics and religion. And within the political groupings, they believe in the same ideologies to propagate their message, likewise the religious belongings (Christianity, Islam, Judaism and others) who also ensure that their religious perspectives or beliefs are deeply rooted in the society. This forms the basis for research about the perspective of politics and religious relativism in this modern era to respond to the questions and the challenges of religious politics in Islam.

Keywords: relativism, religion, universality, politics

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Pham Quang Huy

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State budget is considered as an effective tool for controlling, adjusting and regulating the market economy of any countries. To ensure that the activities of the state in the fields of politics, economy and society has been efficiency, it requires major sources of certain budget. These financial funds are formed from tax revenues and tax revenues beyond. Therefore, the Governments need to have an accounting regime to manage the receipt, expenditure which are suitable for recording a full range of items. From that, it can help to increase the transparency and accountability in budget system. One of the main requirements in Vietnamese policies is to improve that accounting system of revenues and expenditures which can provide many reports to meet the information required of government and users, as well as directions to the trends of international standards requirements. By using quantitative research methods and analytical models to exploring factors, the main purpose of this article is to identify the factors affecting budget accounting and providing some direction for Vietnamese public sector in the future. The results indicated that Vietnam budget accounting has been impacted by seven factors and aims to implement three main orientations in the public sector units.

Keywords: state budget, accounting, IPSAS, budget management, government, public sector

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Authors: Shilpa Bagade Poharkar

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The basis for traditional notion of security was the use of force to preserve vital interest which based on either realism or power politics. The modern approach to security extends beyond the traditional notions of security which focus on issues as development and respect for human rights. In global politics, the issue of human security plays a vital role in most of the policy matter. In modern era, the protection of human rights is now recognized as one of the main functions of any legitimate modern state. The research paper will explore the relationship between human rights and security. United Nations is facing major challenges like rampant poverty, refugee outflows, human trafficking, displacement, conflicts, terrorism, intra-inter ethnic conflicts, proliferation of small arms, genocide, piracy, climate change, health issues and so on. The methodology is observed in this paper is doctrinaire which includes analytical and descriptive comparative method. The hypothesis of the paper is the relationship between human rights and a goal of United Nations to attain peace and security. Although previous research has been done in this field but this research paper will try to find out the challenges in the human security through human rights in the contemporary world and will provide measures for it. The study will focus on the following research questions: What are the issues and challenges United Nations facing while advancing human security through human rights? What measures the international community would take for ensuring the protection of human rights while protecting state security and contribute in the attainment of goals of United Nations?

Keywords: human rights, human security, peace, security, United Nations

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Authors: Xiaoman Dong

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The refugee problem has a long history, but the scale and severity of modern refugee crises demand us to consider if the progress of political history exacerbates the refugee problem. This paper argues that although sovereignty owes its legitimacy to the protection of human rights, the modern state system complicates the refugee problem by first introducing then blurring the line between human rights and civil rights, and making national identity indispensable to basic livelihood and dignity. This paper first explains the source of the modern state system’s legitimacy by putting it in the context of social contract theories and the politics of nation-building. It then discusses how states create the concept of statelessness, which leads to more violations on human rights. Using historical records of the League of Nations High Commission for Refugees and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this paper reveals that neither the refugee problem of the Cold-War period nor the current refugee crisis is collateral damage of war, but rather the consequence of intentional exclusionary policies produced out of political interests. Finally, it contends that if the modern state system is to sustain, it cannot prioritize the protection of civil rights of a particular group over the protection of basic human rights of all.

Keywords: burden sharing, human rights, legitimacy of state, positive externality, sovereignty

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Authors: Poonam Mishra, Shiv Kumar Sharma, Sanjeev Swami

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Purpose: The Purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship of percieved organizational politics with three levels of antecedents (i.e., organizational level, work environment level and individual level)and its consequents simultaneously. The study addresses antecedents and consequents of percieved political behavior in the higher education sector of India with specific reference to a central university. Design/ Methodology/ Approach: A conceptual framework and hypotheses were first developed on the basis of review of previous studies on organizational politics. A questionnaire was then developed carrying 66 items related to 8-constructs and demographic characteristics of respondents. Jundegemental sampling was used to select respondents. Primary data is collected through structured questionnaire from 45 faculty members of a central university. The sample constitutes Professors, Associate Professors and Assistant Professors from various departments of the University. To test hypotheses data was analyzed statistically using partial least square-structural equations modeling (PLS-SEM). Findings: Results indicated a strong support for OP’s relationship with three of the four proposed antecedents that are, workforce diversity, relationship conflict and need for power with relationship conflict having the strongest impact. No significant relationship was found between role conflict and perception of organizational politics. The three consequences that is, intention to turnover, job anxiety, and organizational commitment are significantly impacted by perception of organizational politics. Practical Implications– This study will be helpful in motivating future research for improving the quality of higher education in India by reducing the level of antecedents that adds to the level of perception of organizational politics, ultimately resulting in unfavorable outcomes. Originality/value: Although a large number of studies on atecedents and consequents of percieved organizational politics have been reported, little attention has been paid to test all the separate but interdependent relationships simultaneously; in this paper organizational politics will be simultaneously treated as a dependent variable and same will be treated as independent variable in subsequent relationships.

Keywords: organizational politics, workforce diversity, relationship conflict, role conflict, need for power, intention to turnover, job anxiety, organizational commitment

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This study aims to explore the visual roots of classical rhetoric and its implication for gender politics by the constant reference to Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of novelist time. First, it attempts to clarify the argument that “visuality always has been integral to rhetorical consciousness” by critically re-reading the rhetorical theories of roman rhetorician such as Cicero and Quintilian. Thereby, the vague clues of visuality would be realized from the so-called ‘five canons of rhetoric’ (invention, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery), which originally deriving from verbal and spoken rhetorical tradition. Drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin’s elaboration of novelist time in contrast to epic time, it addresses the specific timeline inherent in the dynamics of visual rhetoric involves the refusing the ‘absolute past’, the focusing on unfinalized contemporary reality, and the expecting for open future. Taking the primary visions of Taipei LGBT parade over the past 13 years as research cases, it mentions that visuality could not only activate the rhetorical functions of classical rhetoric, but also inspire gender politics in the contemporary era.

Keywords: classical rhetoric, gender politics, Mikhail Bakhtin, visuality

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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Coalition politics has been one of feminists’ persistent concerns. Following recent feminist discussion on new modes of affiliation across difference, she will explore how the process of female subject formation depends on alliances across different cultural locations. First, she will examine how coalition politics is reformulated across difference in contemporary feminist literature. In particular, the paper will identify the particular contexts and locations in which coalition building both enables and constrains the female subject. She will attempt to explore how contemporary feminist literature highlights the possibilities and limitations for solidarity and affiliations. To understand coalition politics in contemporary feminist works, she will engage in close readings of two texts: Rebecca Walker’s Black, White and Jewish: Memoir of a Shifting Self and Danzy Senna’s Caucasia. Both Walker and Senna have articulated the complex nodes of identity that are staged by a politics of location as they refuse to be boxed into simplistic essentialist positions. Their texts are characterized by the characters’ racial ambiguity and their social and geographical mobility of life in the contemporary United States. Their experiences of living through conflictual and contradictory relationships never fully fit the boundaries of racial categorization. Each of these texts demonstrates the limits as well as the possibilities of working with diversity among and within persons and groups, thus, laying the ground for complex alliance formation. Because each of the protagonists must negotiate a set of contradictions, they will have to constantly shift their affiliations. Rather than construct a static alliance, they describe a process of moving ‘beyond boundaries,’ an embracing of multiple locations. As self-identified third wavers, Rebecca Walker and Danzy Senna have been identified and marked with the status of ‘leader’ by the feminist establishment and by mainstream U.S. media. Their texts have captured both mass popularity and critical attention in the feminist and, often, the non-feminist literary community. By analyzing these texts, she will show how contemporary American feminist literature reveals coalition politics which is fraught with complications and unintended consequences. Taken as a whole, then, these works provide an important examination not only of coalition politics of American feminism, but also a snapshot of a central debate among feminist critique of coalition politics as a whole.

Keywords: coalition politics, contemporary women’s literature, identity, female subject

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Authors: Majeed Mohammed Midhin, Clare Finburgh

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To maintain a healthy balanced loyalty between art and politics posits a debatable issue. The artist is always on the look out for the potential tension between those two realms. Therefore, one of the most painful dilemmas the artist finds is how to function in a society without sacrificing the aesthetic values of his/her work. In other words, the life-long awareness of failure which derives from the concept of the artist as caught between unflattering social realities and the need to invent genuine art forms becomes a fertilizing soil for the artists to dig deep into its origin. Thus, within the framework of this dilemma, the question of the responsibility of the artist and the relationship of the art to politics will be illuminating. The present paper tackles the idea of the amorality of the artist in selected plays by Tom Stoppard. However, Stoppard’s awareness of his situation as a refugee has led him to keep at a distance from politics. He tried hard to avoid any intervention into the realms of political debate, especially in his earliest work. On the one hand, it is not meant that he did not interest in politics as such, but rather he preferred to question it than to create a fixed ideological position. On the other hand, Stoppard’s refusal to intervene in politics is ascribed to his feeling of gratitude to Britain where he settled. As a result, Stoppard has frequently been criticized for a lack of political engagement and also for not leaning too much for the left when he does engage. His reaction to these public criticisms finds expression in his self-conscious statements which defensively stressed the artifice of his work. He, like Oscar Wilde thinks that the responsibility of the artist is devoted to the realm of his/her art. Consequently, his consciousness for the role of the artist is truly reflected in his two plays, Artist Descending a Staircase(1972) and Travesties(1974).

Keywords: amorality, dilemma, aesthetic, responsibility of the artist, political theatre

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Authors: Stylianos Galoukas

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since the eve of human societies, the need for survival and covering even the most basic needs such as hunting for food, led to the realization of the need for regulation between the personal and common interest. This led to the establishment of initially unwritten and later on, written rules which then became the Law. Transparency as a word has been used for more than 2.500 years. Born in ancient Greece around the 5th BC century and although it was not originally correlated to political or public administration acts, its enclosed principles and rules, were given even then, great attention. In today’s times of fake news and meta-politics, transparency has greatly correlated with the fight against corruption especially in the financially related matters. It is believed however that transparency, being a much wider than corruption meaning, has an even greater role to play than the corruption counterpart. It can be further used to unveil or examine the genuineness of the will towards the public interest, behind every public policy or political act. Therefore, herein the timeless and fundamental principles of institutional and public administration transparency are made clear as well as their application rules that can and ought to be used as evaluation criteria.

Keywords: evaluation citeria, policies, politics, principles, rules, transparency

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Priyanka Dutta Chowdhury

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A globalized connected world, calling loud for a composite culture, was still not able to erase the pain of a desired nationalism based on cultural identity. In the South Asian region, the random drawing of the boundaries without taking the ethnic aspect into consideration have always challenged the very basis of the existence of certain groups. The urge to reunify with the fellow brothers on both sides of the border have always called for a chaos and schism in the countries of this region. Sometimes this became a tool to bargain with the state and find a favorable position in the power structure on the basis of cultural identity. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Pakhtuns who are divided across the border of the two countries, from the inception of creation of Pakistan have posed various challenges and hampered the growth of a consolidated nation. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns of both Pakistan and Afghanistan have a strong cultural affinity which blurs their physical distancing and calls for a nationalism based on this ethnic affiliation. Both the sides wanted to create Pakhtunistan unifying all the Pakhtuns of the region. For long, this group have denied to accept the Durand line separating the two. This was an area of concern especially for the Pakhtuns of Pakistan torn between the decision either to join Afghanistan, create a nation of their own or be a part of Pakistan. This ethnic issue became a bone of contention between the two countries. Later, though well absorbed and recognized in the respective countries, they have fought for their identity and claimed for a dominant position in the politics of the nations. Because of the porous borders often influx of refugees was seen especially during Afghan Wars and later many extremists’ groups were born from them especially the Taliban. In the recent string of events, when the Taliban, who are mostly Pakhtuns ethnically, came in power in Afghanistan, a wave of sympathy arose in Pakistan. This gave a strengthening position to the religious Pakhtuns across the border. It is to be noted here that a fragmented Pakhtun identity between the religious and seculars were clearly visible, voicing for their place in the political hierarchy of the country with a vision distinct from each other especially in Pakistan. In this context the paper tries to evaluate the reasons for this cultural turmoil between the countries and this ethnic group. It also aims to analyze the concept of how the identity politics still holds its relevance in the contemporary world. Additionally, the recent trend of fragmented identity points towards instrumentalization of this ethnic groups, who are engaged in the bargaining process with the state for a robust position in the power structure. In the end, the paper aims to deduct from the theoretical conditions of identity politics, whether this is a primordial or a situational tool to have a visibility in the power structure of the contemporary world.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity politics, instrumentalization of identity pakhtuns, power structure

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Authors: Mohammad Hossein Badamchi

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As Leo Strauss demonstrates in his works, Political Philosophy in the western tradition is an epistemic-naturalistic tradition insofar Hanna Arendt mentioning the deep conflict between philosophy and politics, opposed to be named “political philosopher” prefer the title “political thinker” for herself. In fact, the Western political philosophy’s tendency to derive politics from natural law and epistemic argumentations makes a paradox between the actual “the political” and the theoretical “natural politics” in the western tradition. In this paper, we want to show that Hanna Arendt, in her exploration to find a new realm of the non-naturalistic way of thinking about the political is walking on a completely different tradition of political philosophy which was first established by Al-Farabi, the founder of Islamic political philosophy around thousand years after Greek Philosophy. Despite Aristotelian Polis which is a Natural community based on true natural rationality to reach the natural purposes of mankind, Al-Farabi’s Madine (his reconstructed concept of Aristotelian Polis) is completely constructed against natural cities, which are formulated by necessity logic of natural arguments and natural deception of humanity. In fact, Farabi considers the natural understanding of politics as Ignorant ideologies used by governments to suppress people. Madine in Farabi’s work is not a natural institution but is a collaborative constitution founded by citizens. So despite Aristotelian thinking, here we don’t have just A Polis that is the one true polis, but we have various multiple Madines among one, is virtuous not by definition but by real action of citizens and civil relations. Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is not a Naturalistic-epistemic Political Philosophy but is a Phronetic Political Philosophy which Hanna Arendt wants to establish outside of western contemplative anti-active political philosophy tradition.

Keywords: al-farabi, hanna arendt, natural politics, the political, political philosophy

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Authors: Yuval Sinai

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As part of the historical, religious and cultural heritage of the Jewish people, Jewish law is part of the legal system in Israel, which is a Jewish and democratic state. The proper degree of use of Jewish law in judicial decisions is an issue that crops up in Israeli law from time to time. This was a burning question in the 1980s in the wake of the enactment of the Foundations of Law Act 1980, which declared Jewish heritage a supplementary legal method to Israeli law. The enactment of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty 1992, which decreed that the basic Israeli legal principles must be interpreted in light of the values of a Jewish and democratic state, marks a significant change in the impact of Judaism in the law created and applied by the courts. Both of these legislative developments revived the initiative to grant a central status to Jewish law within the state law. How should Jewish law be applied in Israel’s secular courts? This is not a simple question. It is not merely a question of identifying the relevant rule of Jewish law or tracing its development from the Talmud to modern times. Nor is it the same as asking how a rabbinic court would handle the issue. It is a matter of delicate judgment to distill out of the often conflicting Jewish law sources a rule that will fit into the existing framework of Israeli law so as to advance a policy that will best promote the interests of Israel’s society. We shall point out the occasional tensions between Jewish religious law and secular law, and introduce opinions as to how reconciliation of the two can best be achieved in light of Jewish legal tradition and in light of the reality in the modern State of Israel.

Keywords: law and politics, law and religion, comparative law, law and society

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Okpu Enoh Ndip Nkongho

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The type of political leadership in place impacts a state's economic development or underdevelopment directly and indirectly. One of the main challenges to Cameroon's economic development may be ineffective or misguided political leadership. The economy of the Cameroon state has declined significantly due to a number of factors, including a lack of effective and feasible economic policies, a reliance on crude oil that is excessive, tribal politics, the threat of insurgency, bribery, and corruption, violations of human rights, neglect of other sectors like science, technology, education, and transportation, and a careless attitude on the part of the administrators toward the general public. As a result, the standard of living has decreased, foreign exchange has decreased, and the value of the Cameroonian currency has depreciated. Therefore, from 2000 to 2023, this paper focused on the relationship between political leadership and economic development in Cameroon and offered suggestions for improving political leadership that will, in turn, lead to the country's economy getting back on track. The study employed a qualitative technique, with the framework for the investigation derived from the trait theory of leadership. According to the information provided above, the paper was able to conclude that there is a lack of cooperation between the three branches of government in Cameroon. This is shown in situations when one branch operates independently of the others and refuses to function as a backup when needed. The study recommended that the Executive collaborate closely with the National Assembly to speed action on some key legislation required to stimulate economic development. On the other hand, there is a need for more clarity and consistency in the government's policy orientation. There is no doubt that our current economic troubles are at least partially the result of a lack of economic policy leadership and confidence.

Keywords: politics, leadership, economic, development, Cameroon

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Authors: Rana Tajammal Rashid

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Federalism is a political system in which government power and responsibility are divided between a federal legislature and units of the state or provincial legislatures. This system provides the structure for the states having large territory and through that can manage the state affairs and administration easily. Many of the largest countries in the world are federations, like; The United States, Canada, India, Pakistan South Africa, Argentina, and Australia. Every large democratic nation has a federal system of government. This study will explore the feature and good governance of two developed countries Canada and Australia. This study will be helpful to the developing countries like Pakistan, India which have a federal form of structure to run the affairs of the state. In the federal system of Pakistan there are lot of issues and conflicts with the provinces with a comparative study of these two developed countries, i.e., Australia and Canada, our policy and decision maker political actors will understand in which way a state will successfully manage the issues related to federalism. This study will also provide the help to the students of comparative politics that how to analysis the different political system of the developed countries of the world.

Keywords: federalism, features of federalism, types of federalism, history of federalism, Australian federalism, Canadian federalism, federalism developments, executives, federal and provincial autonomy legislative, judicial

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Authors: John Hardy

Abstract:

The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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